ABSTRACT
This study describes the wartime experiences of foreign volunteers–Jewish foreign nationals who volunteered for the Israeli military – during the Swords of Iron War. Interviews with 20 participants revealed three themes. 1) Between Two Worlds: Foreign Volunteers’ Relationships with Family Members Back Home During Wartime highlights the emotional strain, communication challenges, and selective disclosure involved in maintaining transnational family ties. 2) From Strangers to Brothers in Arms: The Social Integration Journey of Non-Israeli Soldiers in Israeli Military Units explores their transition from cultural outsiders to integral members of their units, forming a bicultural military identity. 3) Beyond Combat: Personal and Psychological Journeys of Foreign Volunteers Serving Far from Support Systems addresses the emotional challenges of grief, instability, and loss, alongside personal growth and resilience. The findings emphasize the importance of institutional support, social networks, and cultural adaptation, recommending improved family connection tools, enhanced integration programs, and tailored support initiatives for foreign volunteers.
KEYWORDS: Foreign volunteers, war-time experiences, qualitative
What is the public significance of this article?—This study highlights the unique psychological, social, and logistical challenges faced by foreign volunteers – Jewish individuals from abroad who served in the Israeli military during wartime. By examining their experiences of transnational family relationships, cultural integration, and postwar adaptation, the findings inform military and civilian systems on how to better support non-native soldiers. These insights have broader relevance for improving the well-being, resilience, and integration of foreign enlistees in other armed forces and emergency response settings.
Introduction
Adjusting to a military environment is a complex process characterized by unique demands and stressors that individuals must navigate (Yakobi et al., 2023). Among those serving, foreign volunteers – individuals who serve in a country that is not their primary place of residence or citizenship – form a distinct group with unique vulnerabilities and strengths (Yohanani, 2024).
Motivations for becoming a foreign volunteer are diverse and multifaceted. They range from ideological commitments and a desire to belong (Swed et al., 2024; Yohanani, 2024) to seeking distance from personal struggles in one’s home country (Shklyan, 2022) and/or pursuing better financial or professional opportunities (Teitleman, 2015). These personal motivations align with broader patterns of military engagement, such as voluntary mobilization during national or ethnic crises (Tidman, 2022) and conscription requirements for citizens living abroad (Choi & Chung, 2018). They also reflect foreign military migration aimed at socioeconomic advancement (De Haas et al., 2019) and voluntary foreign fighting motivated by ideologies or opportunities (Arielli, 2018, 2023; Yohanani, 2022).
Regardless of the ideological and personal aspirations that drive individuals to become foreign volunteers, their journey is fraught with challenges (Yohanani, 2024). Lack of immediate familial support often leads to emotional distress and increases susceptibility to mental health problems (Maltz & Kubovich, 2019). Additionally, the process of cultural and social integration can be difficult for foreign volunteers, particularly for those from weaker socioeconomic backgrounds or with looser ties to their new homeland (Dolberg & Amit, 2023).
Conservation of resources (COR) theory (Hobfoll, 1989) provides a valuable framework for understanding the experiences and challenges faced by foreign volunteers, as it highlights their struggles with resource depletion and opportunities for resource gain (Hobfoll, 1989, 2011). This theory posits that individuals experience stress when key resources such as emotional well-being, financial stability, and social support are threatened or lost. Foreign volunteers serving without familial support (Yohanani, 2024) may face heightened emotional strain, logistical burdens, and financial pressures, depleting their resources and increasing their vulnerability (Tartakovsky, 2012; Yohanani, 2024). However, COR theory (Hobfoll, 1989) also highlights the importance of resource gains in mitigating stress, with institutional support and peer networks serving as critical mechanisms for resource restoration. In addition, motivations, such as ideological commitment and the pursuit of a sense of belonging (Teitleman, 2015), can act as internal resources, sustaining soldiers through periods of stress. By framing foreign volunteers’ experiences within the dynamics of resource loss and gain, COR theory provides a lens through which to understand their adaptation to military service and informs strategies to enhance their resilience and well-being.
The Israeli Case
On Saturday, October 7th 2023, war broke out between Israel and Hamas (i.e., the Swords of Iron War) following a deadly surprise attack by the Hamas organization on southern Israel. From that day until the time of this writing, Israel has been at war, with hundreds of thousands of reservists being called up for reserve duty in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) (Ben Simon & Konstantinov, 2024). Reservists are part-time soldiers who train periodically and are called upon in emergencies to reinforce the regular army. The foreign volunteers returned to Israel to support the primarily full-time reservists who had been mobilized for the war. These individuals, who came from their countries of origin, volunteered to rejoin the military in response to the outbreak of the conflict. They represent a distinct subgroup of foreign volunteers who had previously completed mandatory service in the IDF, returned to their home countries, and later voluntarily came back to Israel to serve in the reserves during the Swords of Iron War. This prior service gave them some familiarity with Israeli language and culture, distinguishing them from foreign volunteers who enlist in the IDF for the first time.
Overall, service in the IDF is a central component of belonging in Israeli society, viewed as both a national obligation and cultural cornerstone (Ben-Ari, 2018). Conscription is mandatory for citizens (specifically, 32 months for men and 24 months for women). Individuals who move to Israel between the ages of 18 and 21 are subject to mandatory conscription, while those aged 22 to 27 may choose to enlist voluntarily (Yohanani, 2024). Consequently, most foreign volunteers (i.e., the ones who come to Israel for the express purpose of joining the Israeli army) join the IDF through choice rather than obligation. Israel provides extensive support to foreign volunteers through coordinated efforts involving Israel’s Defense Ministry and Immigration Ministry, Jewish non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and overseas communities (Yohanani, 2022). The programs offer comprehensive assistance, including preparatory seminars, absorption packages, and ongoing support. During their military service, foreign volunteers receive higher pay, family travel funding, housing assistance, language classes, and cultural programs (Yohanani, 2024).
Although research regarding the phenomenon of foreign volunteers has indeed been conducted (Schmutz, 2022), such research has primarily pertained to foreign volunteers’ motivations for joining the army of another country (Yohanani, 2022, 2024). However, to the best of our knowledge, no study to date has delved into the experiences of foreign volunteers during wartime. In this study, therefore, we examined the experiences of foreign volunteers – Jewish foreign nationals who had voluntarily enlisted in the Israeli military during the Swords of Iron War. This war, characterized by its sudden onset, intense combat, and widespread mobilization (Levkovich et al., 2024; Shinan-Altman, 2024a, 2024b), presented unique challenges for foreign volunteers, who served alongside Israeli reservists but lacked the support systems typically available to native soldiers. While they wore the same uniform and held the same roles, their background as immigrants who returned to serve without family nearby or long-standing social networks made their experience notably different from that of their Israeli-born peers. Understanding the intersection of global and personal challenges is important for developing effective support systems tailored to their needs.
The current study aimed to explore the lived experiences of Jewish foreign volunteers who rejoined the Israeli military during the Swords of Iron War. Specifically, we sought to understand how these individuals navigated the psychological, social, and cultural challenges of wartime service, including their relationships with family abroad, integration into military units, and personal coping and adaptation. By identifying core themes in their narratives, the study provides insights into the unique needs of foreign volunteers, with the goal of informing military support systems, post-service reintegration programs, and policies designed to improve the well-being and resilience of non-native soldiers serving in times of crisis.
Materials and methods
Participants
The study included 20 Jewish foreign volunteers who moved to Israel and enlisted in the IDF during the Swords of Iron War. The participants, comprising an equal distribution of 10 men and 10 women, ranged in age from 21 to 32 years, with a mean age of 26.1 years and a standard deviation (SD) of 3.21 years. Most of the participants (n = 13) were single and the remainder were married. The sample represented a diverse array of countries including Europe (e.g., Italy, Belgium, France, England), the Americas (e.g., Brazil, the U.S., Canada, Argentina, Mexico), Africa (e.g., South Africa, Morocco), Asia (e.g., Russia, Ukraine), and Oceania (e.g., Australia, New Zealand). All participants moved to Israel independently. All participants were former IDF soldiers who had completed three years of military service. They had finished their service between one and five years prior to the interview, returned to their countries of origin, and volunteered to rejoin the military following the outbreak of the war. They represent a distinct subgroup of foreign volunteers who were already familiar with the language and culture, to some extent.
The inclusion criteria were as follows: individuals who had served in the IDF during the Swords of Iron War, had moved to Israel after the onset of the war, and were willing to share their personal experiences through one-on-one interviews. The exclusion criteria were as follows: individuals who self-identified as having depression or other mental health conditions that might be exacerbated by discussing sensitive topics. These criteria were implemented to safeguard participants’ emotional well-being, particularly given the sensitive nature of the interviews, which delved into experiences of family dynamics and the challenges faced during and after their service.
None of the participants in this study reported being physically wounded during their service. Medical conditions were not part of the exclusion criteria, and participants with physical health issues were not excluded from the study.
Research tools
Qualitative data were collected through one-on-one, in-depth, semi-structured interviews, each conducted as a single session with an individual participant. These interviews offered participants a space to share their thoughts and emotions openly while reflecting on their experiences. A semi-structured interview guide informed by a comprehensive review of the literature was used to structure the discussions, with room for flexibility and adaptability (Creswell & Poth, 2018). The guide was structured around key thematic areas – for example, the process of integration into military service and interviewees’ relationships with their family members back home during their time in the army. The questions were designed to align with the study’s objectives of exploring the personal, social, and professional experiences of foreign volunteers during the Swords of Iron War. Additionally, the interview guide allowed for the inclusion of spontaneous questions to enrich the dialogue and encourage participants’ active engagement in the research process. A summary of the thematic areas and sample questions is presented in Table 1, which illustrates the breadth and depth of topics covered in the interviews (Table 1). Data collection continued until theoretical saturation was achieved, defined as the point at which no new themes or meaningful insights emerged, and subsequent interviews consistently reinforced existing patterns. Saturation was determined collaboratively by both coders through ongoing discussion and comparison of coded transcripts. This marked the conclusion of the data collection process.
Table 1.
Interview guide.
| Theme | Questions |
|---|---|
| Background and Motivation | • When did you move to Israel and what made you decide to serve in the Israeli army as a foreign volunteer? • Can you describe your overall experience as a foreign volunteer during the Swords of Iron War? |
| Military Experience | • Describe your recruitment process for the reserves during the Swords of Iron War. • Which jobs did you have during your basic training and during your reserve duty? • What challenges did you face during reserves and how did you deal with them? |
| Personal and Professional Impact | • How did what you experienced during the war affect you personally and professionally? • What have you learned about yourself and the world because of your service in the reserves? |
| Family Relationships and Communication | • How did you describe your experiences during the war to your family back home? • What were the reactions of your family members to your decision to enlist and serve during such a challenging time? • How and in which way did your relationship with your family back home change as a result of being drafted into the reserves? • How did you keep in touch with your family back home during reserve duty? • What types of support did you receive from family members back home during your service in reserves? |
| Community and Institutional Support | • What support did you receive from the foreign volunteer community or other institutions in Israel? |
Research procedure
The study protocol was approved by the university’s institutional review board (IRB) (approval no. 032408). Purposive sampling was employed to ensure a diverse group of participants, taking into consideration factors such as gender, age, and country of origin. Participants were recruited through nonprofit organizations dedicated to supporting foreign volunteers. Volunteers from these organizations disseminated information about the study, including the researchers’ contact details. Individuals who expressed interest were provided with a comprehensive explanation of the study objectives by the researchers. After signed informed consent was obtained, face-to-face interviews were conducted.
Interviews were conducted between February and April 2024. The interviews were conducted by two experienced female interviewers (i.e., some interviews were conducted by one, and some by the other). Each interview lasted for one hour, and participants were guaranteed indentiality regarding their identity and the information they shared. No compensation was provided to participants. All interviews were conducted in English, which was the common language among participants. While most participants had some level of Hebrew proficiency, English was chosen to ensure clarity and comfort when discussing sensitive experiences. All interviews were audio-recorded with participants’ consent and later transcribed verbatim by the research team. Transcripts were checked for accuracy against the recordings before analysis.
Data analysis
After collecting and transcribing the interview recordings, a thematic content analysis was conducted to systematically examine the data. The process began with open coding, in which each interview transcript was analyzed to identify recurring themes, patterns, and motifs. In the second phase, axial coding was used to compare and integrate themes across interviews, with the researchers refining and consolidating the categories. To ensure accuracy and reliability, the two researchers independently analyzed the data and discussed their selected categories to reach a consensus. When disagreements in coding emerged – such as differences in theme labeling or interpretation of participant narratives – they were resolved through collaborative discussion, comparison of justifications, and reference to the original transcripts until full agreement was reached. In the final phase of selective coding, categories unrelated to the central themes were omitted, resulting in a clear and coherent representation of the main themes and their interrelationships. This process of reduction and refinement facilitated the organization and targeting of the data, ultimately leading to the development of the study’s final findings (Brinkman & Kvale, 2015).
To enhance the trustworthiness of the study, the researchers adhered to credibility criteria by presenting the data in a dense, detailed manner that reflected multiple realities grounded in the specific contexts of participants’ experiences (Anney, 2014). By rigorously following these criteria, the researchers strengthened the reliability and authenticity of the findings, ensuring that they were robust and meaningful.
Results
Three primary themes emerged from the interviews. The first theme we identified, Between Two Worlds: Foreign Volunteers’ Relationships with Their Family Members Back Home During Wartime, relates to the complex dynamics between foreign volunteers and their families in their home countries, highlighting communication challenges, varying levels of support, and evolving family relationships during wartime. The second theme, From Strangers to Brothers in Arms: The Social Integration Journey of Non-Israeli Soldiers in Israeli Military Units, concerns the social integration journey of non-Israeli soldiers within Israeli military units, focusing on their transition from cultural outsiders to integral members of their units. The third theme, Beyond Combat: Personal and Psychological Journeys of Foreign Volunteers Serving Far from Support Systems, pertains to the personal and psychological journeys of foreign volunteers serving far from their support systems, encompassing their emotional challenges, coping mechanisms, and experiences of personal growth, despite significant challenges.
Theme 1: Between two worlds: Foreign volunteers’ relationships with their family members back home during wartime
The relationship between the foreign volunteers and their relatives back home emerged as a significant theme in the interviews. This complex dynamic encompasses communication challenges, varying levels of support, and the effects on family relationships. A primary challenge reported by the participants was explaining the situation in Israel to their families, particularly regarding their active involvement in the military conflict. Many soldiers expressed their own personal uncertainty about what was happening around them while simultaneously trying to help their families understand. One participant said:
My family lives in England. They had lots of questions; I had to explain to them what was going on in the war even though I also didn’t know. (male participant, 23 years old)
The unique context of the Swords of Iron War amplified these communication challenges, as soldiers struggled to explain to their families the unprecedented nature of the October 7th attack and the subsequent military response. Many participants reported that the intensity and emotional toll of their wartime experiences made it particularly difficult to bridge the gap in understanding with relatives back home. Approximately half of the participants reported receiving support, characterized by understanding, pride, and practical assistance.
My family was very afraid that something would happen to me, but I felt that their embrace, even from a distance, was important to me during the difficult days I experienced during the war. My entire family has started to treat me more like an adult, especially my siblings, who now take me more seriously. They have a lot of new respect for the sacrifices I made for the sake of this country. (male participant, 25 years old)
This kind of supportive response manifested in various forms, including financial support via donations to military organizations, as well as direct assistance. Some family members demonstrated an extraordinary level of commitment, such as mothers traveling to Israel to provide practical and emotional support.
My mom saw that I was not doing well. She came to Israel and was able to support me emotionally and help me with practical things and daily tasks such as laundry, cooking, or driving me to and from the base when I got to go home. (female participant, 24 years old)
Notably, in the Israeli context, it is not uncommon for family members or close community networks to provide practical support – such as meals, laundry, or transportation – during periods of leave from service. Depending on their unit and operational status, some soldiers return home in the evenings, while others are released for weekends. The absence of such support, especially for foreign volunteers without local family, can therefore be experienced as a significant challenge.
However, 14 of the participants encountered challenges in terms of the support they received from family. Some families struggled to comprehend their child’s decision to join the IDF service, leading to tension and conflicting loyalties. As one soldier said:
They didn’t want me to go; they were concerned for my safety. They kept asking if there were any way for me to get out of the army, not understanding that this was not an option. I didn’t feel supported in my decision by any family member; I still don’t. (male participant, 32 years old)
A particularly notable finding was the psychological burden of managing family members’ emotional needs. More than half of the participants reported that maintaining communication with worried relatives created additional stress for them. This situation often led to a kind of role reversal, whereby soldiers found themselves providing rather than receiving emotional support.
My parents were so stressed they could not function. I had to take care of them from afar, calm them down, and reassure them that things would be ok, instead of the other way around. We live in different worlds; they live on a planet where the military doesn’t exist; for me it’s a significant part of my life. (male participant, 23 years old)
All participants reported engaging in selective disclosure and deliberately choosing to withhold certain aspects of their experiences from their families. This decision was primarily motivated by a desire to protect relatives and manage their emotional resources. Seven participants found this task particularly challenging.
It is still hard to talk about it with them; they do not understand the situation, Israeli society, or the feelings people experience due to the disasters that have occurred. I will never tell them how much danger I was in; they won’t understand. The less they know the better. (male participant, 31 years old)
The long-term impacts on family relationships varied significantly. Notably, some participants reported stronger connections with relatives who had had military experience in other contexts.
The only person with whom things are different now is my grandfather. He was a colonel in the Italian navy during World War II. We have become a lot closer; we speak as equals who went through similar things. (male participant, 25 years old)
Conversely, six participants reported becoming more distant from family members who were unable to relate to their experiences.
They treat me like I’m broken. We don’t know how to communicate with each other anymore. Our relationship became extremely distant. (male participant, 28 years old)
Theme 2: From strangers to brothers in arms: The social integration journey of non-Israeli soldiers in Israeli military units
The massive mobilization of reserve forces – former soldiers called up after active duty – during the Swords of Iron War created a unique dynamic where units rapidly integrated foreign volunteers, accelerating the usual social integration process. The shared trauma and intense operational tempo fostered rapid bonding between Israeli soldiers and non-Israeli soldiers. The encounter with Israeli military culture often highlights the cultural gaps experienced by foreign volunteers coming from other countries. Although participants had previously served in the IDF – typically for two to three years – many did so as lone soldiers with limited social integration. Their earlier service focused on operational duties, with less exposure to informal cultural elements like military slang, humor, or shared rituals. Upon returning for reserve duty, they reported renewed feelings of unfamiliarity and cultural distance, which contributed to a sense of otherness despite their prior service. Many described feelings like outsiders during their initial days of reserve service, as they struggled to fully grasp the linguistic and cultural nuances shaping unit dynamics.
At first, I felt very lonely. All the other soldiers had grown up together, shared the same jokes and songs, and I felt excluded. They would sing these army songs about the war that everyone seemed to know by heart—except me—and used slang I had never heard before. Even with my intermediate level of Hebrew, I felt completely lost. It was more than just the language; it felt like I was watching a movie where everyone knew the script except me. (Male participant, 22 years old)
The unique characteristics of Israeli military culture, particularly its emphasis on family-like relationships and mutual care, greatly influenced how soldiers adapted to their units. This dynamic was especially important during the war, when external chaos, stress, and restlessness were overwhelming, and the soldiers’ sense of togetherness provided a vital anchor. Participants highlighted that the informal, family-like atmosphere, though initially unfamiliar, ultimately offered them comfort and support.
There is something special about how Israelis treat each other in the army. It is less formal than I would remember and more like a family. They really look out for each other, and eventually, they looked out for me, too. If we were getting some days off, they would immediately invite me to their place, to sleep, to wash my dirty laundry, to eat. They hosted me with amazing generosity. (female participant, 26 years old)
The transformation from feeling like an outsider to becoming an integral part of the unit was particularly evident in how participants described their changing social roles. Many found themselves transitioning from being the “foreign volunteer who needs help” to being active contributors to the unit’s social fabric:
Now I’m the one making sure new foreign volunteers have what they need. It’s funny how things changed - I went from being the one who didn’t understand anything to being someone others come to for advice. (female participant, 27 years old)
This integration process culminated in a deep sense of belonging, which transcended cultural differences. Participants described the formation of profound connections that often extended beyond the period of their military service.
These people became my Israeli family. Yes, we are different, we come from different places, but now I cannot imagine not having them in my life. They understand parts of me that my family back home never could. (male participant, 30 years old)
The experience ultimately led to a unique form of bicultural identity, where participants maintained, embraced, and integrated their original cultural identity with their Israeli military identity. This dual identity often became a source of strength rather than conflict:
I’m still me, still connected to where I came from, but I’m also part of something bigger here. It’s like I have the best of both worlds now. (female participant, 24 years old)
In addition, participants reported knowing other foreign volunteers, either through military service, pre-enlistment programs, or social networks, which often helped ease their transition and created a sense of familiarity. As one participant shared:
I already knew a few other soldiers from the program we did before enlisting. Just seeing familiar faces during those first chaotic days helped me feel like I wasn’t completely alone. (female participant, 23 years old)
It is important to note, however, that while many foreign volunteers described a growing sense of belonging and mutual care within their units, some also acknowledged that certain cultural differences or feelings of being an outsider remained. As one participant noted, “They treated me like one of them, but I still felt like a guest sometimes.” This highlights the complexity of the integration process and suggests that a sense of inclusion may exist alongside residual cultural distance.
Theme 3: Beyond combat: Personal and psychological journeys of foreign volunteers serving far from support systems
The psychological impact of serving during the Swords of Iron War was particularly significant for foreign volunteers who faced both the trauma of the war and the challenge of processing these experiences without support from their immediate families. The shocking and unanticipated nature of the conflict left many without adequate preparation or support systems. Participants described experiencing unprecedented emotional and physical challenges that tested their resilience in unique ways. Many reported struggling with intense emotional reactions, including unresolved anger and aggression. Many said that during the military campaign they were exposed to dead and wounded among their comrades, and they witnessed things they’d never seen before; furthermore, the abrupt transition from civilian to military life particularly affected those who found themselves in unfamiliar roles without adequate training or support. A profound psychological impact was evident in 17 participants’ narratives, with several participants expressing difficulty in reconciling their pre-war and current selves:
I am not the same as I was. I just saw so many bad things that I could no longer feel good anymore; all I felt was anxious. It sounds childish, but I am scared of the dark now, I cannot sleep, and I am like a little boy who needs his mommy. Hopefully I will become myself again. (male participant, 26 years old)
The experience of bereavement during wartime posed significant challenges for participants, which were compounded by their separation from family and community networks. While grief is a common and deeply painful aspect of military service, foreign volunteers often navigated it without access to familiar mourning rituals or culturally attuned support systems. This lack of access may have intensified their emotional burden, especially as they were expected to continue with military duties while processing loss largely on their own. Their inability to attend the funerals of fallen comrades or participate in communal mourning rituals further complicated their grieving processes.
I lost one of my closest friends, and I couldn’t even go to his funeral. My family back home didn’t know him, and here, I had no one to sit with in mourning. I just had to keep showing up and functioning like nothing happened. (male participant, 25 years old)
In response to these challenges, participants developed various coping strategies in the absence of a traditional support system. Eighteen described the creation of alternative support networks among soldiers who shared similar experiences. Practical manifestations of these support systems often pertained to both emotional and logistical needs.
My friend gave me clothes, hiking shoes, leggings; she even packed underwear for me. I didn’t have anything. I came with nothing. (female participant, 25 years old)
Returning to civilian life presented significant personal and professional challenges. Nine participants faced financial strain, and twelve described profound changes, with some fundamental shifts taking place in their career aspirations due to their wartime experiences.
I had been a medic in the army and loved it. I am now studying medicine, but during the war I saw so much blood that I don’t want to continue with my degree anymore. I changed my mind about working in this field. (male participant, 28 years old)
Beyond the physical separation between themselves and their families back home, participants highlighted the challenge of bridging cultural gaps in the understanding of their wartime experiences. The disconnection between Israeli military culture and the perspectives of their civilian family members back home created an additional psychological burden. Many found themselves struggling to communicate their experiences to those who had not lived through similar situations.
Everything I went through for all those months was extremely tough and impacted me significantly, but I can tell it has also made me a lot stronger and more capable. (male participant, 24 years old)
Despite these significant challenges, a notable finding was the emergence of personal growth and resilience. Sixteen participants reported discovering unexpected inner strengths and enhanced self-confidence through their experience.
I now have more confidence in my leadership skills. Being in reserve duty pushes you very hard; all aspects of who you are get challenged in the military. (female participant, 25 years old)
Table 2 summarizes the qualitative findings, offering a clear representation of how themes and categories are interrelated. This structure clarifies how thematic insights emerged from the data and illustrates the connection between the analysis and participants’ lived realities. Figure 1 presents a visual image of the findings.
Table 2.
Summary of qualitative findings.
| Theme | Categories | Illustrative Examples |
|---|---|---|
| Between Two Worlds: Reserve Soldiers’ Relationships with Family Members Back Home During Wartime | • Communication challenges and selective disclosure • Varying levels of family support and understanding • Managing family members’ emotional needs • Long-term impacts on family relationships |
“I will never tell them how much danger I was in; they won’t understand.” “My mom came to Israel and helped with daily tasks like laundry and cooking.” “I had to calm my parents down from afar and reassure them.” “We don’t know how to communicate anymore … our relationship became extremely distant.” |
| From Strangers to Brothers in Arms: The Social Integration Journey of Non-Israeli Soldiers in Israeli Military Units | • Initial cultural and linguistic barriers • Adaptation to Israeli military culture • Transition from outsider to integral unit member • Development of bicultural military identity |
“They used slang I had never heard before … I felt completely lost.” “They really looked out for me and hosted me with generosity.” “Now I’m the one helping new foreign volunteers.” “It’s like I have the best of both worlds now.” |
| Beyond Combat: Personal and Psychological Journeys of Reserve Soldiers Serving Far from Support Systems | • Psychological impacts and emotional challenges • Development of alternative support networks • Logistical difficulties without local family support • Personal growth and enhanced resilience |
“I just saw so many bad things … I cannot sleep.” “My friend gave me clothes, hiking shoes, even underwear.” “I had nothing when I came. I was totally unprepared.” “I now have more confidence in my leadership skills.” |
Figure 1.

Psychological and personal journeys of foreign volunteers: a chronological roadmap.
Discussion
The findings of the current study reveal the complex dynamics that exist between foreign volunteers and their families back home, characterized by communication challenges and varying levels of support. These findings align with previous research which has indicated that a lack of support from immediate family often leads to emotional strain (Maltz & Kubovich, 2019; Yohanani, 2024). In particular, participants described engaging in emotional labor to maintain family relationships across distance, a process that involved selective disclosure and role reversal in emotional support, whereby they found themselves managing their relatives’ distress rather than receiving support. These behaviors illustrate how individuals manage private information using rule-based systems (Petronio, 2010), and they echo findings from research on transnational families and the emotional burden of sustaining long-distance familial bonds (Parreñas, 2001). Moreover, the civil-military cultural gap described by Rahbek-Clemmensen et al. (2012) further explains the difficulty of bridging the understanding gap between soldiers and their families (who live outside of military contexts).
While selective disclosure is a common phenomenon among deployed soldiers more broadly (Fisher, 2022), in this study it took on unique dimensions due to the participants’ status as foreign volunteers. Specifically, the emotional labor of managing family relationships was shaped not only by the inherent difficulty of sharing combat-related experiences, but also by the absence of shared military or cultural frames of reference with their relatives abroad. This transnational gap heightened the psychological burden of communication and shaped the way participants filtered their narratives. Thus, while the act of withholding information may reflect a broader pattern common to soldiers, the motivations and implications in this context were uniquely intensified by cultural distance and lack of mutual understanding. Thus, the emotional labor involved in maintaining transnational family ties, as noted by Parreñas (2001), added complexity to the relationships examined in the current study. Some participants reported strengthened family bonds, particularly with relatives who had prior military experience, whereas others experienced distancing due to family members’ inability to relate to the foreign volunteers’ unique challenges. These findings highlight the nature of wartime relationships, underscoring the potential for strengthened connections vs. the risk of disconnection in transnational contexts (O’Neal et al., 2018).
This study highlights the social integration journey of non-Israeli soldiers within Israeli military units during war. The findings showed how participants transitioned from cultural outsiders to integral members of their units, thus developing a unique bicultural military identity. This process can be understood as a framework that describes how individuals adapt to new cultural contexts while maintaining their original cultural identities (Hui et al., 2015). The findings reflect previous research on military service as a central component of belonging in Israeli society (Ben-Ari, 2018) and align with studies on foreign military migration aimed at socioeconomic advancement and integration (e.g., De Haas et al., 2019). The development of a bicultural military identity also aligns with recent research on cultural frame-switching among immigrant soldiers (Hong et al., 2016; Yohanani, 2022, 2024), highlighting how shared group membership fosters inclusion and belonging, especially under the unifying pressures of war. It is important to note, however, that while many foreign volunteers described a growing sense of belonging and mutual care within their units, some also acknowledged that certain cultural differences or feelings of being an outsider remained. This highlights the complexity of the integration process and suggests that a sense of inclusion may exist alongside residual cultural distance.
The participants highlighted the critical role of mutual care and informal camaraderie in overcoming cultural barriers. Over time, they developed a military identity by blending their original cultural norms with those of their Israeli peers (Schmutz, 2022). This process reflects the psychological flexibility required to navigate and integrate multiple cultural frameworks (Hong et al., 2016). Research on immigrant soldiers, such as that by Hui et al. (2015), similarly underscores the role of bicultural identity in fostering resilience and adaptability. The transformation from feeling like an outsider to becoming a valued member of the military unit reflects the profound impact of social cohesion, as noted in studies on military integration (Ben-Ari, 2018; Käihkö, 2018).
The findings of this study reveal the complex personal and psychological journeys of foreign volunteers who are far from their support systems. Participants faced significant emotional challenges, compounded by logistical difficulties such as housing instability – that is, not having a stable place to stay during periods of leave. Unlike most Israeli reservists who return to their family homes on weekends or evenings, many foreign volunteers lacked permanent housing in Israel and had to rely on temporary arrangements with friends, host families, or hotels. This ongoing uncertainty created both logistical stress and emotional strain throughout their service.
Despite these challenges, many demonstrated enhanced resilience and personal growth, reflecting the principles of post-traumatic growth (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004), according to which adversity can foster positive psychological changes. The development of alternative support networks is a central coping mechanism, aligning with research on military unit cohesion and its role in fostering psychological resilience (Käihkö, 2018; Siebold, 2025). These findings further echo prior studies on foreign volunteers, emphasizing the importance of robust social support systems to mitigate stressors inherent to their circumstances (Tartakovsky, 2012; Yohanani, 2024).
This study’s findings also strongly align with Hobfoll (1989, 2011), which highlights the interplay between resource depletion and resource gain in high-stress environments. Foreign volunteers often experience significant resource loss, including diminished social support and financial stability, exacerbated by the cultural challenges of adapting to their new environment. However, COR theory emphasizes the restorative potential of resource gain, which is evident in participants’ narratives. Institutional support, peer networks, and intrinsic motivators such as ideological commitment and a sense of belonging were identified as key mechanisms for replenishing resources and fostering resilience. The creation of alternative support systems among soldiers illustrates the critical role of resource redistribution in stress mitigation and adaptation. These findings resonate with existing research on resource dynamics in military services and underscore the importance of targeted interventions to support foreign volunteers effectively (Hobfoll, 2011; Tartakovsky, 2012).
The findings indicated that foreign volunteers serving during the Swords of Iron War experienced profound trauma and multiple losses, encompassing both the emotional toll of witnessing casualties and traumatic events, as well as the loss of personal stability, identity, and access to traditional support systems. These findings align with existing studies on soldiers, which highlight the dual burden of combat exposure and the inability to engage in conventional mourning rituals as key contributors to psychological distress (e.g., O’Neal et al., 2018).
These experiences can be framed through the dual-process model of grief (Stroebe & Schut, 2010), which posits that grieving individuals oscillate between loss-oriented coping (confronting grief directly) and restoration-oriented coping (adapting to practical demands post-loss). While missing funerals or communal mourning opportunities can be a shared experience across military populations, for foreign volunteers this challenge is compounded by their physical separation from family, lack of access to culturally familiar support systems, and absence of community-based rituals in the host country. These layered forms of disconnection may intensify feelings of isolation and complicate their ability to process grief in a meaningful and culturally resonant way. At the same time, the abrupt return to civilian life without adequate support impaired their restoration-oriented coping, leading to heightened distress, identity confusion, and feelings of being “stuck” between their pre-war and current selves (Yohanani, 2024). These findings underscore the importance of providing structured opportunities for both types of coping to help foreign volunteers process their grief and effectively rebuild their lives.
The current study had several limitations that should be addressed in future research. While theoretical saturation was reached, the small sample size (n = 20) limits the reliability of the findings, and the relative homogeneity of the sample limits their generalizability. Moreover, the absence of official data on the total number of foreign volunteers who served in the IDF during the Swords of Iron War makes it difficult to assess the representativeness of the sample. None of the participants reported being physically wounded, and physical conditions were not part of the exclusion criteria, which may have limited the range of experiences captured. Additionally, individuals with diagnosed mental health conditions were excluded to protect their well-being, potentially limiting insight into more severe psychological challenges. The reliance on qualitative, self-reported data introduces potential biases, and the study focused solely on the perspectives of foreign volunteers, without incorporating the views of their Israeli peers or commanders. Some of the identified themes – such as emotional strain, selective disclosure, and navigating dual identities – may reflect broader experiences common to military personnel and not solely those of foreign volunteers. However, in this study, we sought to understand how these commonly reported phenomena are shaped by the unique circumstances of foreign volunteers, including their geographic separation from family, cultural distance, and lack of shared military background with their relatives. Nonetheless, we acknowledge that the overlap between universal and context-specific findings presents a conceptual limitation that should be explored in future comparative studies with native-born Israeli soldiers or other national settings. The fact that all interviews were conducted by female researchers may have shaped participants’ responses, potentially encouraging greater openness on sensitive topics or influencing the dynamics of disclosure; future studies should consider how interviewer gender may impact the data collected. Finally, the cross-sectional design prevents examination of the long-term impact of service. Future research should address these limitations by including larger and more diverse samples, incorporating participants with physical and mental health conditions, and using mixed methods or longitudinal designs to substantiate interview data and provide more objective quantitative measures. Comparative studies across different cultural and military settings would further clarify which experiences are unique to foreign volunteers and which reflect more universal aspects of military service.
Despite these limitations, this study offers novel insights into the wartime experiences of foreign volunteers – extending prior work on motivations and peacetime integration (Schmutz, 2022; Tartakovsky, 2012; Yohanani, 2022, 2024). While earlier research emphasized ideological commitment (Swed et al., 2024; Teitleman, 2015) and cultural adjustment (Dolberg & Amit, 2023), our findings highlight emotional strain, challenges in grief processing due to the absence of traditional mourning practices, and possible shifts in participants’ aspirations following combat exposure. Additionally, the study highlights identity disruption and the importance of informal peer support systems – areas that have received less attention in the existing literature. These findings contribute to a more nuanced understanding of foreign volunteers’ adaptation processes under conditions of war.
The findings of this study have several practical implications for improving support systems for foreign volunteers during wartime. First, military and civilian organizations should enhance communication tools and provide resources that help foreign volunteers bridge the cultural and emotional gaps with their families back home, mitigating the stress caused by selective disclosure and role reversal in emotional support. Second, tailored programs focusing on cultural integration and social bonding within military units can facilitate the transition of foreign volunteers from cultural outsiders to integral members of their units, fostering a sense of belonging and resilience. Third, it is critical to establish robust logistical and emotional support networks that address the unique challenges of foreign volunteers, such as housing instability and lack of traditional mourning practices. These initiatives should include pre-deployment training on coping strategies and post-service reintegration programs that address both psychological and practical needs. Lastly, institutional efforts should prioritize the promotion of resource gains (e.g., peer support, cultural adaptation, and access to mental health services), given that these have been shown to counterbalance resource depletion and enhance resilience, as evidenced by the experiences of the foreign volunteers in this study.
In addition, the findings can inform policies and practices in other national settings by highlighting the importance of tailored integration programs, culturally sensitive mental health support, and the development of peer-based support networks for non-native soldiers. For example, military systems could implement onboarding processes that acknowledge cultural differences and provide mentorship by fellow foreign volunteers or immigrant soldiers. At the same time, it is important to emphasize the shared values and motivations that bring foreign volunteers to serve – such as a strong sense of ideological commitment, solidarity, and belonging – which can serve as powerful common ground for integration. In addition, ensuring access to stable housing, emotional support resources, and post-service reintegration programs can mitigate the resource loss these soldiers may face. Recognizing and proactively addressing both the commonalities and differences among native and foreign soldiers may enhance well-being, strengthen unit cohesion, and improve overall service performance.
Acknowledgments
This paper benefited from English editing assistance provided by Open AI’s ChatGPT (version: GPT-4, a conversational generative AI model).
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Availability of data and materials
The datasets used in this study can be provided upon request.
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Associated Data
This section collects any data citations, data availability statements, or supplementary materials included in this article.
Data Availability Statement
The datasets used in this study can be provided upon request.
