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. Author manuscript; available in PMC: 2026 Jul 4.
Published before final editing as: Int J Drug Policy. 2026 Jun 11;155:105394. doi: 10.1016/j.drugpo.2026.105394

Mobile but Still Tied Down: Challenges to Scaling Mobile Methadone Through a Regulatory Thicket

Noa Krawczyk a, Megan Miller a, David Frank b, Samantha J Harris c, Allison O’Rourke d, Minna Song d, Kristianny Ruelas-Vargas d, Jason B Gibbons e, Ashly Jordan f, Brendan Saloner g
PMCID: PMC13329969  NIHMSID: NIHMS2186366  PMID: 42275938

Abstract

Methadone is a highly effective treatment for opioid use disorder. However, its public health impact in the U.S. has long been constrained by strict regulations requiring dispensing through specialty opioid treatment programs (OTPs). In 2021, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration authorized mobile medication units (MMUs) to dispense methadone in community settings, raising hopes that mobile delivery could expand access for underserved populations. This commentary examines New York State’s early experience implementing MMUs as a case study of both the opportunities and persistent challenges associated with this care delivery model in the U.S. We discuss how burdensome methadone requirements, high start-up and operating costs, complex staffing and logistical burdens, community opposition, and a continued emphasis on diversion control over patient access have limited the ability to effectively scale MMUs as a low-threshold treatment option. Although MMUs have and will continue to improve convenience and access for some patients, their potential to substantially improve geographic access, provide lower-threshold care, and deliver comprehensive OUD services is inhibited by the broader U.S. “methadone exceptionalism” framework, which silos methadone as a separate and more restrictive treatment modality requiring excessive vigilance and oversight . We argue that without greater regulatory clarity, flexibility, and alignment with patient-centered care goals, MMUs may likely remain a welcomed but modest, rather than transformative, innovation in addressing methadone gaps in the United States.

Keywords: methadone, opioid use disorder, mobile units, low-threshold, opioid treatment, policy, harm reduction


A common refrain is that methadone is a good medicine that is badly regulated. Since gaining federal approval in the U.S. in 1972, methadone has helped treat and save the lives of countless patients with opioid use disorder (OUD) (Connery, 2015). However, this benefit has been largely confined to those who can physically travel to the roughly 2,000 brick-and-mortar opioid treatment programs (OTPs) across the U.S. where they can have their dose administered and observed (often daily or near daily) (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2025). The limited access to brick-and-mortar OTPs is why a 2021 regulation released by the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) (Delphin-Rittmon, 2021) allowing mobile medication units or “MMUs” to dispense methadone at community locations felt like a welcome breakthrough (Delphin-Rittmon, 2021). At long last, it seemed that there was a scalable approach to expanding access to the gold-standard treatment for OUD.

Desperately seeking solutions to the ongoing overdose crisis, many U.S. policymakers, advocates, and service providers saw MMUs as an opportunity to expand methadone treatment to key geographic regions and groups lacking access (Gibbons et al., 2022; O’Rourke et al., 2026; Vestal, 2018). This was particularly the case for rural communities without a nearby clinic, those residing in institutional settings where methadone is not available (e.g., correctional facilities, nursing homes, residential treatment), those who cannot travel easily, and those experiencing unstable housing or living in precarious circumstances (Frank et al., 2021). Furthermore, these units were seen as a chance to deliver “lower threshold” care in a less formal setting, catering to the most vulnerable populations who experience high levels of trauma and stigma and who may not benefit from attending highly-structured fixed-site methadone clinics (Islam & Conigrave, 2007; Krawczyk et al., 2019; Messmer et al., 2024; Stewart et al., 2023). Finally, MMUs were seen as a tool to deliver other comprehensive services for patients with OUD, such as buprenorphine prescribing, HIV/HCV testing, counseling, primary care, and harm reduction supplies, where these services otherwise may not be available (Breve et al., 2022; Gibbons et al., 2022).

Now, over five years since the 2021 regulation, the reality is that MMUs may be filling treatment gaps in a few places, but not at the scale that would be needed to address the systemic access problems to methadone treatment in the U.S. As of December of 2025, there were 80 DEA-registered mobile methadone units (MMUs) across 20 U.S. states (Drug Enforcement Administration, 2022). One of these states – New York – was an early adopter of MMUs in response to the new federal policy change. In 2022, the New York State Office of Addiction Services and Supports (OASAS) launched a centralized initiative to provide grant funding and intensive technical support to 10 OTPs across the state to launch and operate MMUs. Over the past three years, New York State has made significant strides in its MMU program and provided dedicated funding for this initiative. As early adopters, the four New York OTPs that have so far succeeded in launching MMUs as of early 2026 can serve as a bellwether for the successes and enduring challenges of operating MMUs. In this commentary, we describe experiences and lessons from New York State as a case study of the complexities of implementing MMUs. In doing so, we hope to bring to light questions about whether and how MMUs may effectively fill gaps in OUD treatment in the context of the U.S.’s complex methadone regulatory landscape.

Byzantine Regulations

Understanding the unique experiences and challenges of operating MMUs requires familiarity with the regulatory backdrop in which they must operate. Methadone treatment in the U.S. is governed by a unique set of federal regulations set by the DEA and the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA). At the centerpiece is the requirement that methadone used to treat OUD must be dispensed and administered through OTPs, which requires frequent (often daily) on-site dosing under observation of a licensed healthcare provider. In some cases, patients can gain incremental privileges for take-home doses, typically a small supply of medication, to avoid daily visits to the OTP (Medications for the Treatment of Opioid Use Disorder, 2024; Stanley & Dooling, 2022). States often have additional laws governing the operations of OTPs, including rules on where they may operate or how methadone medication is managed (Conway et al., 2023). This unique regulatory and treatment delivery structure is different from any other medication in the U.S. (including methadone when used for pain) and has been referred to as “methadone exceptionalism” (Bain et al., 2022). Proponents of this system argue that greater regulatory oversight in methadone treatment is necessary to prevent diversion and misuse of methadone, even though it can come at the expense of reducing accessibility. However, this is contrary to policies in other developed nations; many provide methadone through office-based medical settings and as prescriptions dispensed by pharmacies, yet do not experience greater methadone diversion or related overdose risks than the U.S. (Miller & Krawczyk, 2026). Still, the same stringent U.S. requirements for administering and securing methadone that apply to OTPs are now extended to MMUs, which must operate under the license of an existing OTP (Registration Requirements for Narcotic Treatment Programs With Mobile Components, 2021).

Before an MMU can begin operations, it must adhere to several layers of federal and state requirements. First, each MMU must obtain DEA approval to ensure compliance with various federal security measures. These measures include the use of a bolted safe and an accompanying alarm system for methadone storage on the vehicle (Security Requirements, 2023). Federal rules also permit regional DEA offices that oversee specific U.S. jurisdictions (e.g., cities or counties) to require additional security measures at their own discretion (Registration Requirements for Narcotic Treatment Programs With Mobile Components, 2021). In New York State, MMUs’ experience with DEA security measures and obtaining DEA approval varies drastically across regions, depending on individual DEA offices’ availability and how individual field agents interpret the requirements of a relatively new policy. For example, findings from qualitative interviews with New York operators point to regulatory uncertainty in compliance requirements and inconsistent guidance as primary barriers encountered during MMU implementation (Miller et al., 2026).

In addition to security requirements, U.S. DEA rules require that MMUs return daily to the OTP with all medications removed and secured at the OTP, and be parked in a secure fenced-in area (Security Requirements, 2023). MMUs must maintain DEA-compliant records for all medication transfers between the OTP and MMU, integrate dispensing logs into the OTP’s central records (Registration Requirements for Narcotic Treatment Programs With Mobile Components, 2021), and have contingency plans for vehicle breakdowns, particularly around securing, removing, and accounting for methadone medication (Physical Security Controls for Non-Practitioners; Narcotic Treatment Programs and Compounders for Narcotic Treatment Programs; Mobile Narcotic Treatment Programs; Storage Areas., 2025). Despite being mobile, MMUs, like other licensed health services, are not permitted to leave the state of their licensed OTP (Registration Requirements for Narcotic Treatment Programs With Mobile Components, 2021), even if nearby counties have severe methadone deficits.

Cost and Staffing

U.S. federal requirements for procuring and operating an MMU, in addition to standard medical unit and vehicle safety provisions, make running an MMU particularly expensive and resource-intensive. In the case of New York, the state purposefully allocated dedicated grant funding to cover MMU procurement. Still, start-up costs associated with procuring the vehicle, insurance, and MMU repairs and supplies were much greater than originally expected. One OTP Chief Program Officer in New York estimated the cost for obtaining and outfitting the vehicle alone was ~$375,000 (Miller et al., 2026).

Even after vehicle procurement and setup, the financial sustainability of operating MMUs once launched remains an open question. New York proactively allocated a $200,000 per year funding for OTPs and implemented new Medicaid reimbursement rates to reflect higher costs for services provided on MMUs (Office of Addiction Services and Support, 2024). Even with this additional funding, providers have faced multiple unanticipated costs. A key unresolved challenge is to determine how public and private insurance rates can cover the costs of operating and maintaining an MMU. Under constrained finances, the intensive resources and staff time needed to transport, secure, and return medications daily to the OTP to abide by federal standards can come at the cost of serving more remote areas (Gibbons et al., 2024), offering additional services or operating for longer hours.

In addition to financial issues, MMUs face logistical constraints. Despite substantial technical assistance from the State, MMU operators in New York faced obstacles when figuring out the logistics of maintaining physical vehicles (e.g., managing generators, propane tanks, vehicle maintenance), how to sustain services, and abide by complex regulatory conditions (e.g., where to park MMU given DEA requirements for storage in a secure, fenced-in location) with little guidance or prior experience (Miller et al., 2026). While initially perceived as a lighter lift than opening a new brick-and-mortar location, New York operators had to learn how to comply with regulations with the added complexity of fitting and operating the vehicles (Miller et al., 2026).

Community Reactions

Adding to the challenge of setting up MMUs are entrenched negative community and public perceptions around methadone, which are sustained by and also perpetuate methadone exceptionalism (Bain et al., 2022). MMUs have unfortunately been met with the familiar not-in-my-backyard “NIMBY”ism (Addiction Treatment Forum, 2013), or resistance from local community groups and businesses who oppose having these programs in their neighborhoods (Addiction Treatment Forum, 2013; Fixler et al., 2024; Nunn & Rich, 2012). Indeed, New York State has already experienced campaigns from local communities to prevent MMUs from being established in certain neighborhoods (Brown, 2024; Churchill, 2024). This resistance has, in some cases, prevented or delayed MMUs from opening (Miller et al., 2026) or pushed operators to set up MMUs in discrete settings away from the public eye, potentially limiting their impact and perpetuating stigma. Hence, expanding MMUs has required ongoing discussions, negotiations, and coalition building with community partners to address local restrictions and perceptions that limit methadone provision, in addition to efforts to reduce stigma (Miller et al., 2026). The New York State Office of Addiction Services and Supports has worked to proactively address some of this stigma, which they have recognized as a major barrier for methadone treatment, through targeted public awareness campaigns. This includes publishing a podcast and public-facing videos that tell success stories of people receiving methadone treatment, and disseminating a glossary of non-stigmatizing terms and words.

Patient Experience

Overcoming the significant hurdles to get MMUs on the road is a major step forward but it still does not guarantee accessibility or a welcoming experience for patients. First, ingrained in methadone exceptionalism is a pervasive focus on prioritizing methadone diversion control above access and patient-centered care. While managing diversion risks is important, the predominant emphasis on diversion is a feature that methadone patient advocates have repeatedly pointed to as generating an antagonizing relationship between methadone programs and patients (Simon et al., 2022). The prioritization of security remains a central focus of methadone treatment even in MMUs, as installation of extensive security measures (e.g., cameras, alarms, locks) is a core feature of the design and set up of MMUs. While some of these features are indeed required to abide by federal and regional DEA expectations, they can be directly antithetical to creating a therapeutic or welcoming treatment environment for patients, especially for many who have had traumatic experiences with law enforcement or criminal legal system surveillance.

Regulations focusing on securing medications often take precedent over ensuring patients can safely and consistently receive treatment. In addition to the physical design of OTPs to prioritize security of medications at the cost of a more therapeutic environment (e.g., multiple security cameras, locked doors), this is also evident from how methadone is managed during emergencies. For example, in the case of an MMU unexpectedly breaking down, the DEA requires a protocol for safeguarding medications (Physical Security Controls for NonPractitioners; Narcotic Treatment Programs and Compounders for Narcotic Treatment Programs; Mobile Narcotic Treatment Programs; Storage Areas., 2025), but only suggests (does not require) having contingency plans for patient dosing, which is critical to preventing severe withdrawal and overdose risk. These issues loom large as unexpected natural disasters become more common. For example, New York state has had an average of 6 annual disaster events related to weather over the past 5 years.(Smith, 2020)

Finally, while designed to provide more flexible access to methadone, MMUs cannot necessarily address many of the fundamental features that make methadone treatment so burdensome for patients in the U.S. While MMUs can offer more conveniences in terms of location and reach, they still require patients to make frequent visits for observed dosing or be subject to other practices that can be invasive or disruptive, such as mandatory drug screens (Bourgois & Schonberg, 2009; Frank et al., 2021; J. Harris & McElrath, 2012; O’Byrne & Jeske Pearson, 2019; Simon et al., 2022). Operators in upstate New York, for example, noted patients faced transportation challenges when traveling to the MMU (Miller et al., 2026), which will continue to burden patients expected to visit the units for daily or near daily dosing - the ongoing norm for most patients receiving methadone treatment.

How MMUs Can Meet the Need

The hefty regulatory requirements, operational constraints, and ongoing stigma reported by MMUs in New York in our own research (Miller et al., 2026) have also been experienced in other regions, as evidenced in a report commissioned by the U.S Department of Health & Human Services’ Office of the Assistance Secretary for Planning and Evaluation (Nguyen et al., 2025). Together, these challenges will likely make it difficult to fulfill the full potential of MMUs that so many advocates had hoped for. Table 1 summarizes how challenges stemming from methadone exceptionalism hinder the ability of MMUs to effectively address treatment gaps in the U.S. around 1) expanding access to new regions and populations, 2) providing low-threshold care, and 3) offering comprehensive OUD services.

Table 1:

Challenges to filling methadone treatment gaps stemming from methadone exceptionalism

Potential Gap Filled by
MMU
Challenges Stemming from Methadone Exceptionalism
Expand access to underserved regions and groups
  • MMUs required to return daily to home OTP, restricting how far and where they can operate.

  • MMUs cannot operate across state lines, even if nearby counties lack methadone access.

  • Vehicle security requirements limit number and flexibility of stops and deployment adaptability during emergencies.

Provide low threshold care
  • MMUs bound by same methadone rules as OTPs (daily observed dosing, limited take-homes, drug screens), placing burden on patients

  • Security and diversion-control measures (e.g., cameras, safes) create surveillance environment

  • MMU locations driven by security considerations rather than patient demand and preference

Offer comprehensive OUD services
  • Logistics (transport, security, regulatory compliance) consume resources, limiting capacity for integrated services.

  • Regulatory and licensing focus is on methadone dispensing, not facilitating integration of health services.

  • Focus on diversion control may deter patients from seeking harm reduction, counseling or other services on MMU that align with their needs.

Significantly scaling MMUs to address these gaps will likely require a more extreme regulatory and cultural shift – one that truly views methadone as standard evidence-based healthcare rather than a dangerous drug to be controlled (National Coalition to Liberate Methadone et al., 2024). Better aligning U.S. federal regulations with the goal of expanding methadone services would not entirely remove the operational and financial hurdles involved in building mobile methadone programs, but could significantly increase their impact. Clear examples of alternative and successful mobile models are methadone buses in France and delivery vans in Portugal. In France, mobile units provide a combination of methadone treatment, harm reduction supply dispensing and psychosocial support at convenient locations that do not require prior registration or appointments (Gaïa-Paris, 2005). In Portugal, two methadone vans serve 1,200 patients daily, making several stops through the city to reach commuters, people with precarious housing, and hot-spot areas for drug use (McGivern, 2019). In both examples, these mobile units provide daily, readily accessible, walk-in services focused on harm reduction and patient autonomy –features that are all but impossible to implement under the current U.S. regulatory framework for methadone.

While the U.S. continues to grapple with the decades-long ideological tension between treating substance use as an issue of law enforcement vs. one of healthcare (Saloner et al., 2025), it is unlikely that it will implement a methadone treatment system that looks like Portugal’s or France’s (Englander et al., 2024) any time soon. Until then, treatment advocates must continue efforts to expand access despite constraints. Indeed, over 300 patients have been served by the four operating MMUs in New York, with many more likely to benefit as additional MMUs launch. Among those who have been able to access care in MMUs, many have described the benefits and potential of MMUs facilitating care, including improvements in ease of access, privacy, and convenience relative to their experiences at brick-and-mortar units (Frank et al., 2026; S. J. Harris et al., 2026). Research from MMUs operating in other states is also emerging, showing that MMUs can fill important gaps across varied settings. In a study of a methadone van in California, patients appreciated the efficiency of receiving methadone on the mobile unit, with less crowding and chaos experienced compared to dosing at the OTP (Suen et al., 2023). Another qualitative study about the Great Circle MMU, which serves patients living on American Indian reservations and other areas of rural Oregon, found that the MMU reduced travel burden and transportation costs and created welcoming experiences for patients through caring staff (Hoffman et al., 2024).

At least for the foreseeable future, MMUs may therefore serve more as a modest innovation in expanding methadone treatment availability to specific settings with unmet need than a revolutionary step toward universally expanding methadone treatment access. In the absence of more sweeping regulatory reforms, such as removing requirements that MMUs return daily to the OTP or relaxing requirements around observed dosing, MMUs could still benefit from several incremental changes that could improve efficiency and the reach of services, as summarized below and presented in Figure 1.

Figure 1:

Figure 1:

Broad and incremental reforms needed to effectively scale mobile medication units (MMUs)

First, providers need greater regulatory clarity, consistency, and predictability. Current federal guidelines on MMU structure and security measures lack specificity, leading to subjective interpretation by operators and DEA field agents, resulting in approval delays. Indeed, multiple MMUs have been stalled from beginning operations due to ongoing red tape and delays in approval from local DEA offices. Greater coordination between OTPs, federal and state agencies, and regional and federal DEA offices could help ameliorate some of these impediments. Moreover, accommodations such as “ride-along vehicles” that can transport medications more easily than the full mobile clinic, or permission to store medications overnight in secure off-site locations, could extend the geographic range of MMU services. Second, MMU leaders and supporting government agencies could collaborate on route scheduling to maximize impact and work to identify populations facing unique service access issues that could benefit from mobile methadone. For example, our recent study simulated the potential of maximizing MMU routes to target populations residing in nursing facilities, skilled nursing facilities, and residential substance use treatment facilities (O’Rourke et al., 2026). While doing so, MMU leaders and those considering opening MMUs could engage patients to ensure MMU locations and practices reflect patient preferences and offer services that are deemed most useful by patients. Third, developing partnerships with other healthcare service providers (e.g., primary care) and community organizations (e.g., social support and harm reduction) can complement MMU services and extend their impact beyond OUD treatment. Finally, working with community organizations to proactively engage with the public to reduce stigma and generate acceptance for MMU treatment programs may help to increase their ease of adoption. For example, New York State agencies and MMU operators have had some success jointly connecting with community boards and elected officials to build relationships and support from local governments and community groups.

The long-term goal should be to continue to grow MMUs as a new point of care, and already their mere existence challenges the field to think beyond the realms of the brick-and-mortar OTP model that has dominated the U.S. methadone treatment landscape for decades. But while they are a step in the right direction, MMUs cannot be a truly transformative solution without rethinking some of the core dogmas of methadone regulation in the U.S. For too long, we’ve waited for the patients to come to methadone. As we finally work to bring methadone to patients, we should do so in a way that best clears through the thicket, towards a more effective, practical, and patient-centered system of care.

Highlights.

  • Mobile methadone units (MMU) can expand access but face major barriers

  • High costs, staffing, and logistics limit MMU scale-up

  • Methadone exceptionalism hinders low-threshold mobile care

  • Broad and incremental regulatory reforms can transform access

Acknowledgments:

Research reported in this publication was supported by the National Institute On Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health under Award Number R21DA058117-01A1 and 1R01DA063711-01. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institutes of Health or any other government agency.

Declaration of interests

The authors declare the following financial interests/personal relationships which may be considered as potential competing interests:

Noa Krawczyk reports financial support was provided by National Institute on Drug Abuse. Megan Miller reports financial support was provided by National Institute on Drug Abuse. David Frank reports financial support was provided by National Institute on Drug Abuse. Samantha J. Harris reports financial support was provided by National Institute on Drug Abuse. Allison O’Rourke reports financial support was provided by National Institute on Drug Abuse. Minna Song reports financial support was provided by National Institute on Drug Abuse. Kristianny Ruelas-Vargas reports financial support was provided by National Institute on Drug Abuse. Jason B. Gibbons reports financial support was provided by National Institute on Drug Abuse. Brendan Saloner reports financial support was provided by National Institute on Drug Abuse. Noa Krawczyk reports a relationship with National Coalition to Liberate Methadone that includes: board membership. David Frank reports a relationship with National Coalition to Liberate Methadone that includes: board membership. Noa Krawczyk reports a relationship with ongoing opioid litigation that includes: paid expert testimony. If there are other authors, they declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.

Footnotes

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