Lived experiences of transgender individuals in Zimbabwe: stigma, violence, and structural exclusion in a restrictive context

Abstract

Background

Transgender individuals experience disproportionate stigma, violence, and structural exclusion, with profound consequences for mental health and wellbeing. These experiences are well explained by minority stress and stigma frameworks, yet empirical research from sub-Saharan Africa remains limited, particularly in restrictive socio-legal contexts. This study explored the lived experiences of transgender individuals in Zimbabwe, where gender diversity is highly stigmatised, poorly understood, and lacks formal legal recognition.

Methods

An exploratory qualitative design was employed. Semi-structured, in-depth interviews were conducted with 20 transgender adults recruited through a community-based organisation in Harare, Zimbabwe. Interviews were analysed using reflexive thematic analysis following Braun and Clarke’s six-phase approach.

Results

Participants described pervasive stigma, family rejection, physical and sexual violence, psychological distress, and substantial barriers to accessing healthcare, education, employment, and civic services. Incongruence between identification documents and gender presentation emerged as a significant mechanism of exclusion. At the same time, peer networks and community-based organisations were identified as important sources of psychosocial support, affirmation, and resilience.

Conclusions

By centring transgender voices from an under-researched and restrictive African context, this study contributes qualitative evidence on how stigma, minority stress, and structural exclusion shape wellbeing. The findings underscore the need for gender-affirming, trauma-informed, and community-linked mental health and health service responses, alongside broader efforts to promote social inclusion and institutional recognition for transgender populations in highly stigmatised settings.

Introduction

Transgender individuals experience disproportionate levels of stigma, discrimination, violence, and social exclusion globally, with significant consequences for mental health, physical wellbeing, and social participation. Research has consistently shown that transgender populations face elevated risks of depression, anxiety, suicidality, victimisation, and barriers to healthcare access. These disparities are shaped not only by interpersonal mistreatment but also by broader social, legal, and institutional environments that regulate gender identity and expression. Minority stress and stigma frameworks are useful for understanding these patterns, as they emphasise how chronic exposure to prejudice, rejection, discrimination, and structural exclusion can produce adverse mental health outcomes among gender-diverse populations [11, 12, 14, 15].

In this study, stigma refers to socially produced processes through which transgender identities are devalued or marked as deviant; discrimination refers to exclusionary or prejudicial treatment in everyday and institutional settings; and structural exclusion refers to the legal, administrative, social, and economic arrangements that limit access to rights, services, safety, and full participation in society. These concepts are particularly relevant in contexts where gender diversity is poorly understood, publicly contested, or institutionally unrecognised.

In sub-Saharan Africa, transgender experiences are shaped by diverse but often restrictive socio-cultural, religious, and political environments. Across the region, transgender identities are frequently conflated with sexual orientation and subsumed under broader lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex categories, which can obscure the specific forms of vulnerability faced by transgender people. At the same time, African contexts are not uniform. Some countries, such as South Africa and Botswana, have made notable progress toward recognising gender and sexual diversity through legal and constitutional protections, while others remain characterised by criminalisation, policy silence, and strong social hostility. This uneven regional landscape highlights the importance of contextually grounded research on how stigma, violence, and exclusion are experienced in everyday life. Recent evidence from a systematic review of transgender and gender-diverse populations in Africa highlights persistent barriers to healthcare access, including stigma, discrimination, and limited provider competence, underscoring the structural nature of exclusion within health systems across the region [6].

Although scholarship on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer populations in Africa has grown, transgender-specific research remains comparatively limited. Much of the available literature focuses broadly on sexual minorities, legal debates, or public attitudes, with relatively few in-depth qualitative studies centring transgender voices. This creates an important gap, because transgender individuals often face distinctive challenges related to gender recognition, embodiment, documentation, visibility, and institutional interaction that are not fully captured in research that treats gender identity and sexual orientation as interchangeable categories. Despite growing scholarship on sexual and gender minorities in Africa, transgender individuals remain underrepresented in research and policy discourse, often rendered invisible, inaccessible, or overlooked within broader LGBTQI + frameworks [7]. There is a growing recognition of the need for transgender-specific data in low- and middle-income settings, particularly in Africa, where transgender populations remain underrepresented in research, policy, and health programming [3]. This lack of data limits the development of contextually relevant interventions and contributes to the continued marginalisation of transgender individuals within health systems and social policy.

Zimbabwe represents a particularly important setting in which to examine these issues. Sexual and gender minorities exist within a socio-political environment shaped by legal ambiguity, limited recognition, and strong cultural and religious norms reinforcing heteronormativity and cisnormativity. Public discourse has historically been influenced by openly hostile political rhetoric toward sexual minorities, including statements by former President Robert Mugabe describing gay people as “worse than dogs and pigs” [13], which have been widely interpreted as reflecting and reinforcing broader societal stigma.

Structural exclusion of sexual and gender minorities in Zimbabwe is further reinforced through legal and institutional frameworks. Existing human rights analyses indicate that same-sex practices are criminalised under the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act, while discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity is not explicitly prohibited. In practice, this legal ambiguity contributes to widespread marginalisation, including exclusion from employment, denial of services, and limited access to justice [5]. In addition, institutional practices and public attitudes often discourage individuals from reporting abuse, further entrenching invisibility and vulnerability among transgender populations. These dynamics illustrate how legal and administrative systems can function as mechanisms of structural exclusion rather than protection.

Available Zimbabwean literature suggests that lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender communities have long faced discrimination, harassment, marginalisation, and violence [9], GALZ, 2017). Reports indicate that many individuals conceal their identities due to fear of rejection and victimisation, contributing to the invisibility of transgender populations in both research and public discourse (GALZ, 2019). This invisibility is compounded by structural barriers, including the criminalisation of same-sex practices and the absence of legal recognition for gender identity. These conditions contribute to heightened vulnerability to psychological distress and social isolation in highly stigmatised contexts.

Understanding transgender experiences in Zimbabwe is therefore critical for advancing health psychology, community psychology, and public health scholarship. Qualitative research that centres transgender voices can illuminate how stigma, minority stress, and structural exclusion are produced and negotiated within restrictive environments, while also highlighting resilience, coping strategies, and the role of peer support networks.

The present study addresses this gap by exploring the lived experiences of transgender individuals in Zimbabwe through qualitative interviews with members of a community-based organisation. Specifically, the study examines experiences of identity recognition, family and community relations, violence and mental health, access to education and employment, and engagement with health and civic institutions. By documenting these experiences, the study contributes empirical evidence from a Global South context and extends existing literature on transgender wellbeing, stigma, and social exclusion.

Research methodology

Study design

This study employed a qualitative, exploratory design to examine the lived experiences of transgender individuals in Zimbabwe. A qualitative approach was appropriate given the study’s aim to generate in-depth insights into identity, stigma, violence, mental health, and access to social and institutional resources within a restrictive socio-legal context. The study formed part of a postgraduate dissertation conducted at Midlands State University and was subsequently developed into the present manuscript.

Research context and setting

The study was conducted in Harare, Zimbabwe, a context characterised by limited legal recognition of gender diversity and widespread social stigma toward gender-diverse populations. Data collection was undertaken in collaboration with TransSmart Trust, a community-based organisation that provides advocacy, psychosocial support, and community mobilisation for transgender individuals. TransSmart Trust was selected due to its established trust, accessibility, and longstanding engagement with transgender communities, making it an appropriate and ethical entry point for recruitment in a highly stigmatised and criminalised context. At the time of the study, TransSmart Trust had approximately 200 registered members across Zimbabwe.

Participants and sampling

Participants were transgender adults who self-identified as transgender and were registered members of TransSmart Trust. A purposive sampling strategy was employed to recruit participants with relevant lived experience who were willing to share their perspectives.

TransSmart Trust acted as a gatekeeper by disseminating information about the study to its approximately 200 registered members through internal communication channels (e.g., meetings, messaging platforms, and organisational networks). Interested individuals contacted the researchers directly to express willingness to participate, thereby minimising coercion and ensuring voluntary participation.

Inclusion criteria were: (1) being aged 18 years or older, (2) self-identifying as transgender, and (3) residing in Zimbabwe at the time of the study. A total of 20 participants were recruited, including two organisational coordinators who were included as key informants to provide contextual insights into organisational support structures and community-level experiences.

Data collection continued until data saturation was reached, defined as the point at which no substantially new themes or patterns emerged from the data. Thematic saturation was reached by the 18th interview, with subsequent interviews confirming no new themes.

Data collection procedures

Data were collected through semi-structured, in-depth interviews conducted face-to-face in private and secure locations agreed upon with participants. An interview guide was used to ensure consistency across interviews while allowing flexibility for participants to raise issues they considered most salient. Interview topics included gender identity development, family and community relationships, experiences of stigma and violence, mental health and wellbeing, access to education and employment, and interactions with healthcare and civic institutions.

Interviews were conducted in English, Ndebele, and Shona and lasted approximately 45–60 min. All interviews were audio-recorded with participant consent and transcribed verbatim.

Ethical considerations

Ethical approval for the study was obtained from the Midlands State University Ethics Review Committee. The study adhered to internationally recognised ethical principles for research involving vulnerable populations, including respect for autonomy, confidentiality, non-maleficence, and beneficence, as outlined in frameworks such as the Declaration of Helsinki.

Additional permission was obtained from TransSmart Trust as the collaborating organisation. Given the vulnerability of the study population and the restrictive legal context, multiple safeguards were implemented to protect participant welfare and confidentiality.

All participants provided informed consent prior to participation. To minimise risk, participants were not required to disclose identifying information, and pseudonyms were used in all transcripts and reports. Interviews were conducted in safe, private environments, and participants were informed of their right to decline to answer any question or to withdraw from the study at any time without consequence. Data were securely stored and accessible only to the research team. Where participation elicited emotional distress, referrals to psychosocial support services available through TransSmart Trust were offered.

Data analysis

Data were analysed using reflexive thematic analysis following the six-phase approach outlined by Braun and Clarke (2006, 2019). An inductive approach was employed to identify patterns related to stigma, identity negotiation, violence, mental health, and access to social and institutional resources.

Data analysis was conducted manually by the research team. Transcripts were read repeatedly to achieve familiarisation, followed by the generation of initial codes. These codes were then organised into potential themes, which were reviewed and refined to ensure coherence and distinction. Themes were subsequently defined and named, and illustrative excerpts were selected to support each theme.

Regular discussions were held between authors to review coding decisions, resolve discrepancies, and refine interpretations. Rather than relying on statistical measures of intercoder reliability, a reflexive and interpretive approach was adopted, consistent with qualitative research best practices.

Trustworthiness and reflexivity

Several strategies were employed to enhance the trustworthiness of the study. Credibility was supported through engagement with a trusted community-based organisation and the use of in-depth interviews. Dependability was enhanced through systematic documentation of analytic decisions, while confirmability was supported by maintaining an audit trail of coding and theme development.

Reflexivity was central to the research process. The research team included members with differing relationships to the study context, including one researcher with close familiarity and lived experience relevant to the population under study. This positionality facilitated rapport, trust, and openness during interviews, particularly given the sensitivity of the topic and the marginalised status of participants.

At the same time, the lead researcher occupied a more external position, providing analytic distance and supporting critical engagement with the data. The combination of these perspectives enabled a more nuanced interpretation of findings, balancing experiential insight with reflexive scrutiny. Ongoing discussions between researchers were used to critically examine assumptions, positionality, and potential biases throughout the research process, while maintaining strict attention to ethical considerations and participant safety. Due to the sensitive socio-legal context, specific identifying details about researcher positionality are intentionally limited to ensure safety. While methodological triangulation was not employed, analytic rigor was ensured through iterative coding, reflexive engagement, and collaborative review among researchers.

Results

Participant characteristics

The study included 20 transgender participants aged between 18 and 49. Participants represented diverse gender identities, including trans men and trans women, and varied in educational attainment and employment status. While a small number reported stable employment and access to higher education, the majority described experiences of disrupted education, unemployment, and economic precarity.

Overview of themes

Five overarching themes were identified:

1. Conflation of transgender identity with homosexuality

2. Limited family and social support

3. Violence, mental distress, and suicidality

4. Barriers to health, civic, and institutional participation

5. Educational and economic marginalization

A summary of the key themes, their corresponding interpretations, and representative participant quotations is presented in Table 1

Table 1.

Summary of themes, key findings and representative quotes

Theme	Key Finding	Representative Quote
Conflation of transgender identity with homosexuality	Participants’ gender identity was frequently misunderstood and conflated with sexual orientation, leading to stigma and discrimination	“Being transgender in Zimbabwe is extremely difficult because most people do not understand me…”
Limited family and social support	Family rejection was common, often resulting in social isolation and housing insecurity	“When I told my family, they said I was bringing shame, and I had to leave.”
Violence, mental distress, and suicidality	Participants experienced physical and sexual violence, contributing to psychological distress and suicidal ideation	“I tried taking my life several times. I just wanted everything to end.”
Barriers to health, civic, and institutional participation	Mismatched identification documents and stigma limited access to services and civic participation	“My ID does not match how I look, so I avoid places where I have to use it.”
Educational and economic marginalisation	Disrupted education and discrimination led to limited employment opportunities and economic precarity	“Most of us dropped out of school very early because of what we were going through.”

Theme 1: conflation of transgender identity with homosexuality

Participants consistently reported that their gender identity was misunderstood and frequently conflated with sexual orientation. This lack of differentiation contributed to stigma, discrimination, and social exclusion.

One participant explained:

“Being transgender in Zimbabwe is extremely difficult because most people do not understand me. Some think I have a mental disorder, some think I am possessed, and others think it is just a phase.”

Another participant described confusion stemming from lack of language and awareness:

“I always saw myself as a man, even as a child, but I did not have the words to explain it.”

Participants also reported being labelled using derogatory terms associated with homosexuality, reinforcing marginalisation and misunderstanding.

Theme 2: limited family and social support

Family rejection emerged as a central and often early experience following disclosure or visible gender transition. Participants described emotional neglect, strained relationships, and in some cases expulsion from the family home.

“My relatives turned their backs on me, and I eventually decided to leave home because I could no longer cope.”

Another participant stated:

“When I told my family, they said I was bringing shame, and I had to leave.”

Participants described how family rejection often led to housing insecurity and social isolation. In contrast, community-based organisations such as TransSmart Trust were frequently described as alternative support systems:

“For most of our members, TransSmart is the only family they have left.”

Theme 3: violence, mental distress, and suicidality

Experiences of violence were pervasive across participants’ accounts. Participants reported physical assault, sexual violence, and threats, often framed by perpetrators as attempts to “correct” their gender identity.

“They said it was to make me understand that I was a girl.”

Another participant described ongoing fear:

“I am always afraid when I walk alone because I know anything can happen to me.”

These experiences were closely linked to psychological distress, including anxiety, trauma, and social withdrawal. Many participants reported suicidal thoughts or attempts, often associated with prolonged exposure to stigma and violence.

“I tried taking my life several times. I just wanted everything to end.”

Another participant stated:

“Sometimes I feel like there is no place for me in this world.”

Participants also described visible signs of self-harm, reflecting the cumulative psychological impact of sustained marginalisation.

Theme 4: barriers to health, civic, and institutional participation

Participants reported significant barriers in accessing healthcare, employment, housing, and civic services. Identification documents that did not align with their gender presentation were frequently cited as a major obstacle.

“My ID does not match how I look, so I avoid places where I have to use it.”

Another participant explained:

“At the clinic, they laugh at you or ask too many questions. It becomes easier not to go.”

Participants also described avoiding civic participation, including voting and banking services, due to fear of harassment or discrimination:

“I don’t go to vote or to the bank because I don’t want problems.”

Theme 5: educational and economic marginalisation

Participants described disrupted educational trajectories due to bullying, family rejection, and social exclusion. Many reported leaving school prematurely, which limited access to employment opportunities.

“Most of us dropped out of school very early because of what we were going through.”

Another participant added:

“Even if you finish school, it’s hard to get a job because of how people see you.”

As a result, many participants relied on informal or precarious forms of employment. A small number reported completing tertiary education and securing formal employment, though these cases were described as exceptions.

Discussion

This study explored the lived experiences of transgender individuals in Zimbabwe, highlighting how gender identity is navigated within a socio-cultural, legal, and institutional context characterised by stigma, criminalisation, and limited recognition. The findings reveal intersecting forms of marginalisation that affect participants’ mental health, social inclusion, educational attainment, economic participation, and civic engagement. These experiences can be understood through broader theoretical lenses of stigma, minority stress, and social exclusion. Consistent with African scholarship, the findings also reflect the persistent marginalisation and relative invisibility of transgender populations within research, policy, and service provision [7].

Conflation of transgender identity and sexual orientation

Participants’ accounts demonstrate persistent conflation of transgender identity with homosexuality, a finding consistent with research in African contexts where gender identity and sexual orientation are often poorly differentiated. This lack of conceptual distinction contributes to misinformation, stigma, and social hostility. The use of derogatory labels and moralised interpretations of gender variance reflects dominant heteronormative and cisnormative frameworks that shape public understanding of gender. Such conflation has been shown to exacerbate discrimination and undermine access to appropriate social and health services, particularly where legal and cultural narratives frame all gender and sexual minorities as deviant or criminal [10]. These findings highlight the importance of public education and policy frameworks that clearly distinguish gender identity from sexual orientation.

Family rejection, social exclusion, and minority stress

The findings indicate that family rejection represents an early and significant source of distress for transgender individuals. Participants’ experiences of expulsion from the family home, emotional neglect, and social isolation align with minority stress theory, which posits that chronic exposure to stigma, rejection, and discrimination contributes to adverse mental health outcomes among marginalised populations [11, 14]. In this study, family rejection often preceded broader social and economic marginalisation, suggesting that familial acceptance plays a critical protective role in transgender wellbeing. These findings underscore the importance of family-based interventions and community education initiatives aimed at reducing stigma within immediate social environments.

Violence, mental health, and suicidality

High levels of physical and sexual violence, including so-called “corrective rape,” were reported by participants. These experiences were frequently accompanied by suicidal ideation and attempts, underscoring the severe psychological consequences of sustained victimisation. Exposure to violence and the absence of legal protection intensify vulnerability and reinforce fear, secrecy, and withdrawal from public life. The prevalence of suicidality among participants mirrors findings from international and African studies indicating elevated suicide risk among transgender populations, particularly in environments marked by criminalisation and social hostility [6, 12, 15]. These findings highlight the urgent need for trauma-informed and gender-affirming mental health services.

Structural barriers to health and civic participation

Participants described significant barriers to accessing healthcare, employment, and civic services due to identification documents that did not align with their gender presentation. These structural obstacles contribute to social invisibility and exclusion, limiting participation in democratic processes such as voting and access to essential services. Avoidance of healthcare settings due to anticipated stigma further heightens health risks, including vulnerability to HIV and other adverse outcomes. These findings align with broader evidence from African contexts demonstrating that stigma, discrimination, and lack of provider competence create systemic barriers to healthcare access for transgender individuals [6]. In Zimbabwe specifically, legal ambiguity and criminalisation further contribute to institutional exclusion, reinforcing cycles of marginalisation and invisibility.

Educational disruption and economic marginalisation

Educational disruption emerged as a key pathway to long-term economic marginalisation. Many participants reported leaving school prematurely due to bullying, family rejection, or homelessness. Limited educational attainment restricted access to formal employment, resulting in reliance on informal or precarious forms of work. In some cases, participants reported engagement in survival strategies, including informal economies, to meet basic needs. These patterns underscore the structural nature of inequality and align with broader evidence identifying education and employment as key social determinants of health among transgender populations [8, 11].

Resilience and protective factors

Despite pervasive adversity, participants also identified important sources of resilience, including peer networks and community-based organisations such as TransSmart Trust. These spaces provided emotional support, affirmation, and a sense of belonging, helping individuals navigate stigma and social exclusion. The presence of community support highlights the importance of collective coping mechanisms and informal support systems in mitigating the negative effects of minority stress. These findings suggest that interventions aimed at improving transgender wellbeing should not only address risk factors but also strengthen existing community resources and resilience-building strategies.

Implications for research, policy, and practice

Collectively, these findings emphasise the need for contextually grounded research and policy responses that recognise the intersecting social, legal, and health challenges faced by transgender individuals in Zimbabwe. Interventions aimed at improving transgender wellbeing must address not only individual-level factors but also broader structural conditions, including family education, access to non-discriminatory healthcare, legal recognition, and inclusive administrative practices.

At a policy level, the findings highlight the need to align national legal frameworks with regional and international human rights standards. Zimbabwe is a signatory to several international human rights instruments, yet gaps remain in the protection of sexual and gender minorities. Strengthening legal protections, clarifying anti-discrimination provisions, and ensuring accountability for violence are critical steps toward reducing structural exclusion and improving access to services for transgender individuals.

At a practice level, there is a need for training healthcare providers in trauma-informed and gender-affirming care, as well as strengthening referral pathways between formal health services and community-based organisations. Future research should further examine protective factors and community-based support mechanisms that promote resilience within transgender populations in restrictive contexts.

Limitations

Several limitations should be acknowledged. First, the study was conducted with transgender individuals affiliated with a single community-based organisation in an urban setting, which may limit the transferability of findings to individuals living in rural areas or those not connected to organised support networks. Participants linked to advocacy organisations may also have greater access to psychosocial resources and community support than more socially isolated individuals, potentially shaping the nature of experiences reported.

While the qualitative design enabled in-depth exploration of lived experiences, the findings are not intended to be generalisable but rather to provide contextually grounded insights within a specific socio-legal environment. Additionally, given the sensitivity of the research context, recruitment relied on established community networks, which may have limited access to more hidden or hard-to-reach populations.

Future research could build on these findings by including more diverse samples across geographic regions, particularly rural settings, and by employing longitudinal or mixed-methods approaches to examine changes in mental health, social inclusion, and resilience over time.

Clinical significance

The findings have important clinical implications for mental health practitioners, counsellors, and community-based service providers working with transgender populations in restrictive socio-legal contexts. Practitioners should recognise the cumulative psychological impact of stigma, family rejection, violence, and structural exclusion, and adopt gender-affirming, trauma-informed approaches to care.

The study highlights the protective role of peer support networks and community-based organisations, suggesting that mental health interventions should be integrated with community-led support systems. Strengthening referral pathways between formal health services and community-based organisations may improve accessibility and continuity of care.

In addition, there is a need for targeted training of healthcare providers in gender-affirming practice, ethical sensitivity, and contextual awareness. Such training is critical for reducing discrimination within healthcare settings and improving service engagement among transgender individuals.

Conclusion

This study examined the lived experiences of transgender individuals in Zimbabwe, demonstrating how stigma, social exclusion, and structural barriers shape everyday life within a restrictive socio-legal and cultural context. The findings highlight the interconnected nature of identity recognition, family and community relations, exposure to violence, mental health vulnerability, disrupted education, and limited access to health, economic, and civic institutions.

By foregrounding transgender voices from an under-researched Global South context, this study contributes important qualitative evidence to the literature on gender diversity, stigma, and mental health [ 1, 2, 4]. It extends minority stress and stigma frameworks by illustrating how these processes operate within environments characterised by criminalisation, limited legal recognition, and constrained support structures.

Importantly, the study also identifies sources of resilience, including peer networks and community-based organisations, which provide critical spaces for support, affirmation, and coping. These findings underscore the need to complement risk-focused approaches with greater attention to protective factors in both research and practice.

Overall, this study contributes to health and community psychology by providing contextually grounded insights into transgender experiences in Zimbabwe and highlights the importance of addressing structural conditions alongside individual-level interventions. The findings have important implications for research, policy, and practice aimed at promoting equity, inclusion, and wellbeing among transgender populations in restrictive settings.

Transparency and openness statement

This study is based on original qualitative data collected through semi-structured interviews with transgender individuals in Zimbabwe. Due to the sensitive nature of the data, the criminalisation and stigmatisation of gender diversity in the study context, and the need to protect participant confidentiality, the interview data cannot be made publicly available. No hypotheses or analysis plans were preregistered prior to data collection. All procedures were conducted in accordance with ethical standards for qualitative research involving vulnerable populations.

Authors’ contributions

SK conceptualised the study, supervised data collection, contributed to data analysis, and led manuscript drafting. SF conducted data collection, contributed to analysis, and participated in manuscript development. Both authors reviewed and approved the final manuscript.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Data availability

The qualitative data generated and analysed during this study are not publicly available due to ethical considerations, including the sensitive nature of the data and the need to protect participant confidentiality within a restrictive socio-legal context. Anonymised excerpts are included in the manuscript to support the analysis.

Declarations

Competing interests

The authors declare no competing interests.