Social connection and disconnection: older adults’ life course perspectives on information and communication technologies

Abstract

Background and Objectives

Research has established that while most older adults use information and communication technologies (ICTs), loneliness and social isolation in later life are pressing issues. Studies of older adults’ ICT use have largely been cross-sectional, focused on their attitudes and preferences, and conducted with White, well-educated individuals who were disproportionately aged 65 to 75. Using an intersectional life course perspective, the purpose of our study was to understand the meanings that diverse older adults attributed to ICTs.

Research Design and Methods

We purposively recruited and conducted in-depth, semi-structured qualitative interviews with 20 diverse men and women, aged 65 to 89. They were asked about experiences of social connection, disconnection, and use of ICTs over time. Interview transcriptions were coded and analyzed using interpretative description.

Results

Participants shared stories underscored by wonder and fascination related to the arrival of ICTs into their homes and workplaces over the life course. In later life, they suggested that ICTs were important for connection and alleviating loneliness and social isolation, as they allowed for instant, direct, and affordable communication. However, they also regarded ICTs as a source of disconnection as they undermined intimacy, spontaneity, and full social participation, especially for those with disabilities or limited finances.

Discussion and Implications

Findings illuminate the importance of examining diverse older adults’ perceptions and experiences in a life course perspective. They also point to the need for training opportunities, improved technology design, and recognition from policymakers and service providers of older adults’ social connection preferences.

Background

Today’s older adults grew up during a time of rapid change in electronic and communication technologies (Kottl et al., 2021). This included the development of televisions in the 1940s, mobile phones and personal computers in the 1970s, email in the 1980s, publicly available internet and texting in the 1990s, and smartphones in the 2000s (Loubere, 2021). Older adults have witnessed the emergence and increasing dominance of information and communication technologies (ICTs), namely cell phones, computers, social media, video conferencing, and messaging apps (Loubere, 2021). Some studies indicate that older adults’ adoption of ICTs is predicted by their levels of self-efficacy and computer anxiety, perceptions of the user-friendliness and helpfulness of the technologies, and health and physical functioning (Francis et al., 2019). Other literature suggests that older adults’ proficiency with and attitudes toward technology are related to their age cohort’s specific historical and cultural contexts, such as socialization, exposure to technological evolution, and relative wealth (Chee, 2024). Chee (2024) contend that Baby Boomers (born between 1946–1964) are more comfortable with basic digital tools, while members of the Silent Generation (1925–1945) are more likely to struggle with technological devices because they lack familiarity and access. Statistics Canada (2023) reports that of those aged 65+, 83% use the Internet, 75% use email, 51% use messaging apps, 44% use social media sites, and 38% use voice or video calls. Those older adults most likely to use ICTs include individuals who are younger, affluent, healthy, well-educated, and employed (Coelho, 2024; Fang et al., 2019) and who, therefore, have greater access to technology and training (Gunnes et al., 2024).

Despite older adults’ widespread use of ICTs, the World Health Organization (2025) has identified social disconnection as a pressing public health issue. One in four individuals aged 65+ reports that they are lonely and/or socially isolated (Susanty et al., 2025; Teo et al., 2023). Whereas loneliness is defined as the subjective experience of insufficient social relationships and emotional intimacy, social isolation refers to the objective condition of having a limited number of interpersonal relationships and/or social interactions (van Tilburg & de Jong Gierveld, 2023). Thus, one may experience loneliness despite frequent social interactions, and socially isolated older adults may not be lonely. Those older adults most at risk of loneliness and social isolation are individuals who are single, living alone and/or in poor health, and have small social networks and fewer opportunities for connection (Dahlberg et al., 2022; Susanty et al., 2025). The research has further found that women are more likely to be lonely and socially isolated than men due to their longer lifespans, increased likelihood of being widowed, and greater emphasis on the importance of emotional intimacy in their relationships (Susanty et al., 2025). Additionally, social class has been linked to loneliness and isolation, with lack of financial resources limiting individuals’ abilities to engage in social activities (Soulières & Charpentier, 2022).

The research has investigated how the nature of older adults’ relationships impacts their experiences of loneliness and social isolation. Drawing upon socio-emotional selectivity theory, some studies have found that the quality of one’s social connections becomes more important in later life than the quantity and frequency of one’s interactions with others (Thompson et al., 2024). Other studies that have adopted a sociology of experience theoretical framework have found that older adults emphasize the importance of long-term, stable relationships as they navigate aging-related physical and social changes (Soulières & Charpentier, 2022). Using Granovetter’s (1973) social network theory, some studies have posited that older adults benefit from having both strong and weak social ties, as they serve different psycho-social purposes (Lam et al., 2023). While strong ties (e.g., spouses and family members) provide older adults with high-quality social and emotional support, weak ties (e.g., acquaintances or distant friends) afford them diverse social opportunities that buffer loneliness (Lam et al., 2023).

Researchers have also investigated the relationships between older adults’ use of ICTs and their perceptions and experiences of social connection. Qualitative studies have found that older adults consider ICTs to be an effective means of enhancing their interpersonal connections and fostering social participation (Berg et al., 2017; Kim et al., 2022). Quantitative research has documented a correlation between ICT use and a decreased risk of social isolation (Umoh et al., 2023). ICT use among older adults is more strongly associated with contacting and sustaining weak interpersonal ties than strong ties (Francis-Levin et al., 2025). Older adults perceive that ICT use is more helpful for maintaining and strengthening existing social connections than for making new ones (Gunnes et al., 2024). Studies further suggest that older adults prefer in-person over digital interactions (White et al., 2025; Yuan et al., 2016) and that reliance on the latter results in a loss of socializing opportunities, a lack of emotional depth in one’s interactions, and a heightened risk for misunderstandings (Wilson et al., 2023). Older adults deem ICTs to be a convenient way to connect with others and maintain social relationships both directly and asynchronously, irrespective of geographical distances and health and physical limitations (Karaoglu et al., 2021; Quan-Haase et al., 2017). Yet, older adults are ambivalent about ICTs, and their use of the technologies is influenced by their existing social circles, physical abilities, living environments, and financial resources (Dalmer et al., 2026). De Gea Grela et al. (2025) found that older adults were concerned about the constant connectivity that digital devices provided, particularly as they blurred the lines between work environments and personal lives. Therefore, the existing research indicates that while older adults accept ICTs, they still have reservations about their use.

Finally, the literature indicates that older adults’ perceptions and experiences of ICTs are shaped by societal ageism. Studies have frequently found that pervasive ageist stereotypes reinforce the notion that older adults are technologically incompetent and averse (Birkland, 2024; Kottl et al., 2021). Both younger individuals and older adults themselves may assume that older people are unable and unwilling to use technology, and those who demonstrate proficiency are typically viewed as unusual and exceptional (Birkland, 2024). Although research indicates that some older adults are enthusiastic about learning and adopting new technologies (Coelho, 2024), they often struggle because of internalized ageism, the increasing complexity and rapid development of the technologies, and their changing physical and cognitive abilities (Kottl et al., 2021; Pirhonen et al., 2020). Difficulties in maintaining digital literacy and low engagement with technology may culminate in older adults feeling like societal outsiders and perceiving that technology was made for young people (Kottl et al., 2021; Pirhonen et al., 2020). Discomfort with or rejection of technologies reinforces a gray digital divide (Chee, 2024) and older adults’ social exclusion and alienation in an increasingly digital world (Hill et al., 2015).

To date, relatively little research has considered the meanings that older adults give to ICTs in relation to their experiences of loneliness and social connection. Questions remain as to how older adults have perceived and navigated the ways that ICTs have evolved. With a few exceptions (Dalmer et al., 2026), the bulk of the qualitative research has focused on the experiences of White, well-educated older adults who were disproportionately aged 65 to 75 (see, for example, Long et al., 2024; Yuan et al., 2016). Most research has focused on older adults’ current usage of ICTs rather than situating their experiences in a broader context. To better understand older adults’ emergent perceptions and experiences of ICTs and social connection, we drew upon the intersectional life course perspective (Ferrer et al., 2017). This approach posits that individuals’ experiences and opportunities over time are shaped and delimited by their multiple, intersecting social identities and related “interlocking forms of oppression” (Ferrer et al., 2017, p. 10). The framework facilitates a deeper understanding of older adults’ lived realities at “the nexus of structural, personal, and relational processes that are experienced by diverse groups of older people across the life course and into late life” (Ferrer et al., 2017, p. 10). Life story narratives are an effective means of operationalizing the theory by allowing researchers to “contextualize the biographical accounts of individuals in relation to structural forces within historic, geographic, and cultural communities” (Brotman et al., 2020, p. 469). The intersectional life course perspective is a fruitful means of investigating “unequal ageing” (Holman & Walker, 2021, p. 246) and the ways that advantage and disadvantage are cumulative over time. Drawing on this perspective, the purpose of our study was to understand the meanings that diverse older adults attributed to ICTs, how those meanings had changed or stayed the same over time, and the ways that technology had shaped their social relationships.

Research design and methods

To understand the meanings that older adults gave to ICTs, we drew upon an interpretative description approach because it is well suited to examining how people make sense of complexities in their everyday lives and contexts (Thorne, 2025). The research was conducted in accordance with the standards of the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans (Government of Canada, 2022). The study procedures were approved by the Behavioral Research Ethics Board of the University of British Columbia, and all participants provided informed consent prior to being interviewed.

Participant recruitment

Participants were recruited through targeted advertisements and snowball sampling methods. Individuals who had participated in our past studies and who had agreed to be contacted for future research opportunities were sent information about the current study. To recruit a diverse sample, we specifically contacted past participants who were varied with respect to their gender identities, physical abilities, racialization, sexual orientation, social class, and engagement with technology. This resulted in the recruitment of 12 participants. Another eight participants were subsequently recruited through snowball sampling methods. To be included in the study, participants needed to (a) be age 65+, (b) have spoken proficiency in English, and (c) be community-dwelling. Interested individuals contacted the first author by telephone or email. Participants received a nominal honorarium ($25) as a token of appreciation.

Participant characteristics

Our sample included 20 older adults (10 men and 10 women) who resided in Canadian cities. Participants were aged 65 to 89 (average age of 75) and varied with respect to their gender identity, sexual orientation, partner status, country of origin, cultural identity, physical ability, race, and household income (see Table 1). Most participants were heterosexual, cisgender, in good health, educated, and retired. Their use of ICTs was also varied (see Table 2). Each participant was assigned a pseudonym. Their life histories and the factors that influenced their ICT usage have been summarized in Table 3.

Table 1.

Demographic characteristics (n = 20).

Demographic characteristics	n
Age (years)
65–69	3
70–74	5
75–79	8
80–84	2
85+	2
Sexual orientation
Gay	2
Heterosexual	15
Lesbian	2
Queer	1
Gender identity
Cisgender female	9
Transgender female	1
Cisgender male	10
Place of birth
Asia	5
Europe	2
North America	13
Cultural identity
Canadian	3
East Asian	5
European	9
South Asian	2
Southeast Asian	1
Self-rated health status
Poor	3
Good	12
Very good	3
Excellent	2
Partner status
Married/partnered	6
Common-law	2
Divorced/separated	6
Single/widowed	5
Never married	1
Living arrangements
Lives with partner	7
Lives with children	1
Living apart together	1
Lives alone	11
Highest level of education
High school diploma	1
Some college/university	3
College/university	8
Some graduate school	2
Graduate school	6
Employment status
Works part-time	3
Volunteers part-time	2
Retired	15
Residence type
Own	11
Rent	9
Household income (CAD)
Less than 14,999	1
15,000–29,999	5
30,000–44,999	2
45,000–59,999	4
60,000–74,999	5
75,000–89,999	1
More than 150,000	2

Table 2.

Information and communication technologies used and other apps (n = 20).

Information and communication technologies used	n
Cellphone	18
Email	19
Internet	19
iPad or tablet	14
Landline	15
Messaging apps	18
Cellphone texting	16
Discord	1
Facebook Messenger	9
Google Chat	4
Line	1
Signal	2
Slack	1
TextNow	1
WhatsApp	8
Miscellaneous apps	14
Banking apps	14
Educational apps	1
Games	8
Mapping apps	1
Streaming services	19
Personal computer/laptop	18
Smartwatch	6
Social media	16
Facebook	15
Instagram	6
LinkedIn	2
Pinterest	2
Snapchat	1
Threads	1
Twitter/X	5
WeChat	2
TV/Smart TV	7
Video calling/conferencing apps	17
FaceTime	10
Google Duo	1
Microsoft Teams	2
Skype	4
Zoom	15
Virtual assistants (i.e., Alexa, ChatGPT, Siri)	5

Table 3.

Participant descriptions.

Pseudonym	Description
Mina	Mina was a 76-year-old, cisgender, queer, retired East Asian woman born in Canada. She was single, had one daughter, and lived alone. She obtained a graduate degree in humanities. She had limited income and physical impairments, which made using technology challenging. Throughout her life, she had been a reluctant adopter of technology.
Rohan	Rohan was an 85-year-old, cisgender, heterosexual, retired, South Asian man who immigrated to Canada from India in his thirties. He lived with his wife, with whom he had two children and five grandchildren. He obtained graduate degrees in science and electronics. He was a knowledgeable user of ICTs and used them to stay connected to his family overseas.
Pierre	Pierre was a 70-year-old, cisgender, heterosexual, retired, White, francophone man who was born in Europe and had immigrated to Canada as a teenager. He was married and lived with his wife, with whom he had three children and two grandchildren. He had two graduate degrees (law and public administration) and had to learn how to use a cellphone for work before retiring. Even though he was a passionate technology user, his speech and mobility impairments were barriers to his ICT use.
Tom	Tom was a 65-year-old, cisgender, heterosexual, retired East Asian man born in Canada. He lived with his common-law partner of 40+ years and did not have any children. Tom had an undergraduate degree in information technology and had worked in a related field. He had a spinal cord injury and some paralysis, which made it difficult for him to use ICTs. He recalled being an early adopter of technology as he received his first computer at the age of 12. He used many ICTs and implemented them into his daily routine.
Helen	Helen was a 76-year-old, cisgender, heterosexual, retired White woman born in Canada. She was a widow, had two children, and lived alone. She had obtained a high school diploma and had worked in bookkeeping. As a reluctant adopter of technology, Helen preferred to connect with others in person and had very limited use of ICTs.
Wei	Wei was a 78-year-old, cisgender, heterosexual, retired, East Asian man who was born in China and had immigrated to Canada 10 years ago. He had been separated from his wife for two years and lived alone. He had an undergraduate degree in engineering and had worked in a technology-related field. He had extensive experience working with telecommunications and computers. He had family across Canada and abroad with whom he communicated via messaging apps and video calls.
Alan	Alan was an 89-year-old, cisgender, heterosexual, retired, White man who was born in Canada. Alan was recently widowed and lived alone. He had two children, four grandchildren, and eight great-grandchildren. He graduated from trade school and had worked as a firefighter. He only recently obtained his first cellphone and used it to communicate with his family through social media, texting, and video calls.
Priya	Priya was a 78-year-old, cisgender, heterosexual, retired, South Asian woman. She was born in India and had immigrated to Canada after she finished her schooling. She was widowed and lived with her daughter, son-in-law, and two grandchildren. She had a graduate degree in science and had worked in healthcare. She gradually adopted more ICTs as she learned about them at work. Priya often video-called her family overseas and used applications like Zoom to connect with other community members.
Chok	Chok was a 75-year-old, cisgender, heterosexual, retired, Southeast Asian man who was born in Malaysia and had immigrated to Canada in his 20s. He was re-partnered and had three children and three grandchildren from his first marriage. He had an undergraduate degree in technology and had worked in telecommunications. He was passionate about technology and used ICTs to stay in contact with his family both in Canada and overseas. He frequently used video calling and other messaging apps.
Yuan	Yuan was a 69-year-old, cisgender, heterosexual, retired, East Asian woman. She was born in Hong Kong and had immigrated to Canada in her early 20s. She was divorced and lived alone. She had completed one year of liberal arts studies at university. She occasionally used some ICTs that she had gradually adopted in mid to later life.
Jacob	Jacob was a 70-year-old cisgender, heterosexual, White man who was born in Canada. At the time of the interview, he had been partnered for two years and did not have any children. He had studied electronics in trade school and still worked part-time. He was an early adopter of technology and continued to use many devices in his daily life despite struggling with some physical limitations due to his quadriplegia and other chronic conditions.
Natalie	Natalie was a 72-year-old, transgender, lesbian, retired, White woman who was born in Canada. She was married and had no children. She had a Master’s degree in technology and had worked as a teacher. She became interested in technology at a young age and regularly used a wide range of ICTs to stay in contact with her friends.
Derek	Derek was a 71-year-old cisgender, gay, retired, White man who was born in Canada. He was single and lived alone. He had some university education and had worked in the arts. He had incorporated some ICTs such as computers into his daily life but struggled to access technology due to financial constraints, physical disabilities, and chronic health issues.
Steve	Steve was a 72-year-old, cisgender, heterosexual, East Asian man who was born in Canada. He was married and did not have any children. He had some university education and worked part-time as a counselor. He started to learn and incorporate more technology into his life after gaining more exposure at his job.
Caitlyn	Caitlyn was an 81-year-old cisgender, lesbian, retired, White woman who was born in Canada. She was a widow, did not have any children, and lived alone. She had a bachelor’s degree and had worked in social services. Before she retired, Caitlyn gradually incorporated ICTs into her daily life, which she regularly used to stay connected with friends and members of her various social networks.
Gerrard	Gerrard was an 80-year-old, cisgender, gay, retired, White man. He was born in the United Kingdom and had immigrated to Canada in his 40s. He was divorced, did not have any children, and lived alone. He had a bachelor’s degree and had worked as a social worker. He was a pragmatic adopter of technology and owned many devices that he used to communicate with.
Margaret	Margaret was a 78-year-old, cisgender, heterosexual, White woman who was born in Canada. She was divorced, had one daughter, and lived alone. She had a bachelor’s degree in psychology and had worked in human resources. In mid to later life, she had become more well-versed in the use of technology.
Joyce	Joyce was a 68-year-old, cisgender, heterosexual, White woman who was born in Canada. She was partnered, had one child, and lived alone. She had an undergraduate degree and worked part-time as a musician and composer. She had gradually incorporated ICTs into her daily routine but had chronic health issues that made using technology difficult.
Astrid	Astrid was a 75-year-old, cisgender, heterosexual, retired, White woman. She was born in Germany and had immigrated to Canada as a child. She was divorced, lived alone, and had three children and six grandchildren. She had a graduate degree in social science and had worked in social services. She was very proficient with technology and had been using a cellphone for over 15 years.
Susan	Susan was a 75-year-old, cisgender, heterosexual, retired, White woman who was born in Canada. She was divorced, lived alone, and had two children and two grandchildren. Susan had a graduate degree in counseling and had worked as a teacher and a guidance counselor. She started to adopt ICTs in later life to stay in touch with her family.

Note. ICTs = information and communication technologies.

Data collection

The interview guide was developed following a careful review of the aforementioned literature on aging, social connection/isolation, and technology. Following the provision of written informed consent, participants were interviewed by the first author, who has a clinical social work background and extensive qualitative research experience with older adults. Interviews ranged from 1.25 to 2.5 hr (average of 1.8 hr) in length. Nine participants were interviewed in person and 11 via Zoom, in accordance with their wishes. No participants withdrew from the study. Interviews were done in a semi-structured way to simultaneously facilitate the coverage of a range of topics and enable the interviewer to acquire an in-depth understanding of the participants’ perceptions and experiences. Seeking to understand the meanings that participants gave to their experiences of ICTs, we asked them to share their life stories of using technology and how the use of technologies had impacted their experiences of social connection and disconnection. For the full interview guide, please see the Supplementary Material. The interviews were digitally recorded, transcribed verbatim using Otter AI transcription software, and reviewed for accuracy by the first and third authors. After each interview, the first author made reflective field notes to document her observations and emerging analytical ideas, as well as to reflexively manage any potential biases (Saldaña, 2025).

Data analysis

We began our analysis by reading the transcripts repeatedly and attending to both the readily apparent and underlying meanings that the participants attributed to their experiences (Fereday & Muir-Cochrane, 2006; Saldaña, 2025). Next, we developed a set of nine codes that aimed to capture “the qualitative richness” (Fereday & Muir-Cochrane, 2006, p. 83) of the participants’ perceptions and experiences of ICTs. The codes encompassed the data that were generated from specific interview questions and recurring ideas across the interviews. The data were primarily coded by the second and third authors (who are trainees), under the close supervision of the first author (who, as mentioned, is an experienced researcher). The two primary coders independently coded all the data in NVivo 14, and discrepancies were subsequently discussed by the first, second, and third authors until consensus was reached (Creswell & Poth, 2025). Using an interpretive description approach, we then built our findings from our coded data by engaging in “an interpretive maneuver” (Thorne, 2025, p. 157). This entailed reflecting on how the differing meanings that participants attributed to ICTs were related to and illuminated by each other, how they changed over time, and how they were influenced by the wider social context. We constructed and arranged the codes in a way that best represented the emergent meanings that participants gave to their ICT use and related experiences of social connection over their life courses. This process resulted in the identification of three overarching themes, which are summarized in Figure 1.

Figure 1.

Flowchart depicting how codes were organized into analytic themes.

Trustworthiness

To ensure the trustworthiness of our analysis, we used a number of strategies (Thorne, 2025). We began by establishing inter-coder agreement between the first, second, and third authors by independently coding a subset of the data. As described above, we used a collaborative approach in coding the data (Creswell & Poth, 2025). We documented our analytical decisions in an audit trail and met on a weekly basis to discuss our work and resolve any subsequent queries or discrepancies. Finally, in the reporting of the results, we have used thick descriptions of the participants’ perceptions and experiences (Younas et al., 2023).

Results

In the section that follows, we outline the three overarching themes, which capture the meanings that the participants attributed to ICTs and their experiences of social connection and disconnection over time.

“I was just utterly enthralled”: early and midlife perceptions and experiences of ICTs

When asked about their earliest memories of technology, participants frequently shared stories from their childhood and youth that were underscored by feelings of wonder. Almost half of the participants recalled the excitement of their families’ acquisition of their first televisions. Mina shared: “I was somewhere between three and four [years old]…And my father was one of the first of three people in [the city] to get an 11-inch screen, black and white television set. And the entire neighborhood was in our living room.” Similarly, Steve relayed:

We got television when I was 11 or 12…I remember the day the television came into the house. It was a used television—black and white. It cost $75. And I came home from school, I saw that, and I was just utterly enthralled.

One-third of the participants recollected the moment when their families had first gained access to a landline telephone, which initially was often a line shared by multiple neighbors who each had their own unique ring pattern. Caitlyn stated: “Telephone—in the beginning, it was a party line. We were three short…rings and three long rings…That was my technology.” One-quarter of the participants described their first computers, such as Tom:

First memory of technology? I guess it must be my first computer…when I was 12. It was very rudimentary. But…it was an experience…It was fun. We never thought it was going to come to anything but wow, it’s taken over.

Finally, some participants described the moment when they gained access to email, such as Natalie: “I remember how it was exciting to be able to email my friend…a long distance away. It was interesting to be able to do that.” Therefore, more than half of the participants recalled a sense of fascination with ICTs from a young age.

Not all of the participants had access to technology early in life. Gerrard, who was born in the United Kingdom, described his experiences: “I grew up without a phone. [There was] a phone box down the street. People that had a phone were posh and we didn’t. We weren’t posh…My mother used to communicate with one of her sisters maybe once a month.” Chok described having few financial resources and limited availability of technology in his country of origin:

We don’t come from a rich family or anything. We just were able to survive…In Malaysia we didn’t have that advanced technology. We didn’t even have a phone at home. That was back in the 60s…We had to go to a neighbor’s house, if I had to call someone.

Rohan, who faced similar access barriers in India, shared how even upon immigrating to Canada he had initially had limited access to ICTs:

There was no electricity at that time, you know, 1940s. It was a wartime…There was not enough match boxes…so, my father used to have two rocks and a small flint…to create the fire…Even the kerosene, which was used for the lamps, [there] was a shortage… Television came in the late 1950s…Of course, elsewhere, it was available, but not in India…When I came to Canada [in 1969], telephones were located only in the post office…[there were] no telephones at home…that was a dream [for the rest of us].

In this way, access to ICTs had been an elusive aspiration for some participants early in life.

All but three of the participants recalled how they had gained access to and/or increased their proficiency with ICTs in midlife, beginning in their early twenties through to their early sixties, because of opportunities in the workplace. Participants reported having various communication devices, such as pagers (one participant), fax machines (two participants), cellphones (eight participants), and computers (14 participants) on the job. They often shared stories like Margaret, “I encountered…my first word processor…[and] fax machine at work…I remember thinking ‘Wow, what sorcery is this?’ It was amazing!” Like Priya, they also described the importance of having received work-based training opportunities:

I was scared to death when technology, well the computer, came to the hospital…That was 25 years ago, I started using computers. But I was so limited in my knowledge…So I kept going to the IT department…They said, ‘Nothing to be scared of.’…The computer department came, they set it up…and I took a training [course]…Then I would teach my staff members. And then we learned how to send the email.

Similar to Astrid, two-thirds of the participants described the evolution of ICTs in their workplaces: “Eventually we started using email. And then, I had jobs where you had a…BlackBerry…And so, just by virtue of working when I did, I was exposed to most of the latest…technology.” Some participants, like Steve, reported that computers were originally used only by a select few individuals but eventually were made available to all employees:

There was a work computer but only management got to muck with that…technology that was locked away and only certain people had access…Then they started introducing [them] on the floor…And we thought, ‘Wow, this is space age’.

Therefore, participants’ encounters of ICTs in their homes and workplaces had been characterized by a sense of curiosity and marvel over their novelty and potential.

“It’s so good to be keeping in touch”: ICTs in later life as a source of social connection

As they reflected on their perceptions and experiences of ICTs in later life, all the participants commented on how communication had changed over time. Chok shared how the evolution of ICTs had made it easier and more affordable to stay in contact with his family:

I used to write [my brothers who live overseas] a letter because phone calls [were] too expensive…Those days before FaceTime and WhatsApp, we’d phone each other maybe twice a year with Chinese New Years…the New Year or Christmas–a big occasion…But…there were several months [in] between so you don’t know what’s happening…But now it’s so easy. Just WhatsApp them or you can talk to them on FaceTime…It’s so good to be keeping in touch with them.

Participants often commented on how ICTs had made instant and direct communication with others more readily available. Referring to her cellphone, Margaret suggested that what she liked most was “the immediacy of it. The fact that you can be in touch with people who are far away really quickly…to pass on important news.” Consequently, all but three participants suggested that ICTs facilitated their social connections. Alan referred to his cellphone as “the real connector” and noted that the device was “changing the whole concept of connectivity” as it enabled him to easily and frequently share texts and photographs with his adult children and grandchildren. Therefore, the participants appreciated how ICTs had enabled more frequent connections with their friends and families.

Three-quarters of the participants valued how the evolution of ICTs had fundamentally altered the limits of where and when communication was possible. They described how communication technologies had evolved, beginning with the rotary, wall-mounted telephone, or “dial phone” (Alan), to the arrival of a “touch tone” (Astrid) phone to an early cell phone “that was like a brick” (Caitlyn) to a “90s flip phone” (Joyce) to their current “iPhone” (Tom) or “Android” (Jacob). They reflected on how the portability and functionality of their present-day devices made it possible to transcend the boundaries of their homes. Referring to her first cell phone as “this mammoth thing that looked like a shoe and you had to plug it into your car,” Astrid esteemed the way that her latest, much smaller and lighter cell phone meant that “[now] anywhere, anytime, people can get in touch with me, or I can get in touch with others… I don’t have to miss out on anything because you couldn’t get in touch with me.” Caroline liked that the flexibility of ICTs meant that she and her friends were able to remain in close contact, despite their differing schedules:

There’s three of us…every night we check in with each other…When we couldn’t meet together [during COVID]…we started the check in. And…we still do it…[We use] email because we do it at different times. Like [my friend] tends to do it early. [My other friend] tends to do it very late. And I’m usually somewhere in the middle.

Half of the participants additionally valued how ICTs made it possible to communicate across geographical barriers. Rohan described how being able to see close friends and family overseas when video conferencing was important to him, particularly as travel had become increasingly difficult with age:

We used to travel to India…every 3, 4 years. So, we used to see many of [our friends]. But, since 2014…Almost 10 years now, we have not gone to India. Therefore, seeing our real friends…has not happened. But then Zoom and other methods have evolved, which we use in order to see each other. So, that is the replacement.

Participants thereby suggested that ICTs had transformed communication by affording people more options for connection with others.

Because of the communication possibilities associated with ICTs, almost half of the participants, including six of the seven Silent Generation members, suggested that the technologies had enhanced their social connections. A few, like Gerrard, reported that ICTs had enabled the development of new relationships: “Information technology is able to support long distance relationships more than old fashioned technology… I would not have gotten married had I not had information technology…the addition of visual technology…is much more supportive of relationships.” Others contended that ICTs had helped them to maintain existing relationships even when their friends and loved ones had become less physically present in their lives. Susan, who lived alone, appreciated how she was able to stay in touch with her son after he moved to another province:

The connectiveness is the biggest issue for me…My son moved [away]…[and] even if he just has the time to send me a quick text, I’m connected. Where before, if I had to wait for a phone call, it might be a week and a half…I love my technology. I don’t know what I would do without it. It’s just incredible in my life the impact that it’s had and maybe too because I’m older. I’m not going into work every day, making connections every day. When you’re living here in a more solitary environment…it’s just feeling so much more connected with the world.

Others said that ICTs enriched their lives as they pointed to the ability to stay in constant, immediate communication with others. Astrid shared:

On a daily basis…I talk to…and text with numerous people on my cell phone…I’m usually talking to my daughters…and texting them in between phone calls…It’s pretty fluid…The cell phone is just a life changing, life enriching, incredible communication tool…I think it really makes aging much richer.

Astrid further noted that she had used ICTs to maintain an in-person connection with her mom as her dementia progressed:

She loved to sing…and she remembered all the old German folk songs…Of course, [I] didn’t know them all, but I could look them up anytime, anywhere…sometimes we would be talking about something and she would say, ‘Look it up. Look it up’ and point to my phone…things like that are amazing.

Therefore, participants underscored how ICTs contributed to their quality of life by making it possible to maintain stable and strong ties even in the face of life’s changes and challenges.

Almost half of the participants viewed ICTs as a means of combatting loneliness and social isolation. Priya said:

I’m pretty lonely at times. Nobody’s home all day. I’m on my own all day. The children are gone to school. My daughter and son-in-law both working full time. I have my couple of friends I connect [with]…Cell phone, emailing, texting…I also connect with my family in India and I use WhatsApp…I have three sisters in India and I talk to them…pretty regularly. Every Sunday or Saturday night about one hour…that’s my connection to my family.

Some participants reported that they did not experience loneliness precisely because they used ICTs to reach out to others. Rohan put it simply: “When you [look] around you, there is a whole lot of thing[s] you can do [when you’re lonely]…You feel lonely? Well, call somebody.” Gerrard asserted, “Do I ever feel lonely? No, not very often…I will often phone people if I’m alone and thinking, ‘Well what do I want to do now?’” Still others, like Tom, described using ICTs to maintain contact with those friends or family members whom they perceived as being vulnerable to social isolation and loneliness:

I’ve met some friends who are lonely and I try to keep in contact with them, especially people with a disability. I give them a call every once in a while and try to get them to go out for lunch. They don’t have a support system.

Thus, participants considered ICTs to be invaluable not only for the maintenance of relationships but also for the mitigation of social isolation and loneliness.

“We’re being ripped off”: older adults’ ambivalence toward ICTs

At the same time, all the participants relayed feelings of ambivalence toward ICTs. Some participants, like Susan, opined the loss of spontaneity that had arisen from the increasing dominance of texting as the primary way to communicate with others:

A girlfriend will text me. She kind of sets up an appointment for us to call. “Are you going to be around later tonight? Could we have a phone call?”…I kind of like the spontaneity of picking up the phone and going, “Oh, it’s so and so.” But…that doesn’t happen that often [anymore].

However, participants also expressed dissatisfaction at how cellphones made them, as Derek put it, “on call 24/7.” Helen echoed this sentiment: “We want to be out and we want to be left alone. We don’t want to call. There’s no reason to contact the person…If I’m gonna be late, I’m gonna be late. If I’m gonna be early, I’m early.” Two-thirds of the participants characterized communication via ICTs as lacking emotional depth and intimacy. Steve asserted, “Text is a terrible way to communicate. If you’re trying to get across emotional content…it’s just way too short…there’s no cues.” Some participants, like Joyce, felt that the quality of their interactions had been undermined, leading to a growing sense of disconnection from others:

We have…five different ways to connect with each other now, at least, if not 50, right? Has it made us closer?…Are we more intimate? No. Not at all. I think we’re being ripped off. I think…it’s alienating…Life happens through our devices…There’s…this terrible oppression that comes from the screen and…coldness…it just lacks humanity…It is a tool, but it is not a substitute for…actual connection…it has no soul.

All but five participants thereby asserted that ICTs had fostered their growing sense of disconnectedness and alienation.

More than half the participants asserted that they preferred in-person interactions over technologically mediated ones. For some, in-person communications were clearer and less likely to be misinterpreted. Pierre, who had a speech impairment, described how others often struggled to understand what he was saying: “Body language is what lets me know that…I was understood… Not only understood in terms of what I said but the idea I’m trying to convey.” Jacob, who had physical impairments, stated:

I’d prefer to talk to people one on one…It’s a lot easier to use my own voice rather than trying to type things out…because I’m a quadriplegic and my fingers don’t work right. Typing is problematic…Takes me a while. Most of my friends, if I’m texting them, they’ve written three conversations before I can even respond to one. I’m usually answering questions that are three or four behind theirs…And [voice-activated software] doesn’t actually write what I say. So, I try to avoid that if I can.

Others, like Derek, noted that communication via ICTs often resulted in misunderstandings: “When it’s online or on the phone…you can get things misconstrued really easy, because you’re reading into stuff. But when you’re talking face to face, you know what’s going on.” Some participants also appreciated how being in-person meant they could do activities with others. Wei asserted, “It’s very important to meet friends in person…not by WeChat…because [we] have common interests…hiking, swimming… Kpop, hip hop, or mahjong… All of these activities [are] in person.” Some participants emphasized how in-person interactions enabled the engagement of “all the senses,” as shared by Yuan:

I like to meet in person…I don’t like just emailing. I don’t like just texting…you just enjoy more being in person…Personal interaction, it’s the most important thing deep down…You need that kind of a connection…It can be the smell, it can be the touch, it can be the feel of it. All the senses that you can feel if you’re interacting with people.

More than half of the participants, like Joyce, felt that in-person interactions fostered deeper emotional connections:

Yes [in person is my favorite way to communicate with people]. Most definitely…It’s just human. It’s warm, you get the whole picture. It’s holistic…There’s so much there. It’s so rich. It’s the total thing…Having great conversations…having all the subtleties and inflections and journeys and surprises and all the things that happen.

Participants thereby preferred in-person interactions because they enabled connections that were characterized by understanding, engagement in shared activities, and emotional intimacy.

Finally, many participants were worried about the social and personal consequences of the growing complexity of ICTs. Two-thirds of the participants suggested that continuing technological changes amplified older adults’ digital illiteracy and communication difficulties. Describing his views on technological developments, Pierre contended:

It’s never been about making technology safer and simpler for people to use everywhere. It’s always the other way around…it’s not intuitive and…it’s complicated…to use the devices because they’ve got so many useless options…It’s almost like a vicious cycle. [Each device] is more complicated than the one before…[but] I think a lot of older people have difficulty communicating through devices because they’re not used to it…other people are on those things, [so] older adults have lost the ability to communicate.

Some participants, like Tom, perceived that older adults’ difficulties with technology were the product of their own inflexibility: “I know older people have problems with learning new technology…[but] I think people are just set in their ways. They’re not willing to learn new things…I think that’s what the biggest problem is.” Yet, half of the participants articulated the sense that maintaining digital literacy was important. Margaret stated: “It’s either…adapt or have a very small life because so much of life seems to be controlled by technology now or involves technology in some way or another.” Two women, who had limited ability to access and use technology due to their financial constraints, reported feeling increasingly socially isolated and lonely. Mina, who did not own a cellphone and was unable to use a computer due to a visual impairment, reported difficulties in taking books out of the library, banking, accessing health care, and purchasing theater tickets. She opined, “The more technology there is, the less connected socially I am…[People] can’t relate to my means of communication, which is in person, by mail, and by regular voicemail, telephone…It’s lonely and boring.” Likewise, Caitlyn asserted, “There’s so much you can’t do anymore because everything comes this way (referring to technology)…on some device or other…Everybody’s doing something…on a device…We’re all in…these little boxes…it feels sometimes like you’re in a world of zombies…not human beings.” The participants felt that older adults were especially alienated and isolated because of the growing societal reliance on ICTs. Wei put it this way: “I don’t like to use this, to learn this (gestures to his cellphone)…Society is only for the young people, for the young generation. Not for the older generation.” While they appreciated how ICTs had created new possibilities for communication, the participants perceived that the technologies were undermining human connections and contributing to an ever-widening generational divide.

Discussion and implications

In this study, we examined how older adults’ use of and attitudes toward ICTs shaped their experiences of social connection and disconnection in later life. Our study is unique in that we adopted an intersectional life course perspective (Ferrer et al., 2017) and that our sample was comprised of individuals who were diverse with respect to ability, age, gender identity, race, sexual orientation, and social class. Unlike previous research, which has primarily focused on the current views and behaviors of White, middle-class, and well-educated individuals, our study offers insights into how individuals’ historical and cultural contexts shape their experiences and perceptions over time (Brotman et al., 2020). Our findings illuminate how social identities, especially upbringing and social class, influence perceptions of ICTs and contribute to unequal aging (Holman & Walker, 2021). Our study adds to the existing literature by highlighting how individuals’ diverse intersecting identities shape and delimit their life course experiences of ICTs and social connection. Moreover, our findings point to older adults’ ambivalence about ICTs, specifically their perception that while the technologies increase possibilities for social interaction, they simultaneously undermine the quality of their connections.

The participants had come of age during rapid global developments in electronic and communication devices (Kottl et al., 2021; Loubere, 2021). Like past studies that have found that some older adults express enthusiasm for new technologies (Coelho, 2024), all but three participants described feeling excited and fascinated by the arrival of ICTs in their homes and workplaces and continued to use them in older age. In contrast to ageist stereotypes, which suggest that older adults are technologically averse and incompetent (Birkland, 2024; Kottl et al., 2021), all but three of the participants were long-term users of ICTs who employed a range of technologies over time (see Table 2). We acknowledge that this finding may be a product of the composition of our convenience sample. That said, some participants positioned themselves as exceptional users of technology (Birkland, 2024) as they differentiated their own abilities from those of their, age peers, whom they considered to fit the ageist stereotypes of the older, ineffective, and reluctant user of ICTs (Kottl et al., 2021). Contrary to previous studies that have found that those older adults who are most technologically proficient tend to be Baby Boomers (Chee, 2024), six out of seven Silent Generation members in our study were avid users of technology and incorporated a multitude of ICTs in their daily lives. Half of these individuals were racialized, had immigrated to Canada from low-income countries where they had not had access to technology early in life, and had acquired their digital literacy through higher education and workplace experiences (see Table 3). Those with higher levels of education, workplace experience with ICTs, and related training opportunities tended to be more confident and willing to adopt ICTs in later life, which aligns with past research (Coelho, 2024; Fang et al., 2019; Francis et al., 2019).

Similar to previous studies (Karaoglu et al., 2021; Quan-Haase et al., 2017), the participants appreciated the convenience, affordability, and flexibility of ICTs for contacting friends and family. As has been previously found (Berg et al., 2017; Gunnes et al., 2024; Kim et al., 2022), they esteemed how the technologies enabled them to enhance and maintain their social connections locally, nationally, and internationally. Like the findings from Umoh et al. (2023), the participants reported that ICTs were important for preventing social isolation and loneliness. Whereas Francis-Levin et al. (2025) found that their older participants primarily used ICTs to contact their peripheral social ties, our participants relied on the technologies for maintaining their connections with close friends and family, particularly given scheduling and geographic barriers. Like the findings of Gunnes et al. (2024) and Soulières and Charpentier (2022), our participants perceived ICTs as increasingly essential for maintaining their long-term, stable social connections. This is important because, as has been reported by Lam et al. (2023), these relationships offer older adults high-quality social and emotional support as they manage the social and physical realities of growing older.

However, the participants identified several things that they disliked about ICTs and how the technologies had changed the social landscape. As was found by White et al. (2025) and Yuan et al. (2016), the participants preferred in-person interactions over digitally mediated ones, which they said lacked clarity, opportunities to engage in activities, and emotional intimacy (Wilson et al., 2023). Something that has not previously been reported was our participants’ displeasure over the growing social expectation that not only in-person activities but also phone calls be scheduled via ICTs, leading to a loss of spontaneity in connections. Akin to the findings of De Gea Grela et al. (2025), the participants were apprehensive about a loss of privacy and the escalating intrusiveness of digital interactions. Like previous studies (Francis et al., 2019; Kottl et al., 2021; Pirhonen et al., 2020), many participants asserted that the growing complexity of ICTs resulted in digital literacy challenges and their sense of being left behind. Our findings illuminate how the adoption and use of technologies influenced participants’ experiences of social connection and disconnection, with those who were most resistant to ICTs reporting feeling increasingly lonely and isolated as social interactions and normalized ways of communicating became digitally focused (Hill et al., 2015). Aligning with prior research that has documented the impact of the intersection of gender and social class on social connection (Dahlberg et al., 2022; Susanty et al., 2025), the two participants who were lonely and lacking avenues for addressing their social isolation were both single, poor, older women with limited access to ICTs.

Limitations

Our study is limited by its small sample size and the fact that participants were only interviewed once. While the diversity of our sample is a strength, the corresponding heterogeneity limits our ability to draw conclusions about the influence of particular social locations on the participants’ attitudes and behaviors. Participation in the study required English language proficiency, which may have precluded the inclusion of potential participants with different perspectives. All the racialized participants were from Asia, and thus there was a lack of representation of individuals from other cultures, including those from Africa and South America. Although we purposively recruited more than half of our sample with the goal of having a diverse group of participants, it is further possible that those who agreed to participate were inclined to be interested in and proficient with ICTs.

Future research

Our findings suggest the need for more research that investigates the influence of individuals’ life course experiences and social identities on their later life use of ICTs and perceptions of social connection and disconnection. Thus, we recommend that future studies employ life history approaches as well as survey methods with large, diverse samples.

Conclusion

In conclusion, our findings shed light on the complex relationships between older adults’ use of ICTs, their life course experiences, and their perspectives on social connection and disconnection. Our study highlights the importance of situating older adults’ experiences and preferences in an intersectional life-course perspective. Rather than adopting a snapshot viewpoint, which may lend itself to emphasizing deficits and reinforcing ageist stereotypes and Western assumptions, an intersectional life course framework sheds light on older adults’ varied experiences as well as how they have adapted and been resilient in the face of rapid technological development. Our findings have practical implications and potential applications that may enhance the quality of life of older adults. There is a need for more accessible training opportunities to foster older adults’ digital literacy and confidence in engaging safely and effectively with ICTs. To prevent older adults from being excluded, ICTs must be affordable, user-friendly, and designed for longevity rather than with intentional obsolescence that necessitates continual consumption and adaptation. Finally, given older adults’ preferences, policymakers and service providers should amplify in-person opportunities for social connection rather than increasingly viewing technology as the answer to loneliness in later life.

Supplementary material

Supplementary material is available at The Gerontologist online.

Funding

This work was supported by a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada Insight Development Grant (430-2022-00480).

Conflicts of interest

None declared.

Data availability

The original data are not available to protect the privacy of participants. This study was not pre-registered.

Author contributions

Laura Hurd (Conceptualization [lead], Data curation [lead], Formal analysis [lead], Funding acquisition [lead], Investigation [lead], Methodology [lead], Project administration [lead], Supervision [lead], Visualization [equal], Writing—original draft [equal], Writing—review & editing [equal]), Catherine Tran (Formal analysis [equal], Visualization [equal], Writing—original draft [equal], Writing—review & editing [equal]), Erika Delorme (Data curation [supporting], Formal analysis [supporting], Writing—original draft [supporting], Writing—review & editing [supporting]), Erica V. Bennett (Conceptualization [supporting], Funding acquisition [supporting], Writing—review & editing [supporting]), and W. Ben Mortenson (Conceptualization [supporting], Funding acquisition [supporting], Writing—review & editing [supporting])