A Qualitative Study of Mental Health Challenges and Coping Mechanisms Among Venezuelan Migrants Residing in Colombia

Abstract

Objective:

The present study aims to examine the mental health needs and challenges faced by Venezuelan migrants in Colombia through the lens of Venezuelan migrant caregivers and service providers who work closely with them. Using the Lazarus Stress Theory, the study examines how migrants’ perceptions of threat and coping potential interact with stressors, shaping their mental health over time.

Method:

A convenience sampling approach was used to conduct semi-structured interviews with 21 service providers who predominantly work with Venezuelan migrants and 29 Venezuelan caregivers residing in Colombia. Data were analyzed using thematic analysis.

Results:

Two major themes were identified: 1) Constant financial instability and uncertainty impact Venezuelan migrant caregivers’ wellbeing and family dynamics; and 2) the role of healthy and unhealthy coping mechanisms in shaping the mental health of Venezuelan migrants in Colombia.

Conclusions:

These findings contribute to a growing body of research on the intersection of economic hardship, migration, and mental health among Latin American populations, highlighting the unique stressors experienced by Venezuelan families in transnational contexts.

Introduction

Venezuelan-Colombian Migrant Crisis

Since 2015, Venezuela has experienced economic instability, hyperinflation, political repression, and widespread violence (Doocy et al., 2019; Scaramutti et al., 2024; Salas-Wright et al., 2024). Fleeing to Colombia, Many Venezuelan migrants face precarious living conditions with limited access to stable employment, healthcare, and educational opportunities, resulting in informal labor with low wages, leaving them increasingly vulnerable to exploitation. In addition to these hardships, they face significant mental health challenges due to political instability, economic burden, and displacement (Espinel et al., 2020). Colombia is grappling with an unprecedented challenge posed by the Venezuelan migrant crisis, prompting scholars, policymakers, and other stakeholders to examine the country’s response.

Impact of Migration on Mental Health

Despite the significance of the Venezuelan displacement crisis, there is a dearth of research examining the mental health experiences of Venezuelan migrants living in Colombia. Previous research conducted among Venezuelan migrants has been predominantly quantitative or has focused on other destinations besides Colombia, suggesting a need for increased qualitative research. For example, a study of 647 Venezuelan migrants displaced by the crisis explored the mental health effects of post-migration discrimination in the United States and Colombia (Schwartz et al., 2018). The study found that Venezuelan migrants residing in Colombia reported experiencing heightened discrimination, a worse context of reception, and increased depressive symptoms, compared to their Venezuelan counterparts in the US.

Similarly, Carroll et al. (2020) reported high symptoms of depression and anxiety in Venezuelans migrating to Peru. In a recent longitudinal study, Salas-Wright et al. (2025) also found that Venezuelan migrants reported elevated symptoms of depression in 2017 and again in 2023–2024. Additionally, a scoping review, which included studies from Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru, found a high overall prevalence of mental health problems, particularly those linked to experiences of discrimination, xenophobia, abuse, and criminalization (Alarcon et al., 2022). Taken together, these studies demonstrate a link between migration experiences and mental health outcomes, indicating that the distressing events occurring before, during, and after migration can have lasting impacts on the mental health of Venezuelan migrants.

Despite the growing body of quantitative research on the mental health of Venezuelan migrants, there remains a notable gap in research focusing on Venezuelan migrants who are also caregivers of minor children. Although family support and social networks can help buffer the challenges that Venezuelan migrants experience (Abrams et al., 2022; Okumura et al., 2022), these systems are often strained by the migration process. Given that many Venezuelan migrants are responsible for children under the age of 18, this is a factor that can exacerbate the challenges they encounter during resettlement in Colombia, making it imperative to understand their mental health needs.

Theoretical Framework

The Lazarus Stress Theory, also known as the transactional model of stress and coping, conceptualizes stress not as a fixed stimulus or response, but as a dynamic relationship between an individual and their environment (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Lazarus, 1998). The theory has been widely applied in psychological and health research, particularly in understanding how individuals respond to possible traumatic events. In the context of migration, this theory can be used to understand how migrants experience and respond to post-migration stressors such as legal insecurity, language barriers, disrupted social networks, and unemployment (Corley & Sabri, 2021). Lazarus’s model is particularly helpful in identifying how migrants’ perceptions of threat and coping capacity can interact with stressors, which shape mental health outcomes over time (Caro et al., 2023).

Present study

The growing number of Venezuelan migrants has raised serious public health concerns in Colombia, particularly as local healthcare systems are overwhelmed and unable to meet the increased demand for services. To date, there is limited research about the mental health experiences of Venezuelan migrants that centers on their voices and the voices of service providers who primarily serve Venezuelan migrant populations. Therefore, this study gathered input from 50 participants: 29 Venezuelan migrants caring for at least one minor under the age of 18 (henceforth caregivers), and 21 service providers working primarily with this community. The purpose of the present study was to answer the following questions: 1) What are the mental health needs and challenges faced by Venezuelan migrant families residing in different Colombian cities? and 2) What are the perceived mental health needs that Venezuelan families have according to service providers who work closely with them? This study seeks to amplify the voices of those directly affected, fostering a more inclusive understanding of the challenges faced by Venezuelan migrant caregivers. This information is instrumental in the development and promotion of evidence-based mental health interventions.

Method

Sample

Between October 2021 and February 2022, 50 semi-structured interviews were conducted. The interviews included 29 Venezuelan caregivers and 21 providers who worked with Venezuelan migrants in Colombia. The interviews were conducted by three bilingual (English and Spanish) research assistants (RAs), two female and one male. All RAs had received extensive training from the principal investigator (PI initials) on the study protocol. Before the first interview, the PI and RAs conducted role-playing exercises to practice the interview process. Once data collection started, the RAs and PI met weekly to discuss any questions, impressions, or issues that arose during the interviews.

Recruitment

A convenience sampling approach was used to recruit Venezuelan migrant participants in partnership with a U.S.-based humanitarian organization with a presence in Colombia since 2010, Heartland Alliance International. Five cities were selected in collaboration with our partner agency after identifying the areas where there was a large presence of Venezuelan migrants and where the agency had a physical presence. These cities include: Bogotá, Cali, Barranquilla, Pasto, and Ipiales.

Caregiver recruitment.

The PI supplied a flyer with detailed study information to the agency’s program supervisors, who shared it with the program providers, who then handed out the flyers to potential participants. The PI then randomly chose participants from the contact list, ensuring that more participants were selected from cities with a larger number of interested participants, and provided the list to the RAs with the name and contact information of potential participants, who then called them and verified inclusion criteria. The inclusion criteria for Venezuelan caregivers were as follows: 1) currently living with a child between the ages of 5-17 and 2) migrated from Venezuela to Colombia within the last five years. If the inclusion criteria was met, the RAs scheduled a time to conduct the interview.

Provider recruitment.

Providers were recruited from agencies in similar cities as caregivers: Bogotá, Cali, Barranquilla, and Pasto. An introductory email with information about the study was sent out to all providers from the partner agency who predominantly worked with Venezuelan migrants. Providers from additional humanitarian and social service agencies were referred from the partner agency in a list that was shared with the PI. Whenever multiple providers from the same city expressed interest, the PI randomly selected participants, ensuring increased diversity (i.e., more participants were selected from cities with a larger number of interested participants, and different agencies were represented in the final sample). The inclusion criteria for providers were: 1) working predominantly with Venezuelan migrants and 2) providing social or health-related services.

Procedure

The RAs obtained verbal informed consent from the participants to conduct and record the interview. The RAs then conducted a demographic questionnaire and a short survey with two mental health screeners; the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9) (Kroenke et al., 2001) and the General Anxiety Disorder Scale (GAD-7) (Spitzer et al., 2006). The mental health screeners were only conducted with the caregivers. Following this, the RAs proceeded to conduct the semi-structured interviews. All procedures with caregivers and providers were conducted in Spanish.

The caregiver interviews (Table 1) had an average duration of 59 minutes, while provider interviews (Table 2) averaged 77 minutes. The caregiver guide focused on topics such as their lives in Venezuela, the migration journey to Colombia, and their experiences living in Colombia. A sample question: “How has your mental health been affected since you migrated to Colombia?” The providers’ interview guide included questions about their work with Venezuelan migrants and the primary issues of Venezuelan caregivers and children in Colombia. A sample question: “In your view, how has the migration experience or the experience of leaving Venezuela specifically affected the mental health of Venezuelan migrants in Colombia?”

Table 1.

Caregiver’s Sociodemographic information (N = 29)

Characteristic	n	%	M	SD
Gender
Male	1	3
Female	28	97
Caregiving role
Mother	24	83
Father	1	3.4
Grandmother	2	6.8
Dual role	2	6.8
Education
Less than high school	8	28
High school	8	28
At least some college	13	44
Depressive symptoms
None-minimal	14	48
Mild	8	28
Moderate	6	21
Missing	1	3
Anxiety symptoms
Minimal	11	38
Mild	8	28
Moderate	7	24
Severe	2	7
Missing	1	3
Age			36.7	9.7
Years living in Colombia			3.4	1.9
Number of children living in Colombia			2.5	1.3
Number of children living in Venezuela			0.6	1.3

Table 2.

Provider’s Sociodemographic Information (N =21)

Characteristic	n	%	M	SD
Gender
Male	6	29
Female	15	71
Occupation
Psychologist	6	28
Community	5	24
worker
Lawyer	4	19
Social worker	4	19
Business administrateor	1	5
Health	1	5
provider
Education
High school	2
Some college	6
Bachelor’s degree	8
Master’s degree	4
Nationality
Colombian	19	90
Venezuelan	2	10
Age			35.7	8.5

Participants received a grocery store gift card valued at 40,000 COP (~10 USD) as compensation for their time. All procedures were reviewed and approved by the Principal Investigator’s Institutional Review Board 21.172.01E and the Boston College Institutional Review Board (protocol number 1274 of 2020).

Data analysis

While all interviews with caregivers and providers were recorded, one recorder malfunctioned, and the file could not be played back; therefore, this interview was excluded from the sample. The final sample included 21 provider interviews and 29 caregiver interviews. All the interview recordings were transcribed verbatim through an experienced transcription company. To verify the transcripts’ accuracy, one RA verified the interview transcriptions by listening to all the recordings and reading the transcripts. Three RAs then used qualitative inductive thematic analysis, allowing themes and codes to emerge directly from the data . by using all six analytic phases (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Nowell et al., 2017).

Following the six phases of thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006) and to establish credibility and dependability, the RAs first read all transcripts multiple times to familiarize themselves with the data and documented initial impressions that consistently emerged. The team then developed initial codes and developed codebooks in Dedoose Version 9.0.17 (Dedoose, 2021). Separate codebooks were created for caregiver and provider data. To enhance credibility, two coders analyzed the caregiver interviews, and two coders analyzed the provider data, with one coder working across both datasets. In this phase, the RAs and PI met weekly to discuss the codes and codebooks and to reflect on how the interpretation of the codes was evolving. During phase three, we created code definitions and clustered codes into themes of similar experiences. As part of ensuring analytic rigor, we calculated intercoder agreement and iteratively refined the codebooks when agreement fell below 80%, ultimately achieving a final intercoder reliability agreement of 88.34% (caregiver) and 87.38% (provider) (Miles & Huberman, 1994; O’Connor & Joffe, 2020). The RAs and PI then developed a thematic map to visually connect the relationships of all the themes.

In phase four, to strengthen confirmability, the PI systematically reviewed all coded data to ensure themes reflected coherent, meaningful patterns rather than individual coder interpretation (Nowell et al., 2017). Together, the RAs and the PI checked the previously developed thematic map against the transcripts to ensure it accurately reflected the breadth and depth of participants’ perceptions. Throughout the analytic process, the team engaged in ongoing reflexive discussions to identify potential biases, interrogate assumptions, and consider how the team’s positionalities may have influenced interpretation. These strategies enhanced the rigor and trustworthiness of the analysis.

During the fifth phase, representative quotes were selected to illustrate the themes and were translated into English through a back-and-forth translation process (World Health Organization, n.d.). In the final phase, we wrote a description of each theme and included direct quotes from participants. All participants were given pseudonyms to protect their confidentiality.

Results

Sample Description

Caregivers.

Among our caregiver sample (N=29), the majority were female (97%) with an average age of 37 years (See Table 1). Caregivers had resided in Colombia for an average of 3.4 years. Most caregivers were the biological mothers of the children they cared for (83%). Regarding education level, most of the sample had at least some college education (44%).

Providers.

Among our provider participants (N=21), the majority were female (71%) with an average age of 35.7 years (See table 2). Providers were mostly of Colombian nationality (90%), but all of them worked predominantly with Venezuelan migrants. The sample of providers had at least a bachelor’s or a master’s degree (n = 12, 57%). As detailed in Table 2, providers’ employment included occupations such as psychologists, community workers, and social workers.

Thematic analysis

Through thematic analysis of interviews, two central themes emerged that illustrate the experiences shaping Venezuelan mental health challenges and coping mechanisms in this population. These themes include: 1) constant financial instability and uncertainty impact Venezuelan migrant caregivers’ wellbeing and family dynamics; 2) the role of healthy and unhealthy coping mechanisms in shaping the mental health of Venezuelan migrants in Colombia.

Theme 1: Constant financial instability and uncertainty impact Venezuelan migrant caregivers’ wellbeing and family dynamics.

The first theme identified focused on the impact of financial instability, uncertainty, and the pandemic on the wellbeing and family dynamics of Venezuelan caregivers in Colombia. Specifically, we identified that providers described how stressors and mental health challenges negatively impacted family dynamics, while caregivers expressed heightened anxiety related to future uncertainty, financial instability, and the effects of the pandemic.

Most Venezuelan migrant parents (n=23, 79%) indicated that their primary worry was being able to make ends meet. Venezuelan migrant parents mentioned that their financial limitations and constant worry about having to stretch their economic resources affected their mental health and produced feelings of stress and worry. One caregiver described the overwhelming nature of daily financial stressors:

“Well, it’s the worry about everything, whether or not I have money for the whole week: what I have on the school list or the rent it’s already due. I tell you that that’s the part that most affects mental health, because you live worried all the time, having to work because you have to pay for this, you have to have means for this, the food, the children, the schools or they’ve already grown out their clothes and the shoes don’t fit. I mean, you always live in constant, constant worry.” Victoria, Female caregiver from Ipiales, 40-years-old.

Venezuelan caregivers (n=23, 79%) also mentioned feelings of anxiety stretching beyond making ends meet and reaching fears of losing their homes and employment. Caregivers explained that while they may have achieved some stability in Colombia, there is a constant fear of losing what they have accomplished. One caregiver mentioned:

“That’s what worries me, because I know that if I get a good job, I know and I have faith in God that I can achieve it. To be able to give my children a home and a stronger sense of stability. Because right now they have it, but it’s kind of insecure because you’re in someone else’s house. Say I don’t have the money to pay or they come to evict me, well, I have to hand it in and I’ll be on the street.” Sofia, a female caregiver from Barranquilla, 40-years old.

Most providers (n = 21, 72%) echoed this sentiment by highlighting that Venezuelan migrants were experiencing high levels of stress, emotional exhaustion, and heightened concern over employment and food security. Providers offered different examples of patients who were going through a very difficult time after moving to Colombia, especially after realizing that the degrees they obtained in Venezuela were often not valid in Colombia, making it difficult to find a stable job. One of the providers remembered the case of a client who became highly depressed after moving to Colombia because she could no longer practice as a psychologist:

“They significantly affect mental health because not having a job, not having food, the stress level, the anxiety is very, very high. And even more so for those of us who live with children, not having food is stressful. Well, I had [the case of] a woman…who is a psychologist, she’s Venezuelan, and she sold everything she had over there…She came with a daughter, and they stayed in a hotel. In the hotel, everything was spent. She started a fast food restaurant, it didn’t work, until one day she became stressed, depressed, and had suicidal thoughts…” Alexandra, a female provider from Barranquilla, 40-years old.

Most Venezuelan migrant caregivers (n=17, 88%) also mentioned that they perceived their mental health had been worsening since they had migrated to Colombia. Caregivers explained that while they have formed a new life in Colombia, leaving behind their families, significant others, along with their jobs and identities in Venezuela, has created a sense of loneliness and sadness. One caregiver mentioned:

“Well, yes, I think it had a big impact on my mental and psychological health. Not only on me, but also on my family, on my wife, and my son, who had to leave behind his friends and his girlfriend that he had over there. In my case, I had to quit my job. I had to leave my family, and it was all of that that affected my mental and psychological health. So, in part, I often feel alone. I feel like I’m fighting to survive myself, and so that my family can survive. So that was the wound that has greatly affected me.” Diego, a male caregiver from Cali, 39- years old.

Moreover, all Venezuelan caregivers (n=29, 100%) explained that immigrating to Colombia during the pandemic further exacerbated a sense of economic and emotional instability. For example, Venezuelan caregivers mentioned that during the pandemic, several of them lost their jobs, but they still had to pay debts and send money back to Venezuela, which left them having a sense of hopelessness by not being able to go out to work. Additionally, they mentioned that the lack of stability during the pandemic exacerbated their mental health symptoms, as they tried to juggle multiple responsibilities, namely, adapting to their new lives in Colombia, stressing over the uncertainty of the pandemic, and navigating the economic stressors the pandemic brought about. One caregiver explained:

“Well, the pandemic completely ruined our lives, everything. It wiped out everything: our jobs, our stability at home, our savings. The truth is, it turned our lives upside down, and I had to start over. It was devastating, and it still is. These are difficult times. It caused us more debt, more expenses. And in some ways, I think it affected us emotionally, because the lockdown was a bit difficult at first.” Isabella, a female caregiver from Cali, 40-years old.”

All providers (n = 21, 100%) mentioned that their Venezuelan clients exhibited sadness, anxiety, feelings of guilt, migratory grief, and lack of motivation stemming from social pressures and responsibilities when arriving in Colombia. More specifically, a provider discussed how Venezuelan individuals grieve the loss of leaving their home country and lack social support in their new location. The following sentiment was shared:

“We’ve really identified that the biggest impact on migrant population is on their mental health, because they go through what is migratory grief, the grief they have to live through due to having left their country, their belongings, their territory, their family, their customs, their culture. And that’s an impact that truly affects 100% of the population and that, in some way, also impacts the social aspect, right? The fact of not having support networks or not being able to count on people who can support them in their territories.” Erika, a female provider from Pasto, 36-years old.

Theme 2: The role of healthy and unhealthy coping mechanisms in shaping the mental health of Venezuelan migrants in Colombia.

Throughout the interviews, Venezuelan caregivers (n=23, 79%) described how the overwhelming stress of fulfilling different responsibilities, such as long work hours and managing household tasks, contributed to feeling acute levels of stress. Caregivers (n=19, 66%) mentioned that they had friends and acquaintances who turned to different substances as a mechanism to cope with the stress they were experiencing. One caregiver mentioned:

“My husband’s brother in law was so stressed that he started drinking because he had to pick up food, because he worked for Jumbo, he has to take the highway and get to Jumbo, get there, you arrive to work and then on the way back you go back down the highway, you get home and you have to make food again. So it was like his blood pressure level was at its limit and he started drinking and then the next day he called my husband and told him that he felt really bad, that he felt like he was having a heart attack, his whole body couldn’t feel any better and we had to call his wife and tell her because she had to come here because, I mean, he was super stressed, and he started drinking.” Mariana, a female caregiver from Cali, 27-years old.

For some caregivers (n=21, 72%), being apart from their loved ones in Venezuela led to persistent sadness and feelings of emptiness. In these cases, alcohol functioned as an emotional support to fill this void. The emotional relief of substance use coexisted with the effort to economically support families outside of Colombia. One caregiver reported:

“I had a friend who I met in Cúcuta, when he was living there. And I always saw him drinking alcohol, consuming alcohol, and so there came a time when I asked him why he drank. Why did he drink so much? He was like, ‘I miss my family. And since I don’t have my family, I take my drinks to try to forget everything. Everything that they’re not experiencing with me, and I’m not experiencing with them.’ And that situation seemed very serious, very serious to me, because… we work here, to try to fill the need to be with them or to try to make a little bit of money to send to them.” Diego, a male caregiver from Cali, 39- years old.

Most providers (n = 17; 81%) noted that Venezuelan migrant caregivers often turn to alcohol, cigarettes, or substances as a way to manage emotional distress and societal pressures. They emphasized that while alcohol consumption may be normalized in celebratory contexts, providers observed that it is also used to cope with unresolved grief, stress, and the challenges of integration in Colombia. One provider explained how substance use can serve as an escape from reality:

“The person who uses drugs doesn’t feel hungry, nor does he or she realize his or her reality, or what’s happening, nor does he or she realize that the child is crying, that he doesn’t need anything. And second, because when they enter Colombia and want to integrate into Colombian society, unfortunately, what those who open the doors tell them this is an environment of drug use, where it’s easier to access power and identification [through the use], and those who didn’t use drugs often end up using them.” Viviana, a female provider from Palmira, 28-years old.

Venezuelan caregivers (n=24, 83%) also described relying on a combination of resources of support to cope with emotional stress and maintain a sense of wellbeing. They emphasized the importance of having open communication with their partners and children and to use these conversations as a means of mutual support. One caregiver mentioned:

“Well, I really try to distract myself. I read, I talk with my husband, I try to find solutions for my children. I try to talk with them, validate their emotions, make them feel that I understand their position or what affects them and that it’s okay to feel it, and find solutions to manage it and take them to a foundation that’s relatively close by, about a half-hour walk away, where children socialize in the afternoons..” Isabella, a female caregiver from Cali, 40-years old.

In addition to support between family members, caregivers also mentioned seeking social and spiritual support to navigate their emotional difficulties. One caregiver stated:

“Well, I really talk a lot with my partner, and how we discuss things, and how he is. And when I have the chance, I talk to my mom in Venezuela on the phone. I have some Venezuelan friends that we talk to. When I feel really, really bad, I talk to God, and God has been my healer because I used to believe in God. I’ve always believed in God. Well, here, like I say, I’ve leaned on him, and he’s paid more than his attention, and I’ve seen that he’s answered me in his own way. He answers me.” Sofia, a female caregiver from Barranquilla, 40-years old.

Providers serving the Venezuelan community (n = 20, 95%) mentioned that they have observed Venezuelan migrants engage in several healthy coping mechanisms for managing their transition to Colombia. Providers (n=6, 29%) mentioned that solidarity among Venezuelan migrants is particularly important since they show compassion and support for each other during the migration and acculturation processes. These providers shared that Venezuelan migrants understand the importance of standing together, creating spaces to gather, joining social media groups of Venezuelan parents living in Colombia, and welcoming fellow Venezuelans, as many have shared similar experiences. For example, one provider shared:

“…here in Colombia, people are very supportive. They see someone on the street, and they reach out, they help them. But then they take it upon themselves to help people here and there, migrants, and give them some support. So they look for them, they start. We’ve seen people selling coffee, we’ve seen why they say thank you, but there are people who helped them and give them a budget so they can set up, even if it’s just a little coffee, bread, or something like that.” Rocio, a female provider from Cali, 22-years old.

Most providers (n=15, 71%) also noted that Venezuelan families possess various strengths and resources that help them overcome obstacles. They mentioned how these families actively seek natural spaces and connections and participate in workshops and organizations that offer them support. The providers highlighted that Venezuelan families are educated, motivated, and joyful individuals determined to move forward despite their obstacles. One provider shared the following sentiment:

“I would say the most important resource is human charisma. The resilience that some Venezuelan families bring, and Venezuelans are very prone to having fun, seeing where others see bad things. Venezuelans try to find a joke to be able to smile at life, and I would believe that is the main factor that helps Venezuelans move forward.” Liseth, a female provider from Barranquilla, 42-years old.

A few providers (n=8, 38%) stated that Venezuelan caregivers strive to provide financial support to their families and mentioned that many are entrepreneurial and start businesses to improve their economic situation. For example, one provider mentioned how they have noticed that Venezuelan women have leadership and entrepreneurial abilities by sharing the following:

“Well, we’ve identified leadership and entrepreneurial capacity primarily in migrant women. That is the ability to generate some kind of economic resources that guarantees a somewhat stable standard of living and a very identified integration, or that you are primarily a leader. A leader of this entrepreneurial nature is very creative and resourceful in terms of looking at what exists in their community.” Liseth, a female provider from Barranquilla, 42-years old.

Importantly, most providers (n=15, 71%) also shared that Venezuelan migrant families practice relaxation techniques, including going out on walks, being around nature, and engaging in group activities with other Venezuelan families, and spending time as a family unit, which helps them cope with the difficulties they may be experiencing. For example, one provider shared the following:

“…what I’ve heard them do is talk when their children are asleep or go for walks in parks, natural parks, and the advantage is that the natural parks here in Bogotá have play areas, they have exercise areas.” Ingrid, a female provider from Bogota, 31-years old.

Discussion

The current study explored the mental health needs and challenges of Venezuelan migrant families living in various cities in Colombia. The research drew on insights from Venezuelan caregivers and service providers who work closely with these families. Our findings revealed that Venezuelan families face financial instability, job insecurity, and uncertainty, all of which, combined with the effects of the pandemic, impact their mental health and family dynamics. These stressors can be better understood through the lens of Lazarus’ Stress Theory, which emphasizes the significance of cognitive appraisal and coping in shaping psychological outcomes (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Lazarus, 1998). From this perspective, Venezuelan caregivers perceive these challenges as threats to their well-being can significantly impact their emotional responses and coping strategies. For instance, some Venezuelan caregivers and service providers noted that certain families might resort to unhealthy coping mechanisms, such as alcohol and drug use, in response to perceived lack of control, inadequate resources, or feelings of emptiness stemming from the migration and resettlement process. However, service providers also highlighted that many families demonstrate healthy coping mechanisms, relying on cultural values, community support, and personal resilience. This variation in coping responses emphasizes the importance of providing interventions that enhance families’ positive appraisal of their circumstances and personal strengths by focusing on their perceived social support systems and resources from both Colombia and Venezuela.

Our findings are consistent with prior research (e.g., Espinel et al., 2020; Salas-Wright et al., 2020; Salas-Wright et al., 2024) that highlights substance use risk for Venezuelan youth and how economic hardship is one of the main stressors for Venezuelan migrants. In the present study, participants described persistent stress related to job insecurity, housing instability, and the inability to meet basic needs for their children. These stressors were compounded by the COVID-19 pandemic, which further disrupted employment and deepened emotional distress. The loss of professional identity was a recurring theme that contributed to feelings of hopelessness and diminished self-worth. These findings align with research on the mental health consequences of downward social mobility among migrants (Islam & Jaffee, 2024).

The second theme revealed a dual narrative. On one hand, some caregivers and providers noted the use of alcohol, cigarettes, and other substances to cope with emotional pain, social isolation, and unresolved migratory grief. Although these behaviors may offer some temporary relief, they may exacerbate mental health challenges in the long term. On the other hand, most providers and several caregivers identified remarkable resilience among Venezuelan migrants. They emphasized the importance of community solidarity among Venezuelan migrants, cultural pride, open communication within families, the creation of routines to support children’s emotional wellbeing, and the role of faith in navigating hardship. These results resonate with previous studies that demonstrate the importance of having strong social support and cultural identity and ties to improve mental health outcomes (Pineros-Leano et al., 2021; Pineros-Leano et al., 2022).

The findings from this study have several implications for mental health services and migration policy in Colombia. First, there is a pressing need to develop culturally grounded, strengths-based mental health interventions that address the unique stressors faced by migrant caregivers. These interventions should incorporate community-based approaches and adopt a trauma-informed lens that not only acknowledges the potential trauma experienced by Venezuelan migrant parents before and during migration but also builds upon their cultural strengths and existing social support networks. Integrating Lazarus’ Stress Theory into practice offers a valuable framework by focusing on how individuals appraise stressors and utilize coping resources, and practitioners can identify the different types of support that caregivers perceive. This approach allows services to be responsive to individual vulnerability while fostering growth and adaptation in the face of adversity.

Although regularization is an initial positive and essential step to integration, it is important to complement these policies with degree validation, housing stability initiatives, and job training, which can be essential in improving mental health among Venezuelan migrant caregivers as they would positively impact their economic insecurity stressors. The current investments from the Colombian government are commendable, yet further investments from humanitarian agencies and other non-government organizations are needed to ensure the successful integration of Venezuelan migrant caregivers and their children.

Limitations

This study is not without limitations. First, the providers were recruited from specific cities and partner agencies right after the pandemic, which may not fully capture the ongoing and changing nature of Venezuelan migrants’ experiences in Colombia, which limits the generalizability of findings to providers in other regions or with different organizational structures. Additionally, this study included a multi-step recruitment process, which involved providers distributing study materials to potential participants and compiling a list of those who expressed interest. While participants were randomly selected from this list, the initial list was shaped by provider discretion and participant self-selection, introducing potential selection bias. This may have influenced the diversity and representativeness of the final sample.

Conclusion

Despite the limited research on the Venezuelan migration, the crisis and displacement to neighboring countries continue. This present study’s findings indicate that Venezuelan families experience financial instability and uncertainty, which, coupled with the influence of the pandemic, affects their mental health perceptions and family dynamics. Additionally, Venezuelan migrants residing in Colombia engage in a range of coping mechanisms that meaningfully influence their mental health experiences. These findings contribute to a growing body of research on the intersection of economic hardship, migration, and mental health among Latin American populations, highlighting the unique stressors experienced by Venezuelan families in transnational contexts. Future research should explore quantitative longitudinal outcomes of coping mechanisms and assess the effectiveness of targeted support services for Venezuelan migrants in Colombia and similar receiving contexts.

Clinical impact statement.

This study advances our understanding of how Venezuelans appraise stressors and draw on coping resources in high-adversity contexts. By identifying the different types of support that caregivers perceive as most meaningful, practitioners can tailor interventions to increase a sense of autonomy, resilience, and psychological wellbeing. This person-centered approach enables more responsive and adaptive public health services that address individual vulnerabilities while fostering growth and adaptation in the face of ongoing challenges.