Motherhood in crisis: lived experiences of mothers with babies admitted to a neonatal intensive care unit in Northern Uganda

Abstract

Background

The neonatal period is a critical time for both the newborn and the parents, as they transition into parenthood. Mothers with babies admitted to neonatal intensive care units (NICUs) often experience emotional distress, uncertainty, separation from their babies, and disruption of expected maternal roles. In low-resource settings such as Northern Uganda, where neonatal care and psychosocial support services remain limited, little is known about the experiences of mothers with babies admitted to the NICU. This study explored the lived experiences of mothers with babies admitted to the NICU of Lira Regional Referral Hospital in Northern Uganda.

Methods

A descriptive phenomenological study was conducted at a public regional hospital in Northern Uganda (PRRH). We purposively selected 10 mothers whose babies had been admitted to the NICU for at least three days. Data were collected through phenomenological in-depth interviews. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim, and analyzed using Braun and Clarke’s thematic analysis framework.

Results

Four major themes emerged from the analysis: emotional grief regarding baby's hospitalization/admission needs, burden of a baby's hospitalization, mother's satisfaction with care given by healthcare workers and altered motherhood role and support systems. Mothers described intense emotional distress characterized by fear, uncertainty, hopelessness, and disruption of maternal expectations. Financial hardship, prolonged hospitalization, and separation from family further intensified their experiences. Despite these challenges, many mothers expressed appreciation for the compassionate care provided by healthcare workers and relied on spirituality and hope as coping mechanisms.

Conclusion

Mothers’ experiences were shaped by communication from health workers, the baby’s clinical condition, hospital requirements, and the availability of interpersonal support. Improving communication, ensuring availability of essential supplies, and strengthening interpersonal support may improve mothers’ experiences during NICU admission.

Supplementary Information

The online version contains supplementary material available at https://doi.org/10.1186/s12884-026-09620-1.

Introduction

The neonatal period is a time when both the newborns and the mothers as families adjust to life after birth. During this period, newborns undergo significant physiological adaptations including establishing breathing, feeding, sleeping, thermoregulation, and other essential functions [1]. While mothers simultaneously transition to parenthood, requiring physical recovery, emotional adjustment, and adaptation to the needs of the newborn [1, 2]. However, complications such as prematurity, birth asphyxia, infections, and congenital abnormalities may require admission to a Neonatal Intensive Care Unit (NICU), disrupting mothers’ expectations of a normal childbirth experience.

Globally, neonatal mortality remains a major public health challenge, with approximately 2.3 million neonatal deaths occurring annually, particularly in low- and middle-income countries. Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) bears a disproportionate burden, accounting for about 42% of global neonatal deaths [3]. In Uganda, neonatal mortality remains high at approximately 22 deaths per 1,000 live births [4].

Most preterm babies or those born with any type of complication may require specialized care in the NICU immediately after birth [5]. Such care may involve oxygen therapy, Continuous Positive Airway Pressure (CPAP), mechanical ventilation, phototherapy, incubator care, cannulation, suctioning, feeding support, and close monitoring of vital signs [5, 6]. While these technologies are essential for newborn survival, they can be frightening and unfamiliar to mothers. Mothers may hear alarms, see tubes and monitors attached to their babies, and struggle to understand the meaning of the baby’s diagnosis and treatment plan.

In an environment with heavy workload and staffing constraints, healthcare providers primarily focus on the medical needs of the baby, which leaves mothers uncertain about their caregiving roles (7). For mothers, particularly new or first-time mothers, the environment is perceived as high stress because it is un familiar. This stress is not simply caused by the physical environment, but also by the sudden disruption of mothers’ expectations of a normal birth, uncertainty about the baby’s survival, separation from the baby, and limited understanding of what is expected of them [7]. Practical challenges during the first days of admission may include learning how to express breast milk, feed the baby, clean the baby, change linen, and participate safely in care [8]. When communication from healthcare workers is limited, these challenges may intensify fear and anxiety [9].

Worldwide, mothers with babies in NICU confront stressful experiences owing to the treatments, conditions, and separation from their babies affecting their thoughts, state of mind, and relationships [10]. Evidence from high-income countries like India shows that NICU admission can lead to maternal stress, change in neonatal look, behaviors, and altered parental role [11]. In Sub-Saharan Africa, these experiences are further shaped by health-system constraints, limited staffing, shortages of supplies, overcrowding, and out-of-pocket costs [12]. Studies from Ghana, South Africa, Ethiopia, and Uganda have reported that mothers may experience financial burden, communication challenges, unmet support needs, and anxiety about their babies’ survival [13, 14]. However, many studies focus on preterm or medically fragile infants, and less is known about the broader experiences of mothers with babies admitted to NICUs in Northern Uganda.

In Northern Uganda, where neonatal services continue to develop within resource-constrained settings, there is limited context-specific evidence on how mothers experience NICU admission. Existing studies from Uganda have largely focused on preterm infants and clinical outcomes, with limited attention to mothers’ lived experiences during neonatal hospitalization. Furthermore, evidence from Northern Uganda remains scarce despite differences in health service organization, resource availability, and socio-cultural contexts.

Understanding these experiences is important for informing family-centered neonatal care and developing interventions that address mothers’ emotional, social, spiritual, and psychological needs. Therefore, this study aimed to explore the lived experiences of mothers with babies admitted to the NICU of a public Regional Referral Hospital in Northern Uganda. The findings may inform the development of targeted support interventions that address the unique needs of these mothers during their NICU journey.

Materials and methods

Study design

A descriptive phenomenological design was employed to explore the livedexperiences of mothers with babies admitted to the NICU. Descriptive phenomenology was considered appropriate because the study aimed to understand and describe participants’ experiences as they were perceived and lived by the mothers themselves [12, 15]. The approach enabled researchers to explore the emotional, social, and psychological meanings attached to NICU hospitalization while minimizing preconceived assumptions through bracketing and reflexive practice.

Study site and setting

The study was conducted at the Neonatal Intensive Care Unit of a Public Regional Referral Hospital (PRRH) in Northern Uganda. This hospital is a high-volume government health facility serving an economically disadvantaged population conducting about 6,600 deliveries per year. The NICU department has capacity of approximately 40 beds, admits an average 5 babies a day. It provides specialized neonatal care services for preterm and critically ill newborns, including oxygen and phototherapy, continuous positive airway pressure, feeding support, monitoring, kangaroo mother care, and supportive neonatal treatment. In the provision of these services, equipment and beds are usually shared by babies. There are usually two nurses per eight-hour shift, an intern doctor, an on-call pediatrician, and student nurses and midwives. In this setting the NICU is located approximately 100 m from the postnatal ward. A few sleeping beds for mothers are available in kangaroo mother care room.

Study population

We included mothers whose babies had been admitted to the NICU for at least 3 days at the time of data collection. A minimum of three days was used to ensure that participants had sufficient exposure to the NICU environment, communication processes, hospital requirements, and caregiving routines to describe their experiences. On average, participants had stayed in the hospital for 1–2 weeks. Mothers whose babies were too ill and required emergency care were excluded from the study. The study also excluded mothers who had serious medical and psychiatric conditions. Participation was voluntary and informed consent was sought before data collection.

Sample size and sampling methods

A purposive sample of 10 mothers was recruited. Purposive sampling was used to select mothers who could provide rich information about NICU experiences and to include variation in age, parity, education level, occupation, length of stay, mode of delivery, and pregnancy or labour complications. Recruitment continued until data saturation was achieved, meaning no new insights were emerging from interviews [16]. Data saturation was reached by the eighth interview; however, two additional interviews were conducted to strengthen data completeness.

Data collection procedure

Upon ethical clearance from the Lira University Research Ethics Committee (LUREC), permission was sought from the management of the PRRH and the in-charge NICU to have access to the babies’ files which would help us to get access to the mothers. Eligible participants were screened and identified by the principal investigator from the stable baby unit and Kangaroo Mother Care (KMC) ward records and recruited through purposive sampling because they possessed firsthand experience of the phenomenon under investigation and were considered information-rich cases [17].

Data collection was conducted by two researchers (one male and one female) who were trained in in-depth interviewing techniques and were pursuing Master’s degrees in Midwifery Science. Data was collected using a semi-structured interview guide developed from the study objectives and relevant literature to facilitate exploration of mothers’ experiences while ensuring consistency across interviews [18]. During the initial contact, the interviewers introduced themselves to the mothers and explained the purpose and significance of the study. However, no prior relationship existed between the interviewers and participants before commencement of the study.

Participants were interviewed in between visiting hours of mothers to NICU (time when mother was not immediately required for feeding, cleaning, medical review, or other baby-care activities). Interviews were conducted in the NICU boardroom within the hospital, which was closed to avoid disruptions and provided private environment. Data were gathered through recorded in-depth interviews; an approach appropriate for obtaining detailed accounts of lived experiences [18]. Rapport and trust were established through respectful interaction, active listening, empathy, and probing of responses where necessary to enhance understanding of participants’ experiences. Each interview lasted between 30 and 40 min.

Interviews were conducted until data saturation was reached, defined as the point at which no new codes or themes emerged from participants’ accounts. Saturation was achieved at the eighth interview; however, two additional interviews were conducted to confirm that no new information would emerge and to further strengthen the depth and completeness of the dataset, resulting in a total of ten participants. With participants’ consent, all interviews were audio-recorded, and detailed field notes were taken to capture non-verbal expressions, contextual observations, interpretations and reflections during data collection. The field notes complemented the interview transcripts by helping the researchers interpret participants’ accounts in relation to the interview context. These measures complemented the audio-recorded data during analysis and enhanced the credibility, dependability, and overall rigor of the study findings [19]. No formal structured observations were conducted.

Ethical considerations

Ethical approval was obtained from the Lira University Research Ethics Committee (LUREC-2023-68). Participants received information about the study purpose, procedures, potential risks and benefits, confidentiality, voluntary participation, and their right to withdraw at any time without affecting the care provided to their babies. Written informed consent was obtained from all participants before interviews. Interviews were conducted in between visiting hours of mothers to NICU and they were conducted in the NICU boardroom within the hospital, which was closed to avoid disruptions and provided private environment. To maintain confidentiality, participants were assigned unique identification codes (e.g., P.1, P.2, P.3) during the interviews and the data reporting process. Audio recordings, transcripts, and field notes were stored securely and accessed only by authorized members of the research team.

Participants who showed signs of extreme emotional distress during interviews were offered immediate emotional support by the interviewers through pausing or stopping the interview, empathetic listening, reassurance, and referral to the NICU clinical team/counsellor for further psychosocial support where needed. Mothers were also reminded that participation was voluntary and that they could withdraw at any time without affecting the care given to their babies.

Data management and analysis

A systematic data management process was established to secure organization, storage, and retrieval of study data. Separate folders were created for interview transcripts, field notes, and audio recordings, with standardized file-naming conventions applied throughout the study. Electronic files were password-protected and accessible with permission from the principal investigator. To maintain confidentiality, participants were assigned unique identification codes (e.g., P.1, P.2, P.3) during data storage, analysis, and reporting. All electronic data were regularly backed up, and copies were stored in separate secure locations to minimize the risk of data loss or corruption.

Audio-recorded interviews were transcribed verbatim by two researchers after repeated listening. For audio recordings in the local language, translation to English was done by the researcher who was conversant with both English and local language. The accuracy of the transcripts was verified through repeated listening to the recordings by a third researcher who was not involved in data collection and compared with the transcribed text.

Data were analyzed using inductive thematic analysis following the six-phase framework developed by Virginia Braun and Victoria Clarke. The analysis began with familiarization, whereby the researchers repeatedly read the transcripts and field notes to gain an in-depth understanding of the data. Three members of the research team who were students of Masters of midwifery science independently coded an initial sample of transcripts and discussed discrepancies until consensus was reached, thereby enhancing the credibility of the coding process.

The coded data were subsequently organized into potential themes by grouping related codes that reflected similar meanings and experiences. These preliminary themes were reviewed and refined through iterative discussions among the research team to ensure coherence within themes and distinction between themes. The themes were then defined and named to accurately represent participants’ perspectives and experiences. Finally, the themes were interpreted in relation to the study objectives, and representative participant quotations were selected to illustrate key findings.

Trustworthiness

Trustworthiness of the study was ensured through multiple strategies addressing credibility, transferability, dependability, confirmability, and reflexivity [20]. Credibility was supported by prolonged engagement with transcripts, team-based coding, peer debriefing, and continuous comparison of emerging themes with participants’ accounts. Peer debriefing involved scheduled meetings in which the research team reviewed emerging codes, categories, and themes, discussed alternative interpretations, and resolved disagreements through consensus.

Transferability was supported by purposive sampling and by providing detailed descriptions of the study setting, participant characteristics, NICU context, and participants’ experiences. This allows readers to judge whether the findings may apply to similar settings [21]. Dependability was strengthened through documentation of recruitment, data collection, transcription, coding decisions, and theme development. Confirmability was supported by audio-recording interviews, checking transcripts against recordings, maintaining an audit trail, and grounding findings in participants’ quotations.

Reflexivity was maintained throughout the study. The interviewers’ midwifery training and professional background could have shaped how questions were asked and how responses were interpreted. To minimize bias, the researchers held reflective discussions, documented field reflections, and compared interpretations with the original transcripts. The team also considered how their clinical backgrounds and expectations about NICU care could influence analysis.

Results

Socio-demographic characteristics of mothers with babies admitted to the NICU at a PRRH, Northern Uganda (N = 10), June 2024

The mothers’ age ranged from 18 to 38 years with an average age of 27 years (± 5.907). All participants identified as Christians. Most had completed primary education (n = 5), and a significant number were businesswomen (n = 4). Four mothers had stayed in the NICU for seven or more days, six had delivered via Cesarean section, four had four or more children. six mothers experienced various complications during pregnancy and labor. Participant characteristics are presented in Table 1.

Table 1.

Socio-demographic characteristics of study participants (N = 10), May 2024

Variables	Range	Frequency (f)
Age	18–38
Religion
Anglican		4
Catholic		4
Pentecostal		2
Education status
Primary		5
Secondary		3
Tertiary and above		2
Maternal occupation
None		1
Farmer		3
Business		4
Formal employment		2
Parity
1		1
2–3		4
4 and above		5
Mode of delivery
SVD		4
Cesarean section		6
Duration of NICU stay
3–7 days		4
>7 days		6
Gestational age at delivery
Early Preterm (28–34)		4
Late preterm (35–37)		1
Term		5
Complications during labour
None		4
APH		2
Anemia		1
Nuchal cord		1
Placenta previa		1
Perineal tear		1

Lived experiences of mothers with babies admitted to the NICU at a PRRH

Four main themes were generated: emotional grief upon learning of the baby’s admission, dealing with the burden of a baby’s hospitalization, mothers’ expectations and satisfaction with care, and mothers’ perspectives of life and motherhood. Support from health workers, spouses, family members, peer mothers, and religious faith was also reflected across the themes as an important coping mechanism.

Theme 1: emotional grief regarding baby’s hospitalization/admission needs

Mothers described the baby’s admission to the NICU as sudden, frightening, and emotionally painful. Their reactions were shaped by the timing and clarity of communication, the baby’s clinical condition, and uncertainty about survival. Some mothers were informed immediately by nurses or other health workers, while others experienced distress when information was delayed or unclear. Their emotional responses were reflected in two subthemes: initial shock and emotional collapse, and worries about the baby’s condition.

Subtheme 1: initial shock and emotional collapse

Most mothers reacted to the news of NICU admission with shock, fear, and disbelief. Some initially thought their babies had died because the admission disrupted their expectation of holding the baby and returning home after delivery.

“I felt bad when I was informed that my baby was admitted… I thought my baby was dead. The nurse informed me that no enough oxygen is why they brought the baby here (NICU)” (P.3 Para 2, 28 years old).

For some mothers, emotional distress was worsened when they did not immediately know where the baby had been taken or why the baby had been admitted. This reflected communication-related anxiety rather than shock alone.

“I felt bad because other people were going with their babies, mine I was not having my baby even I took a day without having my baby. I thought that my baby is dead.” (P.2 Para 3, 30 years old).

Another mother expressed the pain of losing one baby while the other remained admitted:

“When I was told one baby was dead, I felt a lot of pain in my heart, but one baby remained.” (P.6 Para 4, 24 years old).

Sub-theme 2: worries about the baby’s condition

This subtheme describes mothers’ worries about the condition of their babies while admitted in NICU. Mothers worried about clinical signs such as breathing problems and convulsions, uncertainty about diagnosis, delayed improvement, prolonged hospitalization, and the possibility of death.

“From the hospital here, they told me my baby was not breathing well, I was terrified and expected something worse would happen to my baby” (P.10, Para 3, 29 years old).

“They informed me that my baby was convulsing… I became even more worried that my baby would die” (P.8, para 2, 25 years old).

“Even right now I don’t have hope, because even as they are treating her there is no improvement … but they (health workers) are doing their best” (P.2 Para3, 30 years old).

Theme 2: burden of a baby’s hospitalization

In this study, mothers agreed that hospital stay is a burden not only in taking care of their babies but also creates emotional, social, and financial burdens for mothers. These burdens included restricted movement, separation from family members, worry about other children, and the need to buy food, medicines, and supplies required during admission. Although mothers experienced the burden of separation from their family, most did not report serious marital conflict during the baby’s hospitalization.

Subtheme 1: disruption of daily life

Mothers explained that staying in hospital disrupted their usual responsibilities and confined them to one place. Some worried about children and spouses at home, although most did not report serious marital conflict.

“My life has really changed because I cannot move anywhere, I have to be confined in one place.” (P.7, Para 1, 18 years old).

“Uhm hei …. it is affecting because for me I left one baby at home … my mind is only on that one at home. About the marriage, everything is okay.” (P.1, Para 2, 30 years old).

“It made us to become bankrupt, because here they need a lot of money even though they are treating her freely, our being here needs money. There is really no change with my marriage” (P.2, Para 3, 30 years old).

Sub-theme 2: requirement related to hospitalization

Mothers reported that shortages of medicines and supplies increased the cost of hospitalization. They were often required to buy medicines, syringes, feeding tubes, food, and other items. For mothers who did not have money, this created fear that treatment could be delayed.

“Most of the things are always missing and you are supposed to buy for example drugs, syringes, feeding tubes and other things” (P.5, Para 2, 19 years old).

“Things are not easy here, money is needed for everything … sometimes money is not there and babies may delay being treated, it is stressing” (P.9, Para 4, 36 years old).

Theme 3: mothers’ satisfaction with care given by healthcare workers

Mothers generally expressed satisfaction with the care provided by healthcare workers in the NICU. Their satisfaction was mainly linked to timely treatment, communication about their babies’ condition, and the supportive attitude of healthcare workers.

Some mothers appreciated health workers for providing timely treatment and making visible efforts to support their babies.

“The health workers have done everything to save the baby, so I am grateful.” (P.6, Para 4, 24 years old).

“They are treating her very well …, they treat her in time at the right time and with the right medicine. I feel everything is okay and that is the care I expected from them” (P.2, Para 3, 30 years).

Mothers also valued being informed when medicines or supplies were needed and when there was a change in the baby’s condition.

“They give very good service… they let you know when there is any problem.” (P.10, Para 5, 38 years old).

Theme 4: altered motherhood role and support systems

Mothers’ views of life and motherhood were mixed. Some described motherhood during NICU admission as stressful and uncertain because of the baby’s condition, financial demands of admission, and dependence on others for support. Others expressed hope, faith in God, and trust in health workers. Religious faith emerged as an important source of coping.

“I feel hopeless because her condition keeps changing. Sometimes she improves, then worsens again the next day. Life is very hard because I hope she survives. But with God, everything is possible” (P.2, Para 3, 30 years old).

“Life is not okay … because staying here is not okay, where everything here you just need to buy” (P.3, Para 2, 24 years).

Subtheme: support mechanisms used by mothers

Support was reflected across the interviews as mothers navigated emotional and practical challenges. Mothers relied on reassurance from health workers, support from spouses and family members, encouragement from other mothers, and religious faith. These forms of support helped some mothers remain hopeful despite uncertainty about their babies’ outcomes.

“My family and friends support me in terms of getting for me what to eat, to buy drugs and other things, the health workers also help treat my baby in time so I feel I get support” (P.5 para 2, 19 years old).

“It’s my husband giving me support …he is looking for money to take care of us.” (P.6, Para 4, 24 years old).

“I am still positive and I believe that health workers can support you and they can do everything to save lives” (P.6, Para 4, 24 years old).

Some mothers reported feeling calmer when they received reassurance from health workers.

“When I realized they were bringing my baby to the oxygen room, I thought there was some problem but they checked and told me was okay… my feelings became better and now I don’t feel worried” (P.6 Para 4, 26 years old).

“I have been feeling a lot of pain and I have been thinking about my baby’s life. But when I came to the hospital, they have been helping my baby and the baby is now stable, so I feel calm now with no sorrow” (P.7, Para 1, 18 years old).

Discussion

This study explored the experiences of mothers with babies admitted to the NICU of a PRRH in Northern Uganda. The findings show that NICU admission affected mothers emotionally, socially, financially, and spiritually. Mothers experienced shock and fear when their babies were admitted, especially when communication was unclear or delayed. They also faced practical burdens related to restricted movement, separation from family members, and the need to buy hospital requirements. At the same time, respectful care, timely treatment, reassurance from health workers, family support, and faith helped mothers cope with the uncertainty of neonatal illness.

Mothers experienced deep emotional distress, fear, and sadness upon learning their babies were admitted to the NICU, often equating the admission to impending loss or death. The emotional distress reported by mothers reflects the sudden disruption of expectations surrounding birth. Many mothers expected to deliver safely, hold their baby, and return home. NICU admission changed this expectation and created fear about survival. Similar studies have shown that mothers of babies admitted to NICUs experience fear, guilt, anxiety, and helplessness, particularly when the baby’s condition is uncertain or when the mother feels excluded from care [22, 23]. The similarity across studies suggests that uncertainty regarding infant survival may be a universal feature of the NICU experience. However, in this setting, the emotional burden appeared intensified by resource constraints, communication challenges, and the need for families to purchase essential supplies. In this study, distress was intensified by uncertainty and by mothers’ limited understanding of the baby’s condition at the time of admission. This highlights the importance of early, clear, and compassionate communication when a newborn is transferred to the NICU.

Communication emerged as a central issue across themes. Mothers who received explanations and reassurance appeared calmer, while delayed or unclear information increased fear. This suggests that information-sharing is not only a clinical responsibility but also an emotional support intervention. In busy and resource-limited NICU settings, health workers may prioritize urgent clinical needs; however, even brief explanations about the baby’s location, condition, treatment, and expected maternal role may reduce maternal anxiety and strengthen trust in care.

The financial burden of hospitalization was another important finding. Although care may be provided in a public facility, mothers still reported buying medicines, syringes, feeding tubes, food, and other supplies. These costs created stress and sometimes raised fears that treatment would be delayed when money was unavailable. Similar evidence from low-resource neonatal settings shows that shortages of essential supplies shift costs to families and may worsen parental distress [24, 25]. Addressing these gaps requires hospital-level strategies to ensure consistent availability of essential neonatal medicines and supplies, as well as social support mechanisms for mothers who cannot afford required items.

Despite emotional hardship, mothers expressed satisfaction with the care and compassion provided by nurses and other health workers. Mothers’ satisfaction with care was shaped by the perceived commitment, timeliness, communication, and kindness of healthcare workers. This finding suggests that mothers may evaluate NICU care not only by clinical outcomes, but also by whether they feel informed, respected, and included. This is consistent with studies done elsewhere which found that respectful, empathetic care enhanced parental satisfaction even amidst medical uncertainty [26, 27]. However, positive reports of satisfaction should be interpreted cautiously because interviews were conducted within the NICU while babies were still admitted. Some mothers may have been reluctant to express dissatisfaction due to fear that negative comments could affect the care provided to their babies. Future studies could interview mothers after discharge to explore whether perceptions of care differ outside the immediate hospital environment.

Religious faith and hope were important coping resources. Mothers frequently referred to God when describing their babies’ survival and their own ability to endure hospitalization. In the Ugandan context, spirituality can provide meaning, emotional strength, and acceptance during health crises [28]. This finding aligns with other studies which reported that faith and social support are key coping mechanisms in NICU experiences [24]. Integrating psychosocial and spiritual support into NICU care, while respecting individual preferences, may therefore improve emotional wellbeing. Health workers, counsellors, chaplains, and peer supporters could work together to provide structured support for mothers during prolonged admissions.

Collectively, these findings suggest that NICU admission created a crisis of motherhood for many participants. Mothers experienced disruption of expected maternal roles, uncertainty regarding their babies’ survival, financial strain, emotional distress, and dependence on external support systems. The combination of these experiences challenged mothers’ sense of control, identity, and wellbeing, illustrating the multidimensional nature of the “motherhood in crisis” phenomenon within resource-limited neonatal care settings.

Overall, the findings point to the need for improving communication, ensuring availability of essential supplies, and strengthening interpersonal support during NICU admission. Strengthening these areas may reduce maternal distress and improve mothers’ engagement in newborn care.

Limitations and mitigation strategies

Interviews were conducted within the NICU environment while babies were still admitted. This may have introduced social desirability bias because some mothers may have feared that sharing negative experiences could affect the quality of care their babies received. To minimize this risk, participants were assured that participation was voluntary, their responses would remain confidential, and their care would not be affected by what they shared.

Conclusion

Mothers with babies admitted to the NICU of Public Regional Referral Hospital in Northern Uganda experienced emotional distress, uncertainty, financial strain, disruption of daily life, and reliance on faith and the availability of interpersonal support. Their experiences were shaped by communication from health workers, the baby’s clinical condition, hospital requirements, and the availability of interpersonal support. Improving communication, ensuring availability of essential supplies, and strengthening interpersonal support may improve mothers’ experiences during NICU admission.

Beth Namukwana

is a midwifery scholar in the Department of Midwifery, Faculty of Nursing and Midwifery at Lira University, Uganda. Her research interests include maternal and neonatal health, midwifery-led care, and improving maternal experiences in healthcare settings.

Authors’ contributions

BN conceived the study, participated in protocol development, data collection, data analysis, manuscript drafting, and manuscript review.NO and CJA participated in topic development, contributed to the development of the study protocol and manuscript writing.CKN, FA, and EM participated in protocol development, manuscript writing, and manuscript review.VCA and AGA contributed to protocol development and manuscript preparation.EE participated in protocol development, data collection, data analysis, and manuscript review.RN, MKA, MSO, SU, and EMB contributed to protocol development and manuscript preparation.All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

Funding

This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

Data availability

The datasets generated and analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to privacy and confidentiality considerations related to the participants. However, anonymized data may be made available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

Declarations

Ethics approval and consent to participate

Ethical approval for this study was obtained from the Lira University Research Ethics Committee (LUREC-2023-68). Permission to conduct the study was also obtained from the administration of Lira Regional Referral Hospital. Written informed consent was obtained from all participants prior to their participation in the study. The declaration of Helsinki, institutional and national regulations on human subject protection and privacy protection were strictly followed throughout the study process.

Consent for publication

Written informed consent for publication of anonymized data and quotations was obtained from all participants involved in the study.

Competing interests

The authors declare no competing interests.