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. Author manuscript; available in PMC: 2013 Dec 7.
Published in final edited form as: J Black Psychol. 2012 Jul 25;39(5):10.1177/0095798412454681. doi: 10.1177/0095798412454681

Peer Associations and Coping: The Mediating Role of Ethnic Identity for Urban, African American Adolescents

Jeneka A Joyce 1, Maya E O’Neil 2, Elizabeth A Stormshak 1, Ellen H McWhirter 1, Thomas J Dishion 3
PMCID: PMC3855451  NIHMSID: NIHMS464267  PMID: 24324283

Abstract

This study sought to examine the relationship between coping strategies and prosocial and deviant peer associations for urban, African American adolescents. In addition, the study analyzed the mediating role of ethnic identity for coping strategies and peer associations. Results of the African American models were then compared with models for European American adolescents. Results indicated that African American and European American adolescents who reported using distraction coping strategies were more likely to associate with prosocial peers, and those who reported using self-destruction strategies were less likely to associate with prosocial peers. Adolescents who reported using distraction coping strategies were less likely to associate with deviant peers, and adolescents who reported using self-destruction strategies were more likely to associate with deviant peers. Ethnic identity mediated the relationship between coping and prosocial peer association for African American adolescents. Limitations of the study and future research directions are also presented.

Keywords: peer relationships, ethnic identity, coping, African American adolescents

Introduction

Research that examines the attitudes and behaviors of peers is highly salient in terms of predicting adolescent developmental outcomes (Hartup, 2005). Adolescent peer interactions may provide an optimal environment for the acquisition of particular behaviors and attitudes. Much of the developmental research on adolescent peer social development has explored processes of peer selection and socialization of socially deviant behaviors (e.g., Dishion, Spracklen, Andrews, & Patterson, 1996; Hanish, Martin, Fabes, Leonard, & Herzog, 2005). Peers often reinforce adolescent deviancy within the deviant peer context by modeling deviant behavior and by normalizing deviant expectations in the peer group. Kandel (1978) described the concept of homophily as the tendency for youths to affiliate with peers who are highly similar to themselves in both physical and behavioral domains. Moreover, research findings have illustrated that peer group homophily is an important predictor of involvement in and acceptance of deviant behaviors (Dishion et al., 1996).

Adolescents’ ability to cultivate and maintain prosocial peer relationships has garnered the attention of researchers (Barry & Wentzel, 2006; Wentzel, 1999), yet only a few studies have examined the role of peer association in adolescents’ prosocial behavior. Little is known about the degree to which the development of prosocial peer associations is mediated by other variables. The preliminary literature suggests that engagement with prosocial peers is related to healthy psychosocial adjustment and engagement in prosocial activities. As with social deviance, the influence of friends plays a part in adolescent prosocial behavior and appears to be related to individual cognitive-behavioral processes and to observational learning (Barry & Wentzel, 2006). Notable, however, is that this emerging research on adolescent prosocial peer association has been conducted primarily with European American, middle-class adolescents. So although this work has enabled a general understanding of processes of peer selection and socialization for European American youths, these findings may or may not extend to members of other ethnic groups. Much of the research conducted with ethnic minorities has tended to concentrate on deviant behaviors and relationships rather than on prosocial and normative behaviors (MacPhee, Kreutzer, & Fritz, 1994). This significant gap in the literature does not account for cultural norms and experiences that may associate with prosocial peer engagement and subsequent positive behaviors.

The “one model fits all” approach to development does not adequately address the needs and ecologies of ethnically diverse youths (Yasui & Dishion, 2007). Research that attends to diverse ecologies and ethnic groups may reveal important insights into diverse developmental pathways for adolescents (Yasui & Dishion, 2007). These investigations may be especially important for African American youths because African Americans face particular risk factors such as ethnic discrimination and oppression (e.g., Cooper, McLoyd, Wood, & Hardaway, 2008) and related environmental stressors. Experiencing racial discrimination has been linked with higher levels of perceived stress, depressive symptoms, and lower levels of well-being for African American youths (Neblett et al., 2008). Identifying particular factors that contribute to adaptive peer relations for African American adolescents may illuminate the effects of cultural dimensions such as ethnic identity on adaptive and maladaptive peer relationships. This in turn could lead to more effective ways to promote the development of adaptive peer relations and associated outcomes for African American adolescents.

In this study, we sought to examine the role of specific cognitive, social, and ethnicity factors that are of consequence in the lives of African American adolescents: coping strategies, prosocial and deviant peer associations, and an aspect of self that includes the feelings and attitudes related to being a part of a specific ethnic group—that is, ethnic identity. Ethnic identity has been conceptualized as a multifaceted conception of self that includes ethnic group affiliation and the attitudes associated with ethnic group membership (Phinney, 1990). Specifically, we investigated the role of ethnic identity as a potential mediator of the relationship between coping and prosocial peer association and between coping and deviant peer association. We then compared study results with those relevant to European American youths. This study fills a gap in the literature by clarifying some of the internal processes and contextual factors that contribute to healthy psychosocial adjustment for African American adolescents as compared with their European American peers.

Coping Strategies and Peer Associations

Adolescence is an important developmental period during which adolescents are expected to develop greater independence and manage increased stress. Coping behaviors and strategies typically have been viewed as the specific voluntary actions that an individual takes to successfully adapt and mobilize personal resources when faced with demands of a stressful encounter (Compas, Connor-Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen, & Wadsworth, 2001). Lazarus and Folkman (1984) defined coping to mean both behavioral and cognitive attempts to manage environmental and internal demands that are stressful and that surpass the wherewithal of an individual. According to Compas et al. (2001), coping behaviors are “directed toward resolving the stressful relationship between the self and the environment (problem-focused coping) or toward palliating negative emotions that arise as a result of stress (emotion-focused coping)” (p. 88). Adolescent biological, cognitive, social, and emotional developmental processes, as well as social context, greatly influence the quality and quantity of available resources to manage stress (Compas et al., 2001).

Adolescents use a wide range of coping strategies to address everyday life stressors. Ayers, Sandler, West, and Roosa (1996) used confirmatory factor analyses to identify four coping subtypes for adolescents: active coping strategies (e.g., problem solving and decision making), distraction coping strategies (e.g., exercise and other distracting actions), social support–seeking coping strategies, and also avoidant coping strategies. Research findings also indicate that when experiencing stress, some adolescents use substances such as alcohol and nicotine with the intent to help decrease negative feelings and to enhance positive affect (e.g., Wills, 1986). In the short term, this coping strategy may help alleviate stress; however, the use of avoidance coping (i.e., avoidant action) and self-destructive coping behaviors (e.g., substance use, physical self-harm) have been implicated in greater youth maladjustment (Ayers et al., 1996). The strategies that adolescents use to cope with stressors and the types of peers that adolescents engage with are commonly linked. Similarities in patterns of substance use have been implicated as a peer selection factor for both European American and African American adolescents (Hamm, 2000). Kandel’s (1978) conceptualization of peer selection effects highlights how adolescents choose to develop and maintain peer relationships with individuals who exhibit similar attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors. Empirical findings consistently reveal correlations between adolescent substance use and involvement with peers who use substances and who also engage in other forms of social deviance (Curran, Stice, & Chassin, 1997). Selection effects and social learning theories support the hypothesis that adolescent self-destructive coping may play a role in deviant peer associations.

A paucity of research has addressed peer selection and socialization processes related to coping and association with peers who engage in positive social and academic behaviors. Researchers have examined distal correlates of prosocial peer associations such as adolescents’ social and behavioral competence and academic achievement (Wentzel, Baker, & Russell, 2009). Also, Langrock, Compas, Keller, Merchant, and Copeland (2000) found that adolescents who use secondary control coping (i.e., acceptance and distraction strategies) have been found to have greater psychological adjustment. This research suggests that prosocial adolescents may have a higher probability of psychological and emotional adjustment because of using adaptive strategies for modulating stressful life experiences. Limited empirical research, however, has examined how African American adolescents cope with stress and how they maintain prosocial peer associations characterized by social and behavioral competence.

Despite limited evidence illustrating patterns of prosocial peer associations and coping relevant to ethnicity, researchers have proposed that cultural factors help determine which behaviors are adaptive or maladaptive at both the individual and societal levels (Serafica & Vargas, 2006). Culture-based associations, values, and beliefs may influence how stressors are perceived and which resources are used to cope with stressors (Compas, Connor-Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen, & Wadsworth, 2001; Serafica & Vargas, 2006). Tolan, Gorman-Smith, Henry, Chung, and Hunt (2002) found that African American youths used more social-support coping strategies (e.g., talking to an adult about what bothers them, doing things with family) than did their European American and Latino peers. Similarly, Constantine, Donnelly, and Myers (2002) found that African American adolescents who reported feeling positive about their ethnic group used more collective coping strategies (i.e., fostering kinship connections and reliance on group centered activities) to deal with life stressors. When youths are more positively grounded in their cultural values, they are more likely to behave in ways that reflect the norms and values of their cultural group (Constantine et al., 2002). As such, they are better able to cope with stress and elicit support.

Ethnic Identity and Peer Associations

Not only must adolescents contend with issues related to increased stress and need for coping skills, they also engage in identity development processes. These identity processes become more prominent during adolescence as a result of emerging cognitive and self-reflective capabilities (Erikson, 1968). Adolescents are beginning to understand themselves to be unique individuals within society and also to understand how others use stereotypes and assumptions to perceive them (Oyserman, Kemmelmeir, Fryberg, Brosh, & Hart-Johnson, 2003). Despite having to navigate similar social identity processes as African American youth, European American youths experience differential ethnic socialization based on ethnic classification and social privilege. Because of their unearned social privileges and institutional power, European Americans have not been required to as keenly examine the impact of their ethnic identities on self and on others (Sue et al., 1998). Thus, researchers suggest that racial exploration for European American adolescents is less explored and achieved than adolescents of color.

For adolescents, developing an ethnic identity includes an increased awareness of what it means to be a member of an ethnic group and also the continual discernment of what behaviors and identities are prized and privileged in different contexts, and which are not. A strong sense of ethnic identity coincides with a sense of belonging and connection with social groups and is generally associated with positive psychological and behavioral outcomes, such as academic achievement (Chavous et al., 2003) and protection against nonracial forms of stress (Kiang, Yip, Gonzales-Backen, Witkow, & Fuligni, 2006). As discussed these processes and trajectories of ethnic identity development for European American and African American youth may differ based on parental socialization practices (Hughes et al., 2006) and differential encounter experiences.

On the basis of social identity theory (Tajfel, 1981) and Marcia’s (1966) ego identity development model, Phinney (1990) proposed a three-stage model of ethnic identity development: unexamined ethnic identity (i.e., unawareness of what it means to be a member of an ethnic group), ethnic identity exploration (i.e., exploring the meaning of being a part of an ethnic group), and achieved ethnic identity (i.e., having positive group esteem and feeling satisfied with being a member of an ethnic group). French, Seidman, Allen, and Aber (2006) showed how ethnic identity processes are continuous for diverse adolescents. The authors found that ethnic identity exploration rose steadily for ethnic minority youths and also for European American youths throughout the first years of high school; in comparison, exploration by African American and Latino American students increased slightly more. A study showed that when compared with European American youths, African American youths demonstrated significantly greater attachment, belonging, and involvement with their ethnic group and exploration of their ethnic group (e.g., Yasui, LaRue Dorham, & Dishion, 2004).

Sellers and colleagues (Sellers, Copeland-Linder, Martin, & Lewis, 2006) contend that racial salience (i.e., “the extent to which one’s race is a relevant part of one’s self-concept in a particular situation”) and racial centrality (i.e., “the extent to which a person normally defines himself or herself with regard to race”) may differ for African Americans on the basis of ecological context and developmental processes. Despite residing in social contexts that variously influence the significance and centrality of ethnic identity, adolescents who develop and accept different aspects of self, including one’s ethnic identity, are primed for an important developmental milestone (Phinney, 1990).

A positive evaluation of one’s ethnic identity may protect African American adolescents from a number of risk factors, including negative stereotypes and expectations of a racist society, involvement in gangs, psychological maladjustment, perceived discrimination, and low achievement in school (e.g., Cross, 1991; Sellers, Smith, Shelton, Rowley, & Chavous, 1998). This literature illustrates how individuals with greater ethnic identity achievement engage less with deviant peers (i.e., involvement with gangs). Moreover, as with any ethnic group, African Americans’ self-perceptions and use of various coping styles and strategies can affect their psychosocial adjustment outcomes. Limited attention has been devoted to understanding whether ethnic identity and the use of coping strategies contribute to variation in peer social affiliation and behavior.

The Current Study

The purpose of this study was twofold. First, we sought to understand the relationship between coping strategies and both prosocial and deviant peer association for urban African American as compared with European American adolescents. Given the literature that highlights similarities between African American and European American youths in terms of peer associations and substance use (Hamm, 2000), we hypothesized that self-destructive coping strategies (i.e., smoking cigarettes and drinking alcohol, physical self-harm, and suicide ideation) would be negatively related to prosocial peer association and positively related to deviant peer association for both groups. We also hypothesized that distraction coping strategies (i.e., going to a friends’ house, taking a walk or a bike ride, or relaxing) would be positively related to prosocial peer association and negatively related to deviant peer association for African American and European American adolescents. Second, given research that suggests ethnic identity is an important variable in peer association for African American adolescents (e.g., Hamm, 2000) and that ethnic identity may affect other psychosocial adjustment outcomes, such as substance use, for African American youths (Marsiglia, Kulis, & Hecht, 2003), we hypothesized that ethnic identity would significantly alter the relationship between coping strategies and both prosocial and deviant peer associations for African American youths. We also examined this relationship with European American youths. Given the literature that suggests that ethnic identity may not be as central for European American adolescents as it is for African American adolescents (Phinney, 1996; Yasui et al., 2004), we hypothesized that ethnic identity would fail to mediate the relationship between coping strategies and peer associations for European American adolescents. In this study, we anticipated that ethnic identity would serve as a crucial mediating variable that would help illumine differential conditions of peer association for African American youths as compared with European American adolescents.

Method

Participants and Procedures

Study participants were part of a larger longitudinal randomized prevention trial involving a community sample of urban adolescents and their families. The intervention was intended to prevent adolescent problem behaviors and substance use (Dishion & Kavanagh, 2000; Dishion, Nelson, & Kavanagh, 2003). Youth and families were initially recruited to the study from three urban middle schools in the Pacific Northwest. All students and families in the schools were eligible for participation in the study, and 90% of the population consented to participate. Sixth-grade students and their families received introductory information and were also required to return active informed consent. Youths were randomly assigned at the individual level to either control or intervention classrooms in the spring of sixth grade. In addition, students were randomized to a family resource center, in which parents had access to brief in-person and telephone consultations with a parent consultant, had the ability to receive on their child’s behavior at school, and had access to videotapes and book. School-based assessment measures were administered and collected in the classrooms. In these assessments, students were asked to read and complete the assessment in the classroom. For more information pertaining to the multilevel intervention program and protocol, see Dishion & Kavanagh (2003).

Adolescents were tracked if they moved out of their original school and were administered surveys in their new school. The study maintained an average retention rate of between 80% and 85% throughout seven waves of data collection during a period of 12 years. A total of 998 families completed the initial assessment screening at Wave 1. A total of 801 adolescents participated in Wave 6 of data collection. Our study included 584 African American and European American adolescents in 11th grade who responded to all the measures used in this study: ethnic identity, coping strategies, and peer associations. Of the 238 African American youth participants, 119 were female (50%) and 119 were male (50%). The average age of African American youth participants in 11th grade was approximately 17 years (SD = 8.76 months). Of the 346 European American participants, 184 were male (53.2%) and 162 were female (46.8%). The average age of the European American adolescents in 11th grade was 16.89 years (SD = 9.21 months). Annual family income ranged from $5,000 to more than $90,000, with the median family earning between $30,000 and $40,000. Of the 346 European American participants, 115 participated in some form of intervention. Of the 238 African American participants, 75 participated in some form of intervention. Other studies have examined intervention effects and outcomes (e.g., Connell, Dishion, Yasui, and Kavanagh, 2007).

Measures

Demographics

A questionnaire was used to gather information about the participants’ gender, age, self-identified race/ethnicity, and grade level.

Ethnic identity

Ethnic identity was assessed using the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (Phinney, 1992). The 14-item measure includes three subscales that assess attachment and belonging to the identified ethnic group, achieved ethnic identity, and involvement in ethnic behaviors and practices. Items on this measure are rated using a 4-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree). Examples of items on the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure include the following: “I have a strong sense of belonging to my own ethnic group,” “I have a lot of pride in my ethnic group and its accomplishments,” and “I have a clear sense of my ethnic background and what it means to me.” Higher mean scores indicated greater feelings of affiliation, belonging, and engagement within one’s ethnic group. Roberts et al. (1999) reported good reliability data with African American, European American, and Mexican American high school students for this measure (α = .81), and other research has indicated good psychometric properties for the measure (e.g., French et al., 2006; Pahl & Way, 2006). For African Americans, internal consistency was estimated with a standardized Cronbach’s α of .80. Internal consistency for European American youths was estimated with a standardized Cronbach’s α of .76.

Coping strategies

Adolescents’ coping strategies were assessed using the Life Events and Coping Inventory (LECI; Dise-Lewis, 1988). Items for this measure were generated from verbal and written responses from a predominantly European American adolescent sample. The LECI’s psychometric reliability and validity has been assessed via test-retest procedures and convergent validity procedures, respectively (Dise-Lewis, 1988). This 52-item self-report measure of coping is used for children and adolescents and assesses the likelihood of using coping strategies in subjectively defined stressful situations. Participants were asked to rate the likelihood of using particular coping strategies when feeling stressed on a 9-point scale ranging from 1 (I would definitely not do this) to 9 (I would definitely do this). Two of the 12 subscales were used for this study (i.e., Distraction Coping and Self-Destruction Coping). These subscales were selected to represent behaviorally oriented dimensions of adaptation that have been correlated with lower levels of emotional distress and social maladaptation (i.e., distraction coping) and higher levels of both types of problems (i.e., self-destruction coping/disengagement coping; Ayers et al., 1996; Compas et al., 2001). Despite mixed results pertaining to psychological correlates and coping for African American youth, we use these two subscales of coping to identify how specific coping behaviors relate to deviant and prosocial peer affiliation.

The Self-Destruction subscale addresses disengagement coping or stress avoidance. This subscale consisted of 8 items. Examples of items on this subscale include the following: “do something dangerous,” “hurt myself physically,” and “take other drugs.” The Distraction Coping subscale items addresses secondary control coping. This subscale consisted of 12 items. Examples of items on this subscale include the following: “do a hobby,” “take a walk,” and “go over to a friend’s house.” Scores were computed by determining the mean items constituting subscale scores, with higher scores indicating greater likelihood of using the strategy. In our study, standardized Cronbach’s α for African American youth on the Distraction Coping subscale was .81, and for the Self-Destruction Coping subscale, standardized Cronbach’s α was .82. For European American youth, standardized Cronbach’s α for the subscale of Distraction Coping was .79, and the subscale of Self-Destruction Coping was estimated with a standardized Cronbach’s α of .79. We were unable to locate other research that reported psychometric properties by ethnic group.

Peer association

Adolescents’ peer associations were assessed using a measure of child peer relations and social skills designed for the intervention study (Dishion & Kavanagh, 2003). This measure assesses the peer domain by summarizing friend involvement in both prosocial and deviant activities. Adolescent report of prosocial peer association reflects an investment with peers who engage in positive social and academic behaviors and who typically abide by behavioral expectations within the school and community context. The following items were rated on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (always): “How often did you spend time with kids who took school seriously and completed their homework?” and “How often did you spend time with kids who were involved in positive school or community activities?” The last item on this measure—“What percentage of your friends were well behaved in school?”—was rated on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (very few [less than 25%]) to 5 (almost all [more than 75%]). Higher scores indicated a greater association with prosocial peers. For African Americans, internal consistency was established with a standardized Cronbach’s α of .65. Internal consistency for European American youths was established with a standardized Cronbach’s α of .66. Adolescent report of deviant peer association reflects engagement with peers who participate in overt antisocial behaviors and violation of social norms. Deviant peer association was assessed using four items that were rated on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (very few [less than 25%]) to 5 (almost all [more than 75%]). Higher scores indicate a greater percentage of deviant peer association. Examples of items assessing adolescent deviant peer association include the following: “What percentage of your friends misbehaved or broke rules?” and “What percentage of your friends dressed or acted like gang members (wore clothing typically associated with gang affiliation and/or flashed gang signs)?” A previous study that used this measure with an equal distribution of European American and African American adolescents reported a standardized Cronbach’s α of .73 for the entire sample (Bullock & Dishion, 2002). For the current study, internal consistency of this scale for African American adolescents was established with a standardized Cronbach’s α of .52. For the European American adolescents, internal consistency of this scale was established with a standardized Cronbach’s α of .41.

Results

Descriptive Statistics and Preliminary Analyses

The data were examined for the presence of outliers, and the assumptions of normality and homogeneity of variance were met. Because missing data were minimal (less than 5%), they were handled by means of pairwise deletion. The sample sizes for African American youths (n = 238) and European American youths (n = 346) were sufficiently large to have enough power to detect medium to large mediated effects for both groups (MacKinnon, Lockwood, Hoffman, West, & Sheets, 2002). Descriptive statistics for all variables by ethnicity are presented in Table 1.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics for Variables by Ethnicity

African American
 European American
Variable n M SD n M SD
Ethnic identity** 236 3.14 0.42 346 2.58 0.52
Prosocial peers 236 2.68 0.80 346 2.50 0.85
Deviant peers 237 2.08 0.85 346 2.13 0.90
Distraction coping* 237 64.25 17.95 346 63.16 15.65
Self-destruction coping* 236 14.53 8.89 346 16.70 9.76
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*

Means are significant at the .05 level (2-tailed).

**

Means are significant at the .01 level (2-tailed).

To determine whether sex differences in regard to peer associations, coping strategies, and ethnic identity existed for African American and European American youths, independent observations t tests were calculated. For African American youths, results indicated that female and male adolescents significantly differed in deviant peer association, t(235) = 3.99, p = .00. Males reported significantly more deviant peers (M = 2.32, SD = 0.89) than did their female counterparts (M = 1.88, SD = 0.76). Similar sex differences existed for European American youths, that is, males reported significantly more deviant peers (M = 2.26, SD = 0.90) than did their female counterparts (M = 1.99, SD = 0.88), t(344) = 2.81, p = .01. In addition, results indicated that female and male adolescents significantly differed in prosocial peer associations, t(234) = −2.21, p = .03. African American females reported significantly more prosocial peer associations (M = 2.78, SD = 0.77) than did their African American male counterparts (M = 2.56, SD = 0.81). Similar sex differences existed for European American youths, that is, females reported significantly more prosocial peers (M = 2.66, SD = 0.79) than did their male counterparts (M = 2.37, SD = 0.88), t(344) = −3.22, p = .01. European American females reported using significantly more distraction coping strategies (M = 66.39, SD = 15.08) than did European American males (M = 60.33, SD = 15.64), t(344) = −3.66, p = .00. Last, significant sex differences in ethnic identity were not detected for African American youths, t(234) = −.338, p = .736 nor for European American youths, t(344) = −1.23, p = .22. Means and standard deviations for each variable by sex are represented in Table 2.

Table 2.

Descriptive Statistics for Variables by Sex

African American
Females
 African American Males
Variable n M SD n M SD
Ethnic identity 129 3.15 0.38 107 3.13 0.46
Prosocial peers* 130 2.78 0.77 106 2.56 0.81
Deviant peers** 130 1.88 0.76 107 2.31 0.89
Distraction coping 130 64.52 17.33 107 63.91 18.75
Self-destruction coping 129 14.07 7.26 107 15.07 10.54
European Females
 European American
Males
Variable n M SD n M SD
Ethnic identity 162 2.61 0.51 184 2.55 0.52
Prosocial peers** 162 2.66 0.79 184 2.37 0.88
Deviant peers** 162 1.99 0.88 184 2.37 0.90
Distraction coping* 162 66.39 15.08 184 60.33 15.64
Self-destruction coping 162 15.79 9.14 183 17.51 10.24
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*

Means are significant at the .05 level (2-tailed).

**

Means are significant at the .01 level (2-tailed).

As a preliminary step in testing our two mediator models, we evaluated bivariate correlations relevant to African American and European American adolescents, as illustrated in Table 3. All variables were correlated in the expected direction for African American and European American adolescents. Multiple regression analyses were conducted to examine the relationships for two models predicting prosocial peer association and deviant peer association, respectively.

Table 3.

Intercorrelations Between Scales for All Variables

Variables 2 3 4 5
African American youths
   1. Ethnic identity .29** −.11 .29** −.16*
   2. Prosocial peers — −.31** .18** −.16*
   3. Deviant peers — −.05 .21**
   4. Distraction coping — .00
   5. Self-destruction coping —
European American youths
   1. Ethnic identity .20** −.12* .20** −.15*
   2. Prosocial peers — −.48** .29** −.31**
   3. Deviant peers — −.15** .46**
   4. Distraction coping — .01
   5. Self-destruction coping —
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*

Correlation is significant at the .05 level (2-tailed).

**

Correlation is significant at the .01 level (2-tailed).

Mediator Model Results: Prosocial Peer Association

Mediation analyses were conducted to examine whether ethnic identity accounted for the relationship between coping strategies and prosocial peer association for African Americans and European Americans. We followed the steps proposed by Baron and Kenny (1986) for examining mediation relationships. A standard model of mediation is illustrated in Figure 1. We established that (a) the coping variables were significant predictors of the proposed mediator, ethnic identity (Path A); (b) ethnic identity was significantly related to prosocial peer association (Path B); (c) the coping variables were significant predictors of prosocial peer association (Path C); and (d) the coping variables were no longer significant predictors of prosocial peer association when ethnic identity was also included as a predictor in the overall mediator model (Path C′). Figure 1 details the theoretical model and associated path labels. Sobel tests are often used to test the significance of mediation effects; however, recent research suggests that bootstrapping techniques are preferable (Preacher & Hayes, 2008). Thus, bootstrapping analyses were used to examine mediation effects for significance. For African American youths, ethnic identity (the mediator) was significantly related to both distraction coping (β = .29, p < .001) and self-destruction coping (Path A; β = −.16, p < .05). The relationship between ethnic identity and prosocial peer association was also significant (Path B; β = .29; p < .001). Distraction coping (β = .18, p < .05) and self-destruction coping (β = −.16, p < .05) were significantly related to prosocial peer association (Path C). Finally, the mediation model was run including both coping variables and ethnic identity (the mediator) as predictors of prosocial peer association. These model results indicated that when ethnic identity was included in the model, the paths from the coping variables to prosocial peer association (Path C) became nonsignificant, indicating complete mediation (Baron & Kenny, 1986). Bootstrapping analyses supported the mediation results; the total effect of the coping variables on prosocial peer association through the mediator variable (ethnic identity) was statistically significant (p < .05) for African American adolescents. Figure 2 illustrates the mediation results for African American adolescents.

Figure 1.

Figure 1

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Baron and Kenny Mediation Model

Figure 2.

Figure 2

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Mediation Model Results: Prosocial Peers for African American Adolescents Note: *Correlation is significant at the .05 level (2-tailed). ** Correlation is significant at the .01 level (2-tailed).

In sum, when ethnic identity was added to the model, coping strategies were no longer statistically significant predictors of positive peer association. These results indicate that, for African American youths, ethnic identity serves as a mediator for the relationship between coping strategies and prosocial peer association because the strength of the relation between the predictor (coping strategies) and the outcome variable (prosocial peer association) is reduced to nonsignificance when the mediator (ethnic identity) is added to the model.

We then repeated the process for European American youths. Similar to the previous model, coping strategies were statistically significant predictors of prosocial peer association (Path C) in terms of both distraction coping (β = .29, p < .001) and self-destruction coping (β = −.31, p < .001). Unlike with the previous model, however, ethnic identity was not a statistically significant predictor of prosocial peer association (Path B; p > .05). Thus, because Path B was not significant, ethnic identity did not mediate the relationship between coping strategies and prosocial peer association.

Mediator Model Results: Deviant Peer Association

For our second mediator model, we repeated procedures that were used in the first model, though we used deviant peer association as our outcome rather than prosocial peer association to see if the results were also true for a deviant peer model. The coping and ethnic identity variables in this model are the same as in the previous (prosocial peer association) model, and the relationships among these variables (Path A) was significant for African American youths. To determine the relationship between coping and deviant peer association (Path C), we determined that self-destruction coping was a significant predictor of deviant peer association (β = .21, p < .001); however, distraction coping was not a significant predictor of deviant peer association (β = −.05, p > .05). In addition, we determined that the relationship between ethnic identity and deviant peer association (Path B) was not significant (β = −.11, p > .05). Therefore, we could not establish a mediator relationship among these variables for African American youths.

To determine if the mediator model predicted deviant peer association for European American adolescents, we repeated the deviant peer association model with the European American subsample. We first established that for European American youths, distraction (β = .20, p < .01) and self-destruction (β = −.15, p < .01) coping strategies were significantly related to ethnic identity (Path A). In addition, we established that ethnic identity was significantly related to deviant peer association (Path B; β = −.12, p < .05). Finally, we established that distraction (β = −.16, p < .01) and self-destruction (β = .46, p < .01) coping strategies were significantly related to deviant peer association (Path C). When both coping variables and ethnic identity were included in an overall mediator model, however, the coping variables remained significant predictors of deviant peer association but the ethnic identity variable was no longer a significant predictor of deviant peer association, indicating that ethnic identity did not serve as a mediator of the relationship between coping and deviant peer association for European American adolescents either.

Discussion

This study had two objectives. The first objective was to analyze the relationships between prosocial and deviant peer association, ethnic identity, and coping strategies for urban African American and European American youths. The second objective was to examine whether ethnic identity mediated the influence of coping on prosocial and deviant peer association for African American and for European American adolescents. Our findings support the protective potential of greater feelings of affiliation, belonging, and engagement within one’s ethnic group among urban, African American adolescents. Furthermore, study findings are consistent with prior research on homophily within peer associations. That is, we found that African American and European American adolescents who reported using distraction coping strategies (i.e., going to a friend’s house, taking a walk or a bike ride, or relaxing) were more likely to associate with prosocial peers, and those who reported using self-destruction strategies (i.e., smoking cigarettes and drinking alcohol, hurting one’s self physically, and suicide ideation) were less likely to associate with prosocial peers. In addition, European American adolescents who reported using distraction coping strategies were less likely to associate with deviant peers, and adolescents who reported using more self-destruction strategies were more likely to associate with deviant peers. These findings are consistent with literature that suggests that externalizing behaviors such as substance use are highly correlated with deviant peer association (Curran et al., 1997), or that “birds of a feather flock together” (Hamm, 2000). The findings also illustrate that coping strategies that include seeking social support and other distracting actions directly relate to prosocial peer association. There appear to be connections between youths’ ability to cope with negative stressors and emotions and prosocial behavior. This finding could be attributed to how prosocial youths are likely to assess particular situations and behaviors. For example, Nelson and Crick (1999) found that prosocial youths view aggression and other deviant behaviors negatively, and are thus typically low in externalizing behaviors.

Results of this study suggest that African American adolescents who have a positive ethnic identity are more likely to associate with peers who engage in positive academic and social behaviors and are more likely to use distraction coping strategies than self-destruction coping strategies. Adolescents with a positive sense of self and belonging with respect to ethnic group membership may be more likely to use coping strategies often associated with greater adjustment when faced with general stressors. In accordance with existing research (i.e., Townsend & Belgrave, 2000), the current study results indicate that substance use (i.e., a potential self-destructive coping strategy) and ethnic identity are inversely related and that ethnic identity serves as a protective factor to mitigate risk associated with substance use. Higher racial regard that includes feelings of affirmation and belonging in terms of being an African American has been associated with lower levels of substance use and lower levels of interpersonal distress (Brooks & Pahl, 2005). Our study results suggest that for African American youths, greater feelings of cultural belonging promote the acceptance and enactment of particular norms and values consistent with African American identity and culture that may help deter particular maladaptive coping strategies while promoting prosocial affiliations.

Consistent with our hypothesis, ethnic identity mediated the relationship between coping and prosocial peer association for African American adolescents. This was not true for European American adolescents, nor did ethnic identity serve as a mediator for deviant peer association. African American youths who display higher levels of ethnic identification are more likely to engage in prosocial peer relationships that affirm a positive sense of self and reinforce prosocial associations. It is possible that dimensions of African American adolescents’ ethnic identity are based on enduring beliefs, values, and social contexts that are relevant for engaging with peers who use positive social and academic behaviors. Individuals with a greater attachment to and affiliation with their African American identity may subscribe to an Afrocentric paradigm that emphasizes principles of healthy living that guide individuals of African descent, such as communalism and collectivistic worldviews, reliance on spirituality, emphasis on interpersonal and kinship bonds, and interconnection of nature and humanity (Asante, 1998). The literature has consistently demonstrated that African Americans are more likely than European Americans to attend religious services regularly and also are more likely to indicate that religion has high importance in their lives (Johnston, Bachman, & O’Malley, 1999). These specific Afrocentric values and beliefs (e.g., spirituality, communalism, and cooperation) provide the framework for adolescent engagement with prosocial peers. Youths who engage in ethnic behaviors are provided with structured opportunities for prosocial activities (e.g., participation in church activities) and also the reinforcement of prosocial behavior from adults and peers. Therefore, African American youths who are more strongly affiliated with their ethnic group have more opportunity to develop and maintain prosocial peer affiliations in particular contexts, which outweighs the influence of adolescent coping strategies. As hypothesized, European American adolescents’ ethnic identity did not mediate the relationship between coping and prosocial peer association. Differential ethnic socialization may influence the centrality and salience of ethnic identity for European American adolescents, and thus, this construct is not as important a predictor of prosocial peer associations as is coping.

Contrary to theoretical predictions, no statistically significant differences were detected in terms of deviant peer association and ethnic identity for African American adolescents. Although affiliating with deviant peers may have an inverse relationship with feelings of belonging and connectedness to a self-identified ethnic group, it may be more indirect through its influence on other factors, such as peer social acceptance or rejection, or even parent factors. Similar to African American youth, it appears that ethnic identity failed to mediate the relationship between coping and deviant peer associations for European American youths. It appears that secondary control and disengagement coping strategies play a more influential role than ethnic identity factors. No other research studies have evaluated ethnic identity, coping, and deviant peer associations for European American youth; thus, continuing to examine specific variables associated with an individual’s ethnicity and coping strategies provides greater clarity concerning some of the relationships between cultural attachment, belonging, and adaptive behaviors and relationships.

Study Limitations and Future Directions

Several study limitations must be considered. This investigation was based on a single time point, and no causal relationships can be established between the predictors and the outcome variables. In addition, it may be difficult to interpret the meaning of some of the constructs because of measurement limitations. Low alphas on the peer association measure reduce confidence in these findings. The low reliabilities are likely the result of having few items comprising a scale. Poor standardized alphas for the peer association measure may be bolstered by using multiple reporters such as parents and teachers to increase the reliability of the measurement. Future research should examine the relationships among coping, peer associations, and ethnic identity by using standardized measures of coping and peer associations within a longitudinal research design. Observational techniques may provide unique insight into adolescents’ coping methods and association with peers by supplementing self-reports with documentation of outward behaviors. The relationships among coping, peer associations, and ethnic identity can be explained with greater accuracy once the findings have been replicated so that researchers can have greater confidence in outcomes related to prosocial peer associations.

Despite these limitations, study results indicate that ethnic identity is an important variable for African American adolescents in relation to their coping strategies and peer relationships. A strong sense of ethnic identity, coupled with flexible and adaptive coping styles, is related to engaging with prosocial peers. Because ethnic identity may be particularly salient within a particular social context, the development of ethnic identity for African American youths may be especially important. Researchers may want to further understand culturally specific forms of coping with general life stress, including stressors associated with ethnic discrimination. Because the ways in which individuals respond to stress is contingent on the social context (Compas et al., 2001), future research could explore the use of particular coping strategies relevant to particular types of stressors and the role that ethnic identity plays within that social context. What is considered adaptive given the demands of the circumstance may be highly affected by cultural influences and other environmental factors.

In addition, the extent to which an adolescent subscribes to particular cultural norms, enacts his or her ethnic identity, and locates and mobilizes resources within various contexts may affect how he or she chooses to adapt under stressful circumstances. Measuring contextual stressors that may initiate the process of coping, such as perceptions and attitudes concerning neighborhood and school safety, attitudes concerning ethnic discrimination in neighborhood and school settings, and other feelings of victimization, may serve as a fruitful next step in research.

Adolescence appears to be an important developmental period for implementation of interventions designed to build on the cultural strengths and affiliations of youth. This research suggests that interventions created and evaluated primarily with European American adolescents may not attend to culturally significant factors that may be more effective for African American youths. Although an intervention designed to increase prosocial peer involvement by teaching coping strategies may be effective for European American populations, African American youths may be more positively served by interventions that address not only coping strategies to manage life stressors but also cultural background and meaning making within a social identity. A logical extension of these findings would be to test the relative efficacy of interventions for African American youths that are designed to increase prosocial peer involvement, taking either a “treatment as usual” approach or incorporating ways to help youths develop strong, positive cultural identities.

Acknowledgments

Funding

This research was supported in part by a pre-doctoral research minority supplemental grant, lROIDA018374, from the National Institute of Drug Abuse to Dr. Elizabeth Stormshak at the University of Oregon.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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