A recent study by Martens et al. found that children residing in social housing tend to display poorer health and educational outcomes than children who live outside of social housing. In addition, it was found that better outcomes in adolescence were associated with residing in social housing within wealthier neighborhoods.1 Although the results of this study provide clear implications for government policies and programs for social housing, crowding must also be considered as a factor. The authors note that many applicants for Manitoba Housing do not obtain a residence in their preferred location due to the size of the dwelling required.1 However, the study does not address the rates at which crowding occurs in this social housing program, whether as a result of limited availability or the socioeconomic status of the neighborhood in which families must live.
The effects of household crowding have been previously demonstrated and include: poor mental health status,2 reduction of coping strategies,3 increased risk of childhood injuries,4 exposure to respiratory issues and infectious diseases,5 and poor school performance.6 As a result, it is necessary to determine whether social housing in poorer neighborhoods features higher rates of crowding than is experienced in wealthier areas and whether this leads to an increase in the adverse health effects and poorer educational outcomes experienced by individuals living in these areas.
University of Michigan School of Engineering senior William Royster, age 21 years, stands with the words “#Black Lives Matter” covering his mouth, as he is surrounded by students laying on the ground during the Die-In Protest at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, Michigan, on December 10, 2014. Photograph by Patrick Record. Printed with permission of AP Photo/The Ann Arbor News.
The study conducted by Martens et al. noted that individuals living in social housing in poorer neighborhoods typically experienced more adverse education and health outcomes.1 Perhaps if the authors had considered crowding within their study, they may have found that crowding accounts for at least some of the differences observed in health and education outcomes in social housing in lower socioeconomic neighborhoods.
Because previous studies have indicated that household crowding causes many adverse health and education outcomes independently of social housing programs or neighborhood socioeconomic status, it is possible that the effects of any one of these factors might exacerbate the effects of the others. Studies highlighting the differences in health and education outcomes based on socioeconomic status of neighborhoods are a step in the right direction; however, further conclusions are needed regarding the impact of crowding. Until each of these factors is considered together, significant changes made to social housing programs will have only limited impact on negative health and education outcomes experienced by children and families living in social housing.
References
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