Senior housing at a crossroads: A case study of a university/community partnership in Detroit, Michigan

Introduction

The link between housing and health comes to the forefront in times of housing instability and subsequent transition. In the last year, over 100 older adults living in a long-established senior housing building in Detroit were given notice that they would need to move out of their homes as a result of the building’s sale. Developers had purchased the building in order to convert it from subsidized low-income housing to market-rate luxury apartments. This resulted in the displacement of the senior residents, many of whom had lived in the Downtown neighborhood for decades.

As Detroit progresses in its revitalization, it is to be expected that more private interest will be taking over real estate in the city. With the increased residential market demand in the Downtown and Midtown areas, more apartment buildings are expected to convert from low income to market-rate. Due to these transitions, it is critical to examine relocation for older adults in an urban context, along with its relationship to health and well-being. Lessons learned from the experiences of Detroiters can inform municipal and national discourses related to gentrification, and more specifically the future of low-income housing for older adults.

The redevelopment of a single building raises many city-wide questions for policy-makers and practitioners: What happens to the seniors who are displaced by development? How many other older adults will experience such relocation due to market rate conversion? What health and social supports do service providers need to offer for their transition? Who are the potential funders for providing these services? What will the role of seniors and senior housing be in a reimagined Detroit?

The purpose of this paper is to discuss a research/community based partnership that was created specifically to address these questions. Senior Housing Preservation-Detroit (SHP-D) is a coalition that brings together practitioners and concerned parties from the local university as well as key organizations within the city to discuss a) the preservation of low-income senior housing in the city of Detroit and b) addressing the needs of seniors who lost their housing to market forces. In addition to description of the coalition and the documentation of coalition efforts to date, this paper also offers an assessment tool created by SHP-D specifically addressing relocation concerns of older adults. It will also serve to situate this partnership in national discourses on senior housing and describe next steps for this important and timely work.

Background

The Meaning of Homes

While moving at any age can be challenging, relocation in later life is a social experience that often involves reconciling one’s past, one’s possessions and planning for one’s future needs (Marcoux, 2001; Author, 2012). For many, homes hold memories of events and people, providing stability and security (Novak, 2006). For those planning to sell their homes and/or leave their communities, moving may also incorporate reduction and passing on of their possessions (Luborsky, Lysack & Van Nuil, 2011; Ekerdt, Sergeant, Dingel & Bowen, 2004). Identifying the criteria important for a new residence, selection of a residence and the meeting of new neighbors are also part of moving.

Relocation in older adulthood can also be fraught with future concerns of autonomy, frailty, and mortality. While predictive factors of relocation, including health and death of a spouse, have been established (Wiseman, 1980; Litwak and Longino, 1987; Author, 2013b), limited attention has been paid to understanding the process of moving in older adulthood, and in particular to analyzing the diverse experiences of older adults who move. While research on “stuck in place” elders highlights the difficulties of older adults without relocation options and questions the idealization of aging in place (Torres-Gil & Hofland, 2012; Author, 2013a), further understanding of older adults who are forced out of their homes also contributes to this knowledge base. Considering neighborhood distress and decline in Detroit (Zenk et al., 2005), greater understanding of relocation experiences in an urban context will illuminate challenges presently shared by many U.S. cities.

Threat to the Supply of Housing for Low Income Seniors

According to the National Low Income Housing Coalition (2014), there are approximately 1.2 million project-based rent subsidized units nationally. According to the National Housing Preservation Database, there are 5,117 HUD units in Wayne County, Mihcigan, the county in which Detroit is located. The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) created several programs for subsidized housing¹, including the Section 8 rental assistance program. This program offered 15 to 40 year project-based Housing Assistance Payment (HAP) contracts for whole residential buildings. This program is responsible for the constructionof most of the privately owned, subsidized housing for low income seniors in the United States.

When the original Section 8 HAP contracts for these units expire, the owners are allowed to renew for terms of 1 to 5 years or to opt out of renewal altogether. All of the 20 year, Section 8 project-based rent subsidy contracts have expired and most of the 30 year contracts (primarily for buildings financed with tax exempt bonds issued by state housing finance agencies) have started to expire. Those senior buildings with 40 year contracts began expiring in 2014. It is projected that within 10 years (2023) all of the original project-based Section 8 HAP contracts will have expired. An estimated 144,000 units of project-based low income housing for seniors may have already been lost as contracts have expired and owners opted and converted to market rate housing. Contracts for an additional 260,000 senior occupied units will expire and be eligible to opt out within the next 5 years with 69% (180,000) of the units considered to be at high risk of opting out. This means that more units of low income senior housing (324,000) may be lost by 2020 than the 263,000 units still available under the Section 202 program (Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2013).

Not all low-income housing is privately owned. Nonprofit owners of low income housing are much less likely to opt out and convert to market rate housing than for-profit owners. A Government Accountability Office report (2007) estimates that as few as 1% of the senior housing that is financed through the Section 202 program, similar to the Section 8 HAP contract but designed specifically for nonprofit ownership, have opted out. While the mission and nonprofit status of the owners provides some assurance that the housing will remain low income, the nonprofit owners are “sole asset corporations” set up specifically to own the housing and as such are dependent to a large extent on the continued commitment and capacity of the nonprofit organizations that created and sponsor them. Since the commitment and capabilities of the nonprofit sponsors can change, it is not assured that these projects will continue to serve low income seniors after they are eligible to opt out of the program.

When a project-based Section 8 HAP contract is not renewed, the ongoing project-based rent rental assistance it provides is lost for both current and future low income seniors. In this way the loss of the benefit from the project-based rental assistance subsidy is compounded. Considering the aging of the population, this loss of subsidized rental housing for low income seniors is coming at the very time when it is most needed.

Relocation and Trauma

As Detroit pursues revitalization following the trauma of the largest municipal bankruptcy in U.S. history, the needs of seniors living in low-income housing must be raised. Despite the image of Detroit as being underpopulated with large amount of vacant land, abandoned homes and buildings and, therefore, a place where displacement of existing residents would not be an occurring, in the Downtown and Midtown areas where business, cultural institutions, higher education and medicine, are concentrated, there is rapid growth and revitalization with an influx of people with higher incomes that has resulted in a shortage of housing and rapidly increasing rents. As is the case with most urban areas, it also has a high concentration of subsidized low income senior housing. Rather than being unique to Detroit, these issue of opting out of HUD contracts, resulting in seniors being displaced has great relevance to many cities across the country.

Relocations may involve trauma depending on the circumstances. Some of the relocation literature discusses various types of voluntary moves. For example, Litwak and Longino’s (1987) seminal work outlines three types of moves : amenity moves, moves near kin and moves to institutional care. Wiseman’s behavioral model identifies triggers to relocation such as an acute health event. or death of a spouse. Recent work has indicated that issues of relocation can be understood in terms of an individual’s volunteer experiences in a community (Author, 2014b) and individual and family decisions about the older adult’s disease progression of neurocognitive disorders (Author, 2015).

However, sometimes reasons for location go beyond and individual, partner or kin network level decisions. In some cases, changes in the external environnent lead older adults to move, with a host of potential traumatic challenges, particularly when moves are perceived as involuntary. Other documented involuntary relocations include reactions to natural disasters (e.g., hurricanes ; see Mangum, Kosberg and McDonald, 1985) and closings of nursing homes (Grant, P., Skinkle, R., & Lipps, G., 1992). For example, Sanders, Bowie and Bowie (2003) conducted research with older African Americans who experienced Hurricane Andrew documented both physical health symptoms and mental health conditions such as depression, crying and grief/loss. Additionally, they found that loss of social supports of family, community resources, friends, medical providers and churches affected study participants. In this study, 71% wanted to return to their previous homes and neighborhoods. There is little research which relates to understanding the interseciton between involuntary relocation related to gentrification and concerns of trauma in older adulthood.

A Coalition Forms: Meeting the Housing Needs of Older Detroiters

The authors of this paper are active members of the recently formed Senior Housing Preservation – Detroit coalition (SHP-D), a group of foundations, service organizations, faith leaders, public health officials and advocates interested in the housing options of older adults. The coalition, spearheaded by the Hannan Foundation, is concerned about the availability of senior housing in Midtown and Downtown Detroit, as well as supporting those who must move elsewhere due to the conversion of their HUD subsidized units to market rate housing. This community organizing effort has defined its geographic focus on Midtown and Downtown Detroit, rather than take a citywide focus, because of the density of subsidized senior housing in these neighborhoods.

Founded in late 2013, the group originally formed to discuss the service needs of older adults who were being relocated from a single building. While the group met to monitor the status of these particular older adults, service providers would offer resources such as information on other possible locations for seniors to move within the city, as well as information on the developments of the moving process, such as how many residents had been moved each month and how many remained in the building. Through this foundational work work, it became evident that larger issues were at play.

One of the primary issues the coalition recognized was the potential need for older adults who had recently relocated to move again if and when other buildings in the city were also converted to market-rate as the HUD contracts in subsequent buildings expired. The coalition projects that 2000 units of senior housing will expire in Detroit in the next decade. The coalition recognized that lessons learned from the experiences of older adults who relocated in the initial building could be essential in two ways: 1) It could provide answers about what more could be done to preserve housing and 2) may generate plans to better support older adults if relocation does occur. The coalition also realized that this issue was not new to the city. In fact, city planners had created plans to address vulnerable seniors and their housing needs in previous administrations (City of Detroit, 2001). Central City Aging Services Consortium (CCASC) in Detroit began raising concerns about vulnerable housing for seniors in 1997. Some possible approaches to address these concerns were an early warning system to identify physical and financially declining buildings, and resource allocation to preserve senior buildings.

While these plans were set aside for reasons unknown to the coaltion, with a new mayor and new investment in the city, the possibilities for addressing these previously acknowledged concerns reemerge.

Building on the coalition’s experience with older adults in the first building, these key areas of concern were outlined as essential in an older adult’s relocation process:

• ▫ Assessing The Older Adult’s Contribution to Community:

  What are ways the older adult participates in their community? Do they provide caregiving for a family member or friend or grandchild? Are they involved in intergenerational programs? Do they volunteer in their community? What other cultural/ social/ political/ educational assets do they contribute?

• ▫ Assessing The Older Adult’s Physical Health Needs:

  What is the health status of the older adult (including mobility)? How might their health change because of relocation? Are there recent physical changes? Will they need relocation assistance due to their health needs?

• ▫ Assessing The Older Adult’s Mental Health Needs:

  What are the cognitive needs of the older adult? How will relocation affect their cognitive functioning? Is the older adult comprehending the information provided about moving, housing options, etc? Will they need relocation assistance due to their mental health needs?

• ▫ Assessing The Older Adult’s Emotional Needs:

  What are the emotional needs of the older adult? Is there fear of change or fear of the unknown? Is there anxiety about the details of moving? How attached is the older adult to their current place of residence? Will separation from their current residence contribute to, for example, grief/loss, loneliness, isolation from support systems, powerlessness?

• ▫ Assessing The Older Adult’s Financial Needs:

  How does the older adult’s financial situation change with relocation? What are comparable rentals? Where are housing vouchers accepted? What are the restrictions based on income and/or assets?

• ▫ Assessing The Older Adult’s Logistical Needs:

  What are the logistical needs of the older adult? What is their literacy level? Do they need help to fill out forms, and/or obtain documents needed for new residence? Is assistance needed to identify housing options? Do older adults need to be driven to potential residences? Will the older adult need help with packing and/or moving?

• ▫ Assessing The Older Adult’s Network:

  Who is in the older adult’s network? (Partners, family members, friends, place of worship, others?) How will they support the older adult (emotionally, financially, logistically)? Are relationships sufficient to support the older adult through the transition, or will additional support be needed? How socially isolated is the older adult? Will the move increase or decrease social isolation?

• ▫ Assessing The Older Adult’s Spiritual Needs:

  What are the spiritual needs of the older adult? Will there be a place of worship close to the new location? If active in current place of worship, are there barriers to continued participation, such as transportation? How will the older adult’s involvement with their place of worship change due to relocation?

• ▫ Assessing The Older Adult’s Access to Community Resources:

  What resources does the older adult have access to in their current location (shopping, banking, entertainment, parks, medical professionals, senior centers, transportation resources)? How will access to these resources change in the older adult’s new location?

Committee Structures

The coalition’s work to date includes the formation of four original subcommittees to address these needs and an additional Outreach Committee (see figure 1).

Figure 1.

The preservation committee

The Preservation Committee has created a list of buildings in Midtown and Downtown Detroit whose HUD contracts are projected to expire. This information is difficult to verify as different entities have differing information on this topic. However, this list is key to knowing if there are other ways that buildings could be preserved. The Preservation Committee has also been tasked with creating financial models to explore the possibilities for non-profits to purchase buildings and documenting the processes by which affordable housing units can be transferred or “ported” between buildings. Other preservation options being considered by this committee include: 1) Sale of the building to a new owner (likely a nonprofit) who agrees to retain it as housing for low income seniors and to renew the Section 8 HAP contracts. To help with such a sale, HUD can agree to increase the rents under the HAP contract and the resulting rent subsidy if the building is purchased by a nonprofit organization, including limited partnerships with the nonprofit as the general partner. 2) Retention of some of the units covered by the project-based Section 8 HAP contract and transferring the remainder to one or more newly constructed or substantially rehabilitated buildings. 3)Transfer of the entire project-based Section 8 HAP contract and corresponding rent subsidies for all of the units to a newly constructed or substantially rehabilitated building

The communications committee

The Communications Committee is tasked with branding the committee and proliferating the coalition’s message. The members of this committee are tasked with projects such as developing a logo for the group and shaping the coalition’s mission statement. The need for this committee was apparent, as many persons in the community would look for a group representing the issues of older adults. The name and related slogan (Senior Housing Preservation-Detroit: “One Detroit for All”) represent the group’s purpose of preserving existing senior housing in the city. The coalition has developed Talking Points and is creating a list of relevant decision-makers to target.

The relocation committee

The coalition also recognizes that support is necessary for those relocating for those whose housing cannot be preserved. The Relocation Committee is tasked with exploring how to provide appropriate services to those who need assistance in relocation. The Assessment Committee, a subcommittee of the Relocation Committee, realized that an assessment tool should be used in initial meetings with older adults. The committee, comprised of practitioners who had direct contact with the residents of the first building and the director of social work at the Hannan Foundation, created the Relocation Assessment Tool (see figure 2) and a Workflow Plan (see figure 3).

Figure 2.

Figure 3.

The research committee

The Research Committee is chaired by the first author. This committee sought and obtained funding from the John A. Hartford ChangeAGEnt Initiative to study the experiences of older adults who involuntarily relocated. Within a year, the project hopes to track 100 older adults who were displaced from a building in Downtown Detroit, collecting data in winter 2015. This community-based participatory research (CBPR) project was conceived of and will be implemented by founding members of SHP-D. Two key members, St. Aloysius Church and United Community Housing Coalition (UCHC), both engage in service provision to Detroit seniors and will support the implementation the project. The proposed project is designed to collect and utilize evidence to further develop person-centered care and gerontological best practices for working with older adults that need to relocate. By seeking to better understand the lived experiences of displaced and marginalized older adults, this advocacy project is intended to promote equity in Detroit’s redevelopment. Additionally, it is the intention of this research to enhance the coalition’s capacity to communicate with policy makers about the impact of redevelopment on seniors. Thus far, the research team has designed interview questions collaboratively. Several coalition member organizations have made additional in-kind donations (e.g., gift cards) and are working with student interns from three local universities to collect the data. This research was designed to uphold the key principle of CBPR: to engage community partners at every stage (Israel, Schulz, Parker & Becker, 1998).

Because SHP-D believes that advocacy will be an important mechanism for achieving these goals the coalition members are undertaking the current project with the following objectives:

Objective 1: Identify post-move experiences of involuntary relocated older adults

Objective 2: Assess current service delivery’s impact on relocating seniors, and recommend improvements to service delivery via inter-agency collaboration and evidence-based intervention techniques.

The outreach committee

Recently, the coalition added a fifth committee tasked with outreach to older adults. The coalition realized that older adult voices, in addition to service providers and researchers, should be more included. The committee is tasked with creating ongoing opportunities for older adults to provide input. A community forum is planned in April 2015 to address this need.

Bridging Research and Practice

The Role of Researchers

The first author’s involvement in the project began while recruiting for a related pilot project. In this study, funded by the Michigan Center for Urban African American Aging Research P30 AG015281 , the author began to recruit older Detroit's who had relocated to understand their post-move experiences. While recruiting from a variety of sources including the Healthier Black Elders Center, a research participant pool maintained by MCUAAAR, newspaper ads, and community contacts, she was directed to a population of older adults who had moved because their building had gone market-rate. In her pilot project, she interviewed several of the seniors who had involuntarily relocated from the same building. After interviewing these seniors, several themes began to emerge that illuminated the complex and potentially traumatic experiences brough on by the unexpected nature of their moves. Eve, age 62, explained:

“But I didn't have the money, and I had to go along with all the programs that was goin’ on, it was very stressful, I cried many a night, you know, I watched friends die, you know because they didn't wanna move, and I watched this one lady just… sat, day by day, I watched her deteriorate, and we couldn't get her out of that depression…you know what I'm saying, It's like she just gave up, she said ‘I'm gonna die here, I don't wanna move,…”

Uwen, aged 70, who also relocated from the same building, described his feelings about the home he had to leave:

“… I wasn't plannin' on goin' nowhere, you know, seriously…I was waitin' for them to carry me out of there you know, seriously. Because I had put my roots down.”

For this senior building, the new owner did provide relocating seniors with moving trucks and a certain amount of professional mental health support. Despite these resources, there were also practices used that created hindrances, and even caused health concerns, for the residents. For example, Uwen described the events that finally drove him to choose a new home:

“I kept on sayin', we gotta get out'a here. You know? From the noise, and then the construction, then the dust. Oh they just constantly did, did stuff to us, little bitty stuff that, you know, irritates you, you know, because you wasn't supposed to do construction work while we was there. You tearin' out walls that got asbestos in it, you dust is all, all over the place, you know. Then, then you uh got s-, uh, what you call those air hammers…and you're sleep at seven o'clock in the mornin', all of a sudden, {imitating noises} and you just, you know, you panic, you know. It was ridiculous, ridiculous, you know. Then he goes out there and puts a fence up, say our buildin' is here, he puts a fence up coverin' the sidewalk, you know, all the way around the buildin', you know so we have to go out in the street… it's ice and snow! A lady broke her leg tryin' to go out in the street. Three or four people fell.”

Eve described her feelings during her experience at another point in the interview: "Yeah, I cried…cried a lot. Not 'cause I had to move…It's the way they did us. It hurt…that you would do humans like you did us." The first author realized that the project would contribute to understanding of diverse experiences in housing transitions and the development of supportive interventions. As a social work researcher she also recognized that in some cases, documenting relocation experiences may be documenting experiences of trauma.

Through this preliminary project, and the new one described above, the coalition hopes to focus greater attention to the meanings of voluntariness of a move, and experiences of trauma, anxiety and other challenges, should be added dimensions to studying changing a residence. While some psychological scales such as the Life Change Index Scale (Holmes & Rahe, 1967) feature change of residence as a low index of stress, there are particular circumstances, and arguably life stages, that make relocation more traumatic.

While seniors like Eve and Uwen expressed challenges, they also pointed out positives about their new homes. Eve pointed out several good things about her new living environment such as the view and location, which serve as examples of resilience:

It makes it better 'cause now I have a patio. I didn't have that, we had one on the third floor, but that was for everybody. I have my own private patio. I have a beautiful view, I can see the fireworks, I can see tiger stadium fireworks, oo it's just beautiful.

Uwen also had good things to say about his new residence in terms of saving money:

And the rent cover everything. So I was lookin' at that as a benefit of us being in, in our age that we are, to save a little money, you know?…they showed us some houses out there…Two bedrooms, garages, all that, you know? We would'a been payin' the same thing that we payin' here for 'em, you know, but I didn't want that you know, 'cause you gotta pay gas, lights, water, you know. So why, why get that-so here it's like, it's only rent. So that was a factor.

Eve, Uwen and the other older adults who moved due to their building being converted expressed different levels of attachment to their old home, various experiences with previous moves, and differing opinions about the circumstances in which they found themselves relocating. While some received some supportive services and financialn assistancethroughout the relcoaiton process, the recent experiences of older Detroiters led the coaltion to conclude that a more systematic way to address these relcoaitons is needed. These experiences lalso ed the coalition to realize that more research needed to be conducted to understand the phenomenon and to inform the design of supportive interventions when relocation must occur.

The Role of Practitioners

The member agencies listed in the acknolwedgements of this article drove the formation and continue to sustain the coalition’s leadership. They brought historical knowledge of senior housing policy in Detroit (several committee members were on the city’s strategic planning committee mentioned above), and due to their prolonged engagement with older Detroiters, brought trusted relationships with individuals and community groups. Member agencies have organized meetings with city and federal government officials. Member agencies have also expressed willingness to put the logo and publicity about SHP-D on each of their websites. Member agencies also host the members, provide refreshments and provide administrative support.

Another way practitioners from these agencies (social workers, some with non-profit backgrounds) have contributed is in the framing of the issues. When documenting all the key concerns listed n the first policy brief, practitioners vetted and contributed. Also, by sharing the experiences of older adults at the monthly meetings, coalition members were able to more deeply understand the issues faced. For example, one service provider explained the need to bring a printer when helping older adults with documentation, as it would facilitate the printing of necessary forms (e.g., application for another senior building). The other key piece from practitioners is the emphasis on vigilance which relates to trauma and well-being. Receiving information about housing options and relocation support needed to be iterative as an older adult’s retention and action upon such knowledge could not always be expected with receiving the information once. An important line in the first policy brief is “We realize that vigilance is required to facilitate accessibility to and understanding of information as well as ease of transition for older adults who relocate” (Author, 2014a). This steadfastness is derived from practitioner wisdom, not in the commonly used sense of years of experience, but acquired in an acute time span from the experiences of residents.

Policy and Practice Development Recommendations

The issues and concerns described in this paper were outlined in the first policy brief created by the coalition (Author, 2014a), and subsequently expanded by coalition members. The coalition has organized meetings to discuss the recommendation in the policy brief which asserts that policy officials need to require that those acquiring buildings resulting in seniors and other vulnerable populations relocating provide subsidized relocation costs (packing, moving, security deposit) for existing tenants and subsidize voluntary mental health/clinical assessments and services. Additionally, there needs to be greater inter-agency service coordination so that older adults will have an identifiable point of contact, as well as monitoring the status of the individual for at least one year following relocation. The latter recommendation was the impetus for the start of the coalition The coalition also offered a second policy brief titled, Preserving Housing for Low Income Seniors (Author, 2014) offering these historical perspectives to understanding the concerns (described earlier) and urging preservation efforts that would invovle organizations seriving older adults, older adults, family members among others.

In addition to releasing briefs, the coalition has created a presence with Detroit’s local media. SHP-D members have presented on the coalition’s work to The Detroit Wayne County Health Authority Population Health Council (August 2014) WDET (Detroit Public Radio and published articles such as “As a senior housing crisis develops in Detroit, advocates are offering solutions” (Archambault, 2014, October 28). SHP-D members briefed the Michigan State Housing Development Authority and U.S Department of Housing and Urban Development (May 2014) and a United States senator’s district office.

In academic forums, the coalition’s work has been discussed at the Wayne State University Humanities Center Symposium (Re:The City) in October 2014, the annual meeting of the Gerontological Society of America (November, 2014), the Society for Social Work Research (January, 2015) and will be presented at the National Institute on Aging’s Resource Center for Minority Aging Research (RCMAR) annual conference in early Spring. One success is that the education & advocacy subcommittee of the Population Health Council is taking up the issues of senior housing preservation in Detroit.

Conclusion: Next Steps

In order to address trauma and well-being of those older adults residing in Downtown and Midtown Detroit, Senior Housing Preservation-Detroit will continue its efforts on two major fronts: 1) exploring ways to preserve housing and 2) exploring ways to support those who are compelled to relocate through research, assessment and advocacy. For the latter, the coalition continues to meet with relevant decision-makers. Coalition members plan to continue the advocacy work by developing more materials to facilitate meetings with community leaders (Detroit Future City, Doing Development Differently in Detroit, Detroit Area Agency on Aging, City Council and Mayor’s office). This work will continue to be presented at higher learning in the region (SSW Urban Aging and Health Affinity Group, Institute of Gerontology, Humanities Center, and at the University of Michigan (Institute of Social Research).

Detroit’s motto is “We hope for better things; It shall rise from the ashes.” This case study aims to highlight a university/community partnership in a city of great change, documenting the courageous work of researchers and practitioners addressing an unintended consequence of development, namely the displacement of low-income seniors. We have presented an issue that our country faces nationally, with a local context that we believe will begin a larger conversation on how to reconcile past and present in cities across the nation that are experiencing the same issues with low-income senior housing and redevelopment. We hope that urban revitalization will bring “One Detroit for All”.