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. Author manuscript; available in PMC: 2017 Dec 1.
Published in final edited form as: Psychol Addict Behav. 2016 Aug 25;30(8):850–856. doi: 10.1037/adb0000206

Intracultural Accusations of Assimilation and Alcohol Use Severity among Hispanic Emerging Adults: Moderating Effects of Acculturation, Enculturation, and Gender

Miguel Ángel Cano 1
PMCID: PMC5222883  NIHMSID: NIHMS805069  PMID: 27560996

Abstract

Individuals, including Hispanics, tend to drink most heavily during emerging adulthood (ages 18-25). Research has suggested that intercultural stressors (e.g., ethnic discrimination) may increase levels of alcohol use among Hispanics. However, the relationship between intracultural stressors (e.g., accusations of assimilation—when Hispanics accuse a member of their heritage group of acculturating to U.S. culture) and alcohol use has been examined to a lesser extent. Accordingly, the present study aimed to (a) examine the association between family accusations of assimilation and alcohol use severity; and (b) examine if acculturation domains, enculturation domains, and gender moderated that association. A hierarchical multiple regression and moderation analyses were conducted on a cross-sectional sample of 181 Hispanic emerging adults. Results indicated that higher family accusations of assimilation were associated with higher levels of alcohol use severity (β = .18, p < .05) and all variables entered in the model accounted for ΔR2 = 15.1% of the variance of alcohol use severity. A moderation analysis indicated that higher family accusations of assimilation were associated with higher alcohol use severity among men, but not women. Of the four acculturation/enculturation domains, none had a moderation effect. However, there was a statistically significant three-way interaction between family accusations of assimilation, gender, and affective enculturation. This three-way interaction suggests that among men, higher family accusations of assimilation were associated with higher alcohol use severity at lower levels of affective enculturation. This study addresses a literature gap on intracultural stressors and substance use among Hispanics, and discusses recommendations for future research.

Keywords: Hispanics, emerging adults, alcohol, cultural stress, acculturation

In the United States, among the general population and Hispanics, emerging adulthood (ages 18-25) is a period in which people tend to drink most heavily in comparison to adolescents and older adults (Arnett, 2000; Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2015; Venegas, Cooper, Naylor, Hanson, & Blow, 2012). The high prevalence of alcohol use and misuse during this period may be explained in part by normative developmental transitions and stressors (National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism, 2006). Yet, Hispanic emerging adults may encounter added cultural stressors that further increase levels of alcohol use (Umaña-Taylor & Alfaro, 2009). Presently, most research on cultural stressors and substance use among Hispanics in the U.S. has focused on intercultural stressors with non-Hispanics (e.g., ethnic discrimination). However, Hispanics may also perceive or encounter cultural stressors when interacting with other Hispanics. For instance, Hispanics may experience family accusations of assimilation, a perception or encounter in which family members of the heritage [Hispanic] culture accuse an individual of being highly acculturated because he or she developed characteristics of the receiving [U.S.] culture (Castillo, Conoley, Brossart, & Quiros, 2007).

Within the framework of Social Identity Theory (Tajfel, 1981), when a member of a cultural group (e.g., Hispanics) does not behave in accordance with that group’s norms, that individual may be perceived as a threat to the group's social identity, and in turn, marginalized by members of the cultural group. Experiences of marginalization may be subtle, such as being accused of acting like a member of another cultural group. These perceptions or encounters of marginalization, particularly by family members, can be stressful because they may create pressure for an individual to demonstrate loyalty toward their respective heritage culture (Castillo et al., 2007). Consistent with Social Identity Theory, scholars have proposed that ethnic minorities may feel stress that stems from pressure to conform to the cultural expectations of their respective heritage group; this pressure results from explicit consequences for violating the norms of the heritage group or from subtle reminders about how they should behave (Contrada et al., 2000). Although, no published studies have examined the association of family accusations of assimilation with alcohol use, parent-child acculturation discrepancies may serve as a proxy. Empirical studies have indicated parent-child acculturation discrepancies are positively linked with alcohol risk behaviors among Hispanics (Cano et al., 2016; Martinez, 2006). Thus, it is plausible that family accusations of assimilation, like parent-child acculturation discrepancies, may have an adverse effect on alcohol use. As such, the primary aim of this study is to investigate the association between family accusations of assimilation and alcohol use severity.

Acculturation and Enculturation

A second aim of this study is to examine if cultural variables, specifically domains of acculturation and enculturation, moderate the association of family accusations of assimilation and alcohol use severity. To better understand health-related behaviors among ethnic minorities, Castro and Alarcón (2002) proposed a cultural-social context model that recommends testing the moderating effect of cultural factors (e.g., acculturation and enculturation) on the relationship between to sociocultural context (e.g., accusations of assimilation) and health behaviors (e.g., alcohol use). In doing so, conditional effects may elucidate that the effect of a cultural variable on a health behavior may be influenced by different levels of another sociocultural factor.

In the present study, acculturation was operationalized as the degree to which an individual acquires the cultural attitudes, behaviors, beliefs, and values of the receiving culture (Castillo & Caver, 2009). Following the cultural-social context model, higher levels of acculturation would be expected to strengthen the adverse effect of family accusations of assimilation on alcohol use. Conversely, the effect of family accusations of assimilation on alcohol use would be expected to diminish with higher levels of enculturation (maintenance of the norms of the individual’s heritage culture; Castillo & Caver, 2009).

Both acculturation and enculturation encompass multiple domains (Kim & Abreu, 2001). The domain most frequently examined in alcohol use research among Hispanics is the behavioral domain, which consists of cultural practices such as preferences in media language, language use, and food choice (Kim & Abreu, 2001; Zemore, 2007). The affective domain, which has been studied to a lesser extent, is comprised of attitudes toward the heritage culture and receiving culture (Kim & Abreu, 2001). Examining multiple domains of acculturation and enculturation is of interest because the degree of acculturation and enculturation can vary across domains (Schwartz, Unger, Zamboanga, & Szapocznik, 2010). It should be noted that higher behavioral and affective acculturation are associated with higher alcohol consumption (Schwartz et al., 2014; Zemore, 2007). On the other hand, research has suggested that higher behavioral and affective enculturation (i.e., retention of the Hispanic culture) are associated with less alcohol consumption (Des Rosiers, Schwartz, Zamboanga, Ham, & Huang, 2013; Schwartz et al., 2014).

Gender

A third aim of this study is to examine if gender moderated the association of family accusations of assimilation and alcohol use severity. Prior research suggests that exposure to intercultural stressors (e.g., ethnic discrimination) has a stronger adverse effect on the substance use behavior of men than women (Brondolo et al., 2015). One explanation for this differential effect is that Hispanic women tend to have larger and more diverse social networks (Alcántara, Molina, & Kawachi, 2015) and are more likely than men to use constructive coping strategies that may buffer the deleterious effects of intercultural stressors (Araújo & Borrell, 2006). Furthermore, the association between intracultural stressors, such as accusations of assimilation, and alcohol use, may be more salient among men than women because men are more likely to use alcohol to cope with stress (Eaton et al., 2012). Furthermore, Hispanic women, compared to Hispanic men, are less likely to respond to stress with alcohol use because drinking norms for women tend to be more conservative (Caetano & Clark, 2003).

Present Study

Based on the review of the existing research literature, the following hypotheses were proposed: Hypothesis 1, higher levels of family accusations of assimilation would be associated with higher alcohol use severity, and Hypothesis 2, domains of acculturation and enculturation would moderate the association of family accusations of assimilation with alcohol use severity. Specifically, higher behavioral enculturation and lower affective acculturation (i.e., difficultly accepting aspects of U.S. culture) would mitigate the effects of family accusations of assimilation. Conversely, higher behavioral acculturation and lower affective enculturation (i.e., difficultly accepting aspects of Hispanic culture) would exacerbate the effects of family accusations of assimilation. Hypothesis 3, gender would moderate the association of family accusations of assimilation with alcohol use severity. Given the scarcity of literature on intracultural stressors, specific hypotheses regarding the effects of gender were not advanced. In addition to these hypotheses, three-way interactions between acculturation/enculturation domains, family accusations of assimilation, and gender were explored in relation to alcohol use severity. These analyses were conducted based on differential gender effects of cultural stressors on substance use (Brondolo et al., 2015), differential gender effects of acculturation on alcohol use (Caetano & Clark, 2003), and gender differences in alcohol consumption (Eaton et al., 2012).

Method

Participants

The sample included 181 Hispanic emerging adults. Eligible participants had to be 18 years of age or older, self-identify as Hispanic or Latina/o, and enrolled in an institution of tertiary education. Participants were recruited via an email that described the study aims and procedure, contained an Internet link to the anonymous questionnaire, and voluntary consent information. The recruitment announcement and questionnaire link were distributed via identified email listservs that were managed by organizations geared toward Hispanic college students. For instance, targeted organizations included Hispanic sororities and fraternities, Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán (Chicano Student Movement of Aztlán), and the National Latina/o Psychological Association. The questionnaire took approximately 30 minutes to complete and no compensation was provided for participation.

Measures

Demographic variables included age, gender, (0=male, 1=female), partner status (0=single, 1=not single), Hispanic heritage (0=Mexican, 1=non-Mexican), nativity (0=immigrant, 1=non-immigrant), and respective education levels of the mother and father (0=less than high school, 1=high school or higher).

Alcohol use severity was measured with the 10-item Alcohol Use Disorder Identification Test (Babor, Higgins-Biddle, Saunders, & Monteiro, 2001). Summed scores range from 0 to 40 with higher scores indicating higher alcohol use severity. A sample item is, “How often during the last year have you found that you were not able to stop drinking once you had started?”

Family accusations of assimilation were measured using the corresponding three-item subscale in the Intragroup Marginalization Inventory-Family Scale (Castillo et al., 2007). Summed scores range from 0 to 21 with higher scores indicating higher perceptions of family accusations of assimilation. A sample item is, “Family members tell me that I act White.”

Behavioral acculturation and enculturation were measured using the 13-item Anglo Orientation Subscale (AOS) and the 17-item Mexican Orientation Subscale (MOS), respectively, of the Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican Americans-II (ARSMA-II; Cuéllar, Arnold, & Maldonado, 1995). Higher AOS and MOS mean scores indicated higher behavioral acculturation and enculturation, respectively. A sample item of the AOS is, “I speak English” and a sample item of the MOS is “I enjoy Spanish language TV.”

Affective acculturation and enculturation were measured using the six-item Anglo Marginalization Subscale (AngMar) and the six-item Mexican Marginalization Subscale (MexMar), respectively, of the ARSMA-II (Cuéllar et al., 1995). Higher mean scores on AngMar and MexMar indicated lower affective acculturation and enculturation, respectively. A sample item of AngMar is, “I have difficulty accepting some values held my some Anglos” and a sample item of MexMar is “I have difficulty accepting certain practices and customs commonly found in Hispanics/Latinos.” All items in the ARSMA-II with the term “Mexican” were modified to “Hispanic/Latino” to make them applicable to Hispanic respondents of various heritage groups.

Analytic Plan

Using hierarchical multiple regression (HMR), variables were entered into the model in a specified order so that each predictor contributed to the explanatory variance of the outcome variable after controlling for the variance explained by the previous variables (Petrocelli, 2003). Variables were grouped into three domains and entered in the following order: (a) demographic variables, (b) behavioral and affective domains of acculturation and enculturation, and (c) family accusations of assimilation were entered last to determine the extent to which they uniquely predicted alcohol use severity above and beyond the other predictors.

Moderation analyses were conducted in PROCESS v2.13 (Hayes, 2013) with 10,000 bootstraps to examine if acculturation domains, enculturation domains, and gender influenced the direction and/or strength of the association of family accusations of assimilation with alcohol use severity. It should be noted that PROCESS only produces unstandardized regression coefficients. All moderation analyses controlled for demographic variables and domains of acculturation/enculturation not used in the interaction terms.

Results

Table 1 presents the means, standard deviations, and frequencies for the variables used in the regression analyses. Table 2 presents the bivariate correlations between all the variables.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics for Study Variables

Variable Men
55 (30.4)		 Women
126 (69.6)
n (%) n (%) χ 2
Partner Status
 Single 48 (88.9) 113 (89.7) .03
Nativity
 U.S. Born 37 (67.3) 100 (79.4) 3.04
Hispanic Heritage
 Mexican 48 (87.3) 87 (69.0) 6.71**
Mother Education
 < High School 29 (53.7) 76 (61.3) .90
Father Education
 < High School 31 (57.4) 67 (54.9) .09
M (SD) M (SD) t value α
Age 20.67 (1.97) 20.48 (2.16) .55
Behavioral Acculturation 3.67 (.59) 3.74 (.47) −.88 .75
Behavioral Enculturation 3.38 (.77) 3.36 (.81) .13 .90
Affective Acculturation 2.39 (1.10) 2.46 (.92) −.42 .94
Affective Enculturation 1.92 (.72) 2.18 (.72) −2.25 .90
Accusations of Assimilation 5.42 (3.69) 7.37(5.05) −2.91** .82
Alcohol Use Severity 5.35 (5.51) 3.38 (3.88) 2.34** .85
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**

p < .01; α = Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient.

Table 2.

Bivariate Correlations for Variables Used in Regression Analyses (n = 181)

Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
1. Alcohol Use Severity - .06 −.26** .05 .04 .03 .09 −.01 −.04 −.03 .21** .11 .15*
2. Age - −.04 .28** .07 .04 .01 −.06 .03 −.15* .08 .1 .08
3. Gender - −.01 .13 .19** −.01 .02 .07 −.01 .03 .17* .19*
4. Partner Status - −.06 .05 −.03 −.02 −.02 −.04 .16* .1 .09
5. Nativity - .09 −.13 −.02 .22** −.36** .03 .14 .22**
6. Hispanic Heritage - −.15* −.13 .04 −.19* .14 .07 .11
7. Mother Education - .09 −.15* .10 .01 .3 −.06
8. Father Education - −.09 .13 −.07 −.09 .04
9. Behavioral Acculturation - −.32** −.16* .10 .25**
10. Behavioral Enculturation - .17* −.14 −.28**
11. Affective Acculturation - .4** .12
12. Affective Enculturation - .26**
13. Accusations of
 Assimilation		 -
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*

p < .05,

**

p < .01

Hierarchical Multiple Regression

Table 3 presents the standardized coefficients from the HMR analysis. Results indicate that 15.1% of the variance of alcohol use severity was explained by all predictor variables. The first block of the model with demographic variables accounted for 8.2% of the variance of alcohol use severity, ΔR2 = 8.2, F(7, 167) = 2.14, p = .04. The second block with domains of acculturation and enculturation did not explain a statistically significant proportion of the variance, ΔR2 = 4.2, F(4, 163) = 1.95, p > .05. The third and final block with family accusations of assimilation accounted for 2.7% of the variance of alcohol use severity ΔR2 = 2.7, F(1, 162) = 5.10, p = .02. In the final model, gender (β = −.31, p ≤ .001) and family accusations of assimilation (β = .18, p = .03) had statistically significant associations with alcohol use severity.

Table 3.

Regression Coefficients from the Final Model Predicting Alcohol Use Severity (n = 181)

Variable b SE β
Block 1
Age −.01 .19 −.01
Gender −3.39 .85 −.31***
Partner Status −.05 1.24 −.01
Nativity .48 .95 .04
Hispanic Heritage .44 .91 .04
Mother Education .08 .83 .01
Father Education −.23 .81 −.02
Block 2
Behavioral Acculturation −.54 .80 −.06
Behavioral Enculturation −.01 .57 −.01
Affective Acculturation .78 .44 .15
Affective Enculturation .36 .58 .05
Block 3
Accusations of Assimilation .19 .09 .18*
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Note: ΔR2 = 8.2 for Block 1; ΔR2 = 4.2 for Block 2; ΔR2 = 2.7 for Block 3.

*

p < .05;

**

p < .01;

***

p < .001

Moderation Analyses

A moderation analysis indicated that gender moderated the association between family accusations of assimilation and alcohol use severity (b = −.52, p < .01, 95% CI [−.93, −.12]), which added 3.3% to the explained variance above and beyond the HMR. Conditional effects indicated that higher levels of family accusations of assimilation had an adverse effect on alcohol use severity for men (b = .61, p ≤ .001, 95% CI [.24, .97]), but not among women (b = .08, p > .05, 95% CI [−.10, .27]). Of the four acculturation/enculturation domains, none moderated the association between family accusations of assimilation and alcohol use severity.

Lastly, three-way interactions were tested between family accusations of assimilation, gender, and each respective domain of acculturation and enculturation. Results indicated that there was a statistically significant three-way interaction between family accusations of assimilation, gender, and affective enculturation (b = −1.41, p ≤ .001, 95% CI [−2.13, −.70]), which added 7.2% to the total explained variance above and beyond the HMR. Conditional effects from this interaction suggest that among men, family accusations of assimilation were not associated with alcohol use severity at lower scores (1 SD below the mean) of affective enculturation. However, higher family accusations of assimilation were associated with higher alcohol use severity at the mean level (b = .55, p ≤ .01, 95% CI [.20, .91]) and upper scores (1 SD above the mean; b =1.51, p ≤ .001, 95% CI [.94, 2.08]) of affective enculturation. This means that affective enculturation only functioned as a moderator when men reported mid- and high-levels of difficulty accepting characteristics of the Hispanic culture. Among women, no statistically significant associations were detected.

Discussion

The key findings can be summarized as follows. First, higher levels of family accusations of assimilation were associated with higher alcohol use severity. Second, moderation analyses indicated that family accusations of assimilation only had an adverse association on alcohol use severity among men, especially at lower levels of affective enculturation.

To date, a significant number of studies on intracultural factors of substance use among Hispanics have focused on the parent-child acculturation discrepancies (Prado et al., 2010). However, much of this research mathematically estimates parent-child acculturation discrepancies that may or may not be perceived by the parent or child. Moreover, in the event that an acculturation discrepancy is perceived, this difference in acculturation does not capture if and how parent-child interactions are affected. Conversely, family accusations of assimilation may provide a specific measure of how family members respond to individuals that are perceived as being “more acculturated.” Although levels of family accusations of assimilation were higher among women, an adverse effect was only found among men. One explanation is that men are more likely than women to use alcohol to cope with stress (Eaton et al., 2012). Also, intracultural stressors, like intercultural stressors, may threaten notions of masculinity and lower perceptions of social status and power (Gorman, Read, & Krueger, 2010; Kulis, Marsiglia, & Nieri, 2009).

More research is needed to examine mediating mechanisms that explain why family accusations of assimilation are associated with alcohol use. Similar to intercultural stressors (e.g., ethic discrimination), it may be the case that family accusations of assimilation increase levels of psychosocial stress (Lorenzo-Blanco & Unger, 2015), lower self-esteem (Umaña-Taylor & Updegraff, 2007; Zamboanga, Schwartz, Jarvis, & Van Tyne, 2009), and reduce perceptions of social support (Gil, Wagner, & Vega, 2000), which in turn increase substance use.

Results from the moderation analyses indicated that domains of acculturation and enculturation did not function as effect modifiers. One possibility for these null findings could be that the potential moderating effects are gender specific. Results from a three-way interaction indicate that lower affective enculturation (i.e., more difficulty accepting characteristics of the Hispanic culture) may exacerbate the deleterious association of family accusations of assimilation with alcohol use severity among men, but not women. Perhaps men who find it difficult to accept aspects of their Hispanic culture are more adversely affected by family accusations of assimilation because it creates a strain on family cohesion/connectedness (Dillon, De La Rosa, & Ibañez, 2013), which in turn, may reduce perceptions and/or availability of familial social support (Prado et al., 2010). Although the same could be true for women, perhaps this interaction effect may be offset among women because they tend to have larger and more diverse social networks that provide social support (Alcántara et al., 2015).

Limitations of the study include non-probability sampling, a cross-sectional study design, and self-report measures. All measures of enculturation were designed for people of Mexican heritage; however, a modified version of the ARSMA-II was used because the sample was not limited to participants of Mexican heritage. This study relied on volunteers that were not compensated, which could have increased the possibility self-selection bias. Generalizability may be limited because most participants were of Mexican heritage and all were enrolled in college. The literature suggests that institutions of tertiary education in the U.S. often reflect a White Eurocentric culture (Castillo et al., 2006). Thus, some Hispanic college students may feel pressure to acculturate, and in some instances conceal their heritage culture, in order to succeed academically (Castillo et al., 2006; Cervantes, 1988). Consequently, Hispanic college students may experience higher family accusations of assimilation compared to the general Hispanic population. Given that alcohol use is higher among emerging adults, future studies should examine if accusations of assimilation have a similar effect in other developmental stages. Lastly, considering the developmental stage of the sample, the omission of peer accusations of assimilation is another limitation that warrants investigation in future studies.

Figure 1.

Figure 1

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Two-way interaction with gender moderating the association between family accusations of assimilation and alcohol use severity.

Note. Estimates are based on setting covariates to their sample means.

Figure 2.

Figure 2

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Three-way interaction with gender and affective enculturation moderating the association between family accusations of assimilation and alcohol use severity.

Note. Estimates are based on setting covariates to their sample means. Low enculturation = 1 SD above the mean; High enculturation = 1 SD below the mean.

Acknowledgments

Preparation of this article was supported by the National Institute on Minority Health and Health Disparities [P20 MD002288]

Footnotes

Some of the findings in this study were presented at the 2016 Annual Meeting of the National Hispanic Science Network on Drug Abuse

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