How far is too far? Understanding identity and overconformity in collegiate wrestlers

Abstract

Athletes are expected to distinguish themselves from their peers, make sacrifices for the good of the game, play through pain and injury, and push physical and mental limits on the path to achieve their goals. Collectively, these expectations are known as the ‘sport ethic’ and while they are considered part of sport culture, athletes who overconform to them engage in behaviours that pose potentially serious health risks. To explore athlete identity and deviant overconformity, this study was designed within a psychocultural life story framework using a constructivist-interpretivist paradigm. Three Division I wrestlers provided interview data for analysis. Following provisional and narrative coding, a word cloud and creative nonfiction were used to present results. Participants described a process of overconformity to the sport ethic that supported and extended previous research. Results indicated that the participants believed that because athletes must push boundaries in order to find success, they cannot go ‘too far’. Moreover, they reported that their athlete identity held significant personal and social meaning to the extent that they willingly engaged in forms of deviant overconformity. Recommendations for future research include studies with other sport populations (e.g. other sports, competitive levels, cultural backgrounds) and the development of an instrument to measure athletes’ degrees of deviant overconforming. Practitioners may use this research to understand the health-compromising behaviours used by their clients in an effort to obtain athletic success, which may improve treatment planning and outcomes.

Introduction

Athletes who play injured, deliver particularly big hits, put in extra hours at the gym, lose weight in a short period of time, or increase muscle mass in the off-season are praised by sport stakeholders (e.g. coaches, teammates, fans, media). While these practices are common in sport culture, at times, extreme consequences have forced governing bodies to change their policies regarding health-compromising behaviours. For instance, following the deaths of three otherwise healthy college wrestlers in 1997, the NCAA changed its policies regarding weight management in wrestling (Gibbs et al. 2009) to protect wrestlers from consequences of extreme weight loss efforts.

Although it seems policy modifications have been beneficial to many collegiate wrestlers (Opplinger et al. 2003), athletes – of all sports, at all levels – still engage in behaviours (e.g. disordered eating, disordered exercise, overtraining, chronic pain management, performance enhancing substance use, hazing; Waldron and Krane 2005, Coakley 2009, Waldron and Kowalski 2009) thought to improve performance. However, these behaviours can have significant negative consequences on athlete health and well-being. Consequently, further investigation is necessary.

Overconformity to the sport ethic

Following years of informal qualitative data collection from amateur to Olympic athletes and their staff, sociologists Jay Coakley and Robert Hughes theorised that in the process of conforming to prevailing norms in sport cultures, some push those boundaries in an effort to maintain athletic identity and continue sport involvement (Coakley 2015) In order to gain and maintain athletic status, athletes are expected to conform to the norms of the sport ethic, including: (a) striving for distinction, or seeking perfection, (b) prioritising ‘The Game’ over one’s personal life, (c) accepting risks and playing through pain and injury, and (d) accepting no limits in the pursuit of excellence (Hughes and Coakley 1991). Athletes who ‘overconform’ to the sport ethic uncritically accept its norms, but may exceed reasonable limits to prove their commitment to the athlete role. This deviant overconformity leads to a coveted status among sport stakeholders, complete with personal and social benefits.

Behaviours of overconforming athletes ‘vary in degree, not in kind’ (Hughes and Coakley 1991, p. 316) from those of other athletes. Whereas many athletes diet and exercise to improve performance, overconforming athletes may develop eating disorders (Johns 1998). Whereas many athletes take ibu-profen after training, overconforming athletes may develop an addiction to prescription medication from pain management efforts (King et al. 2014). Overconforming athletes even engage in hazing to belong (Waldron et al. 2011). Decisions to overconform are rooted in the socialised belief that commitment to the sport ethic provides the athlete with mental (Pettersson et al. 2012), physical (Fenton and Pitter 2010, Atkinson 2011), and social advantages (Waldron and Krane 2005). The drive to compete, improve, and succeed influences athletes to engage in these behaviours (e.g. Johns 1998, Fenton and Pitter 2010, Atkinson 2011) despite known risks.

Culture of overconformity to the sport ethic

Sport has been described as a ‘culture of risk’ (Nixon 1992) whereby athletes are expected to engage in certain risks for personal and social gains (Donnelly 2004). The culture of risk is communicated to athletes via their ‘sportsnets’ (Nixon 2004, p. 84), consisting of members of the sporting community. Messages sent through sportsnets serve to explicate: (a) athlete role expectations, (b) rewards for meeting expectations, (c) sport values, (d) administrative acceptance of risk, (e) athlete socialisation processes, and (f) communication of the acceptance of physical risks (Nixon 1993).

As athletes progress to higher levels of competition, they are afforded more extensive sport support staff, which increases pressure to conform (Coakley 2015). By surrounding athletes with agents who support overconformity to sport norms, and ostracising professionals who disagree with it, overconformity is normalised and encouraged (Johns 1998). Without outside support sources presenting alternative definitions of health and success, athletes may engage in health-compromising behaviours perceived as normative and considered a condition for membership to a sport subculture (Coakley 2015). A sense of loyalty through shared experiences, which strengthens team bonds and reinforces pressures to unquestioningly conform to the norms of the sport and team, further contributes to normative overconformity (Johns 1998, Atkinson 2011, Waldron et al. 2011).

By uncritically accepting the culture of risk, athletes perceive themselves to demonstrate strong character, reaffirm their athlete identity, and sustain social bonds with sport stakeholders (Donnelly 2004). Overconforming athletes are placed on pedestals, encouraging similar behaviours from aspiring athletes (Curry 1993). Athletes unwilling to conform risk a loss of status and identity, as well as social isolation.

Individual factors of overconformity to the sport ethic

Commitment to sport participation leads many athletes to give significant meaning to sport-related activities and their role within those activities (Brewer et al. 1993). The athlete identity has been defined as ‘the degree to which an individual identifies with the athlete role’ (p. 237). Because self-concept is multidimensional, athletes (and others) may consider their sense of self a combination of many roles (e.g. family member, student, friend, musician; Brewer et al. 1993). It is important to note that identity has both psychological and social or cultural components, such that attitudes, values, and behaviours are processed along a continuum from interpersonal to intrapersonal processes, requiring investigation to address both (Turner and Reynolds 2011). When a group is perceived to offer benefits, membership is perceived to carry significance. Members may show preference to that group as they seek acceptance and identity affirmation. Thus, the individual affects and is affected by the group environment (Rees et al. 2015) as self-concept changes from group and individual necessity (Turner and Reynolds 2011).

Consequently, athlete identity may look different for each athlete, ranging from the athlete role being a small part of who they are to being considered nearly all of who they are (i.e. role engulfment; Coakley 2009). Athletes in the latter category ascribe much of their self-concept to their role and performance on the playing surface. Given that identity is both psychological and social (Turner and Reynolds 2011), the greater the importance placed on the athlete role, the more likely perceptions of competence within that role are to affect self-esteem, affect, and motivation (Brewer et al. 1993).

Whereas a strong identification with the athlete role may facilitate athletic performance, positively influencing self-esteem, affect, and motivation, a strong athletic identity may present challenges related to career transitions, injury, and other potential setbacks that may negatively affect self-esteem, affect, and motivation (Brewer et al. 1993) when it is pursued to the neglect of other life roles (Brewer and Cornelius 2001). For example, athletic identity has been researched in relationship to a variety of outcomes, including performance-enhancement strategies (Hale and Waalkes 1994), whereby athletes who had more significant identification with the athlete role were more likely to use substances such as anabolic steroids In fact, early researchers studying the athletic identity warned that strong athletic identities may encourage potentially hazardous sport participation, including behaviours such as overtraining and playing while injured and called on future researchers to investigate these suppositions (Brewer et al. 1993).

Athletes proposed to be at the greatest risk for deviant overconformity are those who perceive their athletic identity to be important for their self-esteem, gaining respect from others, or their sense of masculinity (Coakley 2015). Consequently, ‘playing the game [is] much more than what athletes [do] - rather, it [/s] who they [are]’(Coakley 2015, p. 388).

Athletic identity is proposed to develop through a process of identity construction and confirmation, first outlined by Donnelly and Young (1988) in their ethnographic study of rock climbers and rugby players. During presocialization, the outsider is oriented to perceived behaviours and values of the desired group, which may not be consistent with actual group values. The athlete is either selected or recruited to be a member of that group (i.e. selection/recruitment stage). Once a formal member, socialisation begins as the athlete learns those behaviours and values expected by established members. Subsequently, the athlete must choose the degree to which he/she will accept the values and behaviours prized by the sport subculture. His emerging identity is either confirmed or rejected by established members on the basis of his compliance with group expectations (i.e. acceptance/ostracism stage). Acceptance from established members reaffirms athletes’ efforts, boosting self-esteem, symbolising respect from others, and acting as proof of masculinity (Hughes and Coakley 1991).

Additionally, Waldron and Krane (2005) asserted that athletes are motivated to conform given a strong social approval goal orientation. Peer social approval, rooted in hegemonic masculinity (i.e. dominant ideology of what it means to be a man, prompting athletes to feel the need to prove themselves; Donnelly 2004, Nixon 2004) and contingent upon strict adherence to team norms (Waldron et al. 2011) is important for athletes with a strong social motivation orientation. Thus, the willingness to accept hegemonic masculinity and sport norms in an effort to gain social approval - not for the title of ‘athlete, but for the fulfilment of an individual’s need for social approval - motivates some athletes to engage in overconforming behaviours (Waldron and Krane 2005).

Therefore, the identity of being an athlete may be an important driving factor for some overconforming athletes, but it may be a means to an end for others who prize social approval. Sport, then, is a site for overconformity, not the cause. Regardless of which motivation (i.e. identity affirmation or social acceptance) predominates, the process requires strict adherence to team norms, including the sport ethic, which may compromise athlete health and well-being.

Behaviours associated with overconformity to the sport ethic

Hughes and Coakley (1991) originally proposed that athletes who overconform are more likely to use performance enhancing substances and demonstrate excessively violent contact. Hale and Waalkes’ (1994) findings that athletes with a strong athlete identity were more likely to engage in the use of performance enhancing substances seems to support these claims. Over the years, playing while injured, binge drinking, hazing, unhealthy weight management techniques, and overtraining that may cause bodily harm were added to the list of behaviours associated with overconformity (Waldron and Krane 2005, Coakley 2009, Waldron and Kowalski 2009).

Overconformity has been suspected to occur in the third standard deviation of a normal curve (Coakley 2009). However, prevalence rates for associated behaviours exceed the predicted 2.5% (see Figure 1). In 2009, the NCAA found that approximately 5% of collegiate athletes used performance enhancing substances including amphetamines, anabolic steroids, and epinephrine (Bracken 2012). Half of athletes surveyed reported incurring a chronic injury over one year and 30% reported frequent feelings of physical exhaustion, which was related to overuse syndrome, overtraining, and acute injuries (Vetter and Symonds 2010). Nearly a quarter of NCAA athletes used prescription medication in 2014 – 5.8% without a prescription (Rexroat 2014). Moreover, Allan and Madden (2008) found that 74% of college athletes, the most of any group surveyed, reported engaging in hazing in a single year.

Figure 1.

Prevalence rates for collegiate athlete behaviours associated with deviant overconformity. Note: Dashed line indicates expected prevalence rate (2.5%).

Despite elevated prevalence rates for behaviours thought to be associated with overconformity, it has not been well-studied. Since the conceptualisation of deviant overconformity, few studies have explicitly used the framework to understand health-compromising behaviours in athletics (Atkinson and Young 2008, Coakley 2015). Those that have (e.g. Curry 1993, Johns 1998, Waldron and Krane 2005, Atkinson 2011, Waldron et al. 2011) found that athletes who overconform are perceived to be role models, continue sport involvement longer than those who do not, demonstrate a high level of commitment, loyalty, and have achieved distinct mental and physical advantages.

Behaviours associated with overconformity to the sport ethic in wrestlers

The process of identity development and social acceptance has been documented in relation to overconformity in a handful of studies, where athlete identity and/or social motivation orientation have been conceptualised as motivations behind athletes’ overconforming behaviours. Namely, Curry (1993) illustrated, through photographs and interviews with one collegiate wrestler, how the socialisation process serves to norm such behaviours as playing in pain and/or while injured as an acceptable part of sport participation and that athletes who do so become role models for future athletes.

Curry (1993) utilised Nixon’s (1993) framework describing the ways in which pain is handled in sport to explore how his participant experienced wrestling while in pain/injured. Specifically, Nixon (1993) produced a typology of the sociological forces in sport that lead to the hiding, disrespect, negative evaluation, and depersonalisation of pain that leads to longer-term beliefs that pain and injury undermine masculinity and build character. Specific sociological influences that impact athletes’ perceptions of pain and injury include: (a) structural role constraints (i.e. expectations that the athlete is disposable, there is something wrong with injured athletes, the body must be pushed to perform optimally), (b) structural inducements and support (i.e. the athlete role is enticing given the potential for status, belonging, adoration, and support), (c) cultural values (i.e. character, pain tolerance, proving masculinity), (d) institutional rationalisation (i.e. injury is part of the game but should not interfere with it, medical personnel can and do minimise the effects of injury, athletes’ bodies are to be used in service to the team), (e) socialisation of athletes (i.e. how athletes ‘learn and internalize expected and desired behavior, roles, beliefs and feelings and develop self-conceptions’ (p. 187) such as demonstrations of commitment to the game, loving sport unconditionally, experiencing pride and sense of immortality, trusting others to take care of them), and (f) accepting the risk of pain (i.e. the willingness of athletes to play hurt, blame themselves for injury, and push the body, despite the risks).

Although Hughes and Coakley’s (1991) work was not cited by Nixon (1993), conceptually there is much overlap between the two. For instance, Hughes and Coakley suggested that adherence to the sport ethic - including accepting the risk of and playing while in pain/injured - affirms masculinity and the athlete identity, which directly reflects Nixon’s (1993) assertion that competing while in pain/ injured demonstrates masculinity, builds character, and confirms status. The role constraints that typify athletes as disposable and perceive athletes’ bodies as machines are reflected in both Hughes and Coakley’s (1991) and Waldron and Krane’s (2005) work. Nixon’s explanation that structural inducements reinforce adherence to beliefs about playing injured are similar to Hughes and Coakley’s (1991) explanation that athletic status is a powerful motivator for overconforming to the sport ethic. Further, Nixon (1993) found socialisation to be a powerful sociological factor that reinforced beliefs of playing in pain/ injured in a less structured, but similar, way to Donnelly and Young (1988) in that athletes must learn what is expected of them in that role, and then internalise those expectations as the athletic identity is integrated and confirmed. Thus, Curry’s (1993) findings that playing while in pain/injured was reinforced through athletic participation reinforce the work of Donnelly and Young (1988), Hughes and Coakley (1991) and Nixon (1993).

In a qualitative analysis of combat-sport athletes, including wrestlers, Pettersson et al. (2013) found that participants reported the importance of weight regulation not only as a measure of sport identity, but also of self-discipline, control, focus, preparation, confidence, and power. Participants widely endorsed weight-regulation practices for the physical advantage afforded, but also discussed how important weight-regulation, as a symbol of the athlete’s identity, mental strength, and mental power is to gain the mental edge over their competition. Further, Atkinson’s (2011) ethnography of collegiate male runners, rowers, wrestlers, swimmers, gymnasts, skiers, and tennis players indicated that both sociological and psychological factors were related to a culture of disordered weight control. Specifically, Atkinson reported that extreme weight control methods were normalised, replete with abnormal ideologies related to weight and nutrition, reflected significant personal and cultural meaning, and strengthened bonds with significant others.

The work of Waldron and Kowalski (2009) and Waldron et al. (2011), who counted wrestlers among their participants, indicated that overconformity may be one explanation for hazing practices. Specifically, their qualitative analyses suggested that the combination of beliefs that being a part of the team required sacrifice and that endurance of the pain demonstrated commitment to the team, were at the heart of their participants’ involvement in hazing behaviours. They also suggested that the desire to be part of the team was a strong driving force. Those who conformed to the hazing behaviour were accepted as members of the team, whereas those who did not were ostracised.

Despite existing research on the considerable psychological and sociological factors associated with overconformity to the sport ethic, one issue that makes studying overconformity challenging is that the line between athletes who appropriately conform to sport norms and those who go ‘too far’ is blurry (Coakley 2009). Thus, it is important to not only explore how deviant overconformity is developed, but also to determine at what point behaviours are considered deviant. Improved understanding about deviant overconformity may facilitate better education, prevention, and treatment efforts for athletes who engage in behaviours that potentially negatively affect current and future health and well-being.

Purpose

This study investigates the connections between wrestlers’ identities as athletes and deviant overconformity. Research questions focus on the definition, development, meaning, and actions that elicit affirmation of the wrestlers’ identities as athletes:

1. How do wrestlers define the athlete identity?

2. How are wrestlers socialised to understand the expectations of athlete identity?

3. What motivates wrestlers to overconform to the expectations of the athlete identity?

4. In what ways do wrestlers overconform to the athlete identity?

The focus of the research questions to evaluate and expand existing theory required the researchers to approach the study from both deductive and inductive angles. Qualitative research has traditionally been conceptualised as inductive, whereby a priori hypotheses are inappropriate. However, researchers have explained that deductive qualitative research provides more opportunities to study complex phenomena and is particularly appropriate for research involving cultural phenomena given the potential influence of existing theories on the research process (see Creswell 2009). Consequently, we sought to use both inductive and deductive means to explore the definition, development, meaning, and performance of the athlete identity and relationship to normative overconformity. The inductive approach was preserved in the present study to allow for expansion/alteration of existing theory as appropriate.

Deductively, several propositions (i.e. qualitative hypotheses) were offered. Related to the second research question, the researchers proposed that, expectations associated with the athlete role are communicated to incoming athletes through a socialisation process similar to that outlined by Donnelly and Young (1988). Related to the third research question, the ‘athlete’ identity is personally meaningful to the athlete because it is a source of self-esteem, respect, and masculinity (Coakley 2015) and secures peer approval (Waldron and Krane 2005). Related to the fourth research question, because the ‘athlete’ identity and resulting social approval is personally meaningful, athletes seek to demonstrate their commitment to the sport ethic through deviant overconformity (Hughes and Coakley 1991). No proposition was offered for the first research question. Expansion/alteration of these existing frameworks was sought inductively, allowing the data to speak to necessary changes to existing theory.

Methodology

A narrative study was designed using life story methods, which derive from a psychocultural life story framework within a constructivist-interpretivist paradigm (see Ponterotto 2005). Work in this vein positions the researcher and participants as co-constructers of meaning (Smith and Sparkes 2009a). The study, broadly, was narrative (see Creswell 2007), using methods specific to life story research (see McAdams 2001) to generate data. The study was approached from a psychocultural framework (see Peacock and Holland 1993), whereby individual psychological and greater cultural factors were focused upon as suggested by existing literature (e.g. Donnelly and Young 1988, Hughes and Coakley 1991, Nixon 1993, Waldron and Krane 2005).

The foundation of the psychocultural framework is that the understanding of self within the cultural context drives the construction of the narrative (Peacock and Holland 1993). This focus was particularly valuable for the current study which sought to examine the relationship between cultural values and individual psychological processes - namely the construction and expression of identity.

The heart of the constructivist-interpretivist paradigm is that perception, and interpretation of that perception, influences the felt experience of reality. This endorses a relative perspective of reality, validating lived (or remembered) experiences, regardless of the objective level of truth (Ponterotto 2005). This was advantageous given the difficulty of verifying participants’ accounts of life experiences that influenced their self-concept and understanding of cultural values over the course of eighteen to twenty-two years.

Moreover, the constructivist-interpretivist paradigm maintains that meaning is understood only through deep reflection, ‘stimulated by the interactive researcher-participant dialogue’ (Ponterotto 2005, p. 129). Consequently, the methods of data collection required an interplay between researcher and participant over an extended period of time with freedom to investigate experiences deemed important by the participant. Life story interviews provided the means for the participant to engage in deep reflection and interactive dialogue, constructing reality, and the researchers could study that reflection, through interpretation of participant realities.

Further, ‘[i]dentity itself takes the form of a story’ (McAdams 2001, p. 101) as individuals, consciously or unconsciously, determine what events are highlighted and which are hidden (McAdams 1998). These choices inherently reflect individual and cultural values and expectations (Peacock and Holland 1993). Thus, the life story methodology was used to understand athletic identity development, structure, and implications related to the experience of overconformity within the wrestling subculture.

Data sources and collection procedures

For narrative research, Creswell (2007) recommends a sample size of one to three participants. This guideline has been reinforced in life story designs (e.g. Carless and Douglas 2013a). Therefore, a purposive sample of three male collegiate wrestlers, age 18–22, was selected using criterion sampling. Inclusion criteria limited the current sample to varsity wrestlers at a Division I university.

Following institutional review board approval, forty-two collegiate wrestlers were contacted via email up to three times and invited to participate in the study. Nineteen wrestlers responded, yielding a 45.2% response rate. Ten respondents declined to participate, three did not complete data collection.

Six participants spent 60–120 min providing all requested data; demographic information was recorded for each. Three participants were chosen for analysis in part because of the sheer amount of data to analyse with the depth necessary to fulfil study aims and in line with previous life story research in sport (e.g. Sparkes 1996, 1998, Carless and Douglas 2013b). The three participants who, when brought together, contributed the greatest heterogeneity (see Table 1) from the remaining sample were selected for analysis in order to see maximum variation (Patton 2002), which is appropriate when seeking to develop or refine theory. Variables chosen to strive for maximum variation were demographic in nature, which was deemed to be the most systematic, and thus bias-minimising, way to select data for analysis.

Table 1.

Variables for maximum variation to choose final sample.

Pseudonym	Yr	Wt. class	Geo region	Started wrestling	Type of wrestling	State champ	Season duration	Other sports	Injury Hx	Athlete family members	Parent(s) coach	Selected for analysis
Travis	a	a	a	a	a, b	b	c	a	a	b	b
Mark	b	b	a	b	a	a	a	c	b	b	b
Steve	a	c	a	a	a, b	b	b	a	c	a	a	√
Brian	c	d	b	a	a, b	a	b	a	c	c	a	√
Randolph	d	e	c	b	a, b, c	b	c	b	a	a	a	√
Greg	d	f	c	a	a, b, c	b	c	a	b	a	b
Total	4 (Fr. to Sr.)	6 (133–174)	3 (within the USA)	2 (range: elementary to middle school)	3 (combination: school, club, travel)	2 (yes, no)	3 (winter to year-round)	3 (2–4)	3 (mild, moderate, severe)	3 (none, wrestling, non-wrestling)	2 (yes, no)	3

Notes: Identifying information was coded (e.g. a, b, c) to indicate category differences (e.g. different academic years, different weight classes) to protect participant privacy and confidentiality.

Instruments

Data were collected in the same order: life story interview, Athletic Identity Measurement Scale (AIMS; Brewer and Cornelius 2001), Social Motivation Orientation in Sport Scale (SMOSS; Allen 2003), semi-structured interview, written expression. Qualitative data (i.e. interviews, written expression) were collected in the specified order to narrow from general sport experiences to specific experiences related to overconformity, while simultaneously expanding from individual sport experience to the participants’ observations of others’ sport experiences. Inquiring about both personal experiences, as well as perceptions of others in each athlete’s wrestling subculture afforded the researchers two advantages. First, including observations of other wrestlers’ overconforming behaviours provided insight into the development of cultural expectations of the social identity. This was important as it informed the researchers about specific examples deemed salient to the wrestlers’ socialisation (Donnelly and Young 1988) and internalisation (Turner and Reynolds 2011) processes. Because life stories consist of experiences relevant to the development of identity (McAdams 2001), those shared by participants were interpreted as important to the individual’s development and perception of his own athlete identity. This simultaneous focus thus met the researchers’ dual focus on psychological and cultural sport-related experiences using the psychocultural framework.

Second, both the semi-structured interview and written expression directed participants to speak to their individual experiences, as well as their observation of other athletes’ behaviours because it allowed the researchers to sense the possibility of the false consensus effect (FCE), whereby individuals are predisposed to overestimate the behaviours of others when they engage in those behaviours, themselves. Support for the FCE has been established in previous research that found that athletes who reportedly consumed more illicit drugs also reported that those around them consumed more illicit drugs (Dunn etal. 2011). Given that life stories are selective (McAdams 2001) and that defensive strategies are common in the telling of life stories (e.g. rationalising, denial, projection, intellectualisation; McAdams 1998), shifting the focus to other athletes made discussing potentially taboo or sensitive behaviours more palatable to disclose. Interviews were piloted with a former high school wrestler; the written expression template was piloted with two former non-wrestling athletes.

Life story interview guide

Life story interviews have been conducted in a wide variety of disciplines and have been used to investigate a range of experiences in sport (e.g. Smith and Sparkes 2005, Carless and Douglas 2013a). The first interview followed life story interview guidelines (adapted from McAdams and Guo 2014) to understand the athletic experiences of each participant. Life story interviews aim to identify key moments in an individual’s life, including past events, important people, future hopes, values, and overall life themes. Per McAdams and Guo’s (2014) suggestions, participants were first requested to break their life story into chapters that would later be used in the narrative analysis. This inductive technique highlighted how each participant understood his identity and the process by which it was developed. The researchers were able to use this information for individual context and to compare narratives across participants for similarities and discrepancies. Participants were then asked to identify key moments in their lives, including past events, important people, future hopes, values, and overall life themes. This process creates a coherent story that reflects the participant’s sense of self (McAdams 2001). See Appendix 1 for the life story interview guide used in this study.

A thlete Identity Measurement Scale

To obtain context related to the level of importance participants placed on the athlete identity, each completed the short, 7-item version of the AIMS (Brewer and Cornelius 2001, see Appendix D). The AIMS was designed to assess participants’ level of investment with the athlete role. Participants ranked each item on a 7-point Likert scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). Participants’ scores were compared to established norms (Brewer and Cornelius 2001) to aid the researcher’s coding efforts and better understand the holistic context of each athlete’s experiences. Normative comparisons were also examined for the sample, collectively, to create an appropriate level of investment for the character portrayed in the creative nonfiction.

Social Motivation Orientation in Sport Scale

To obtain context related to the degree to which participants in the current study were motivated to socialise and reap social gains, each completed the 15-item SMOSS (Allen 2003; see Appendix D). Items on the SMOSS were ranked from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). SMOSS scores were analysed independently, to aid in coding individual data, and collectively, to aid in the development of the creative nonfiction character. The information gathered provided the researchers with a practical level of understanding of the importance of sport to the participants, as related to social motivations of belonging, popularity, and recognition.

Semi-structured interview

Divergent from the open-ended nature of the life story interview, the semi-structured interview addressed information related to specific research questions. Although still open to participants’ meaning making, the questions were focused, shaped by existing theory. Each interview question was structured to ask the participant to first speak about his observation of other athletes, and then himself, in an effort to reduce the pressure he might feel to discuss potentially sensitive information. Interview questions included: What does it look like to be an athlete? How do you define it?; How did you learn what it means to be an athlete?; What things are expected of people who are identified as ‘athletes?’; How do people fulfil those expectations? How did/do you?; Do you think that some people go too far? Have you? How?; Why do you think some people go too far? Why did you?; Is it a good or bad thing to go too far? Why?

Written expression

Finally, participants were encouraged to complete a brief written exercise to gather information about their observations of others’ overconforming behaviours in an effort to understand participants’ perceptions of the group environment, reduce pressure to disclose potentially sensitive information, and refrain from duplicating individual-level information sought through interviews. Participants were asked at what point, and why, one might go too far to prove oneself as an athlete, as well as whether they had ever gone ‘too far’ and why. Participants were then asked to identify how often, on a 5-point Likert-type scale, and in what ways they had observed each of five overconforming behaviours derived from existing literature (i.e. playing while injured, disordered weight management, performance enhancing substance use, excessive violence, hazing). The former questions were fairly open to participant interpretation whereas the specific behaviours chosen limited what behaviours participants considered overconforming. However, the collection of interview data indicated issues of disagreement between what is considered overconforming in the literature and what the participants considered overconforming. Where written responses were unclear, participants were asked to verbally elaborate on their responses.

Data analysis and interpretation

Two coding methods were employed for the current study. Provisional coding, a deductive and inductive approach to qualitative analysis (see Saldana 2013), was used to explore the specific, detailed nature of the data whereas narrative analysis, inductive in nature (see Smith and Sparkes 2009b), was used to explore the broad, holistic nature of the data. In provisional coding, the researchers created an initial coding framework from existing literature and theory. The framework was then refined based on the data as provisional codes were retained, deleted, or altered and emerging codes were generated. In narrative analysis, both the structure of the data (e.g. chronological order, division of chapters, overall organisation) and its content (e.g. significant characters, important plotlines, points of transition or climax, overarching themes and messages) were analysed.

Therefore, line-by-line analysis was coded using the provisional approach and the holistic understanding of the data was uncovered through narrative analysis. The provisional coding framework was especially useful for addressing how athlete identity was defined (research question one) and how expectations of the athletic identity were met (research question four) whereas narrative coding was particularly useful for understanding how the athletic identity and beliefs about overconformity were developed (research question two) and the meaning that was ascribed to both (research question three). However, this division of analyses to research questions was blurred as the process required intermittent examination of the data line-by-line and holistically.

All data were transcribed verbatim. Following transcription, each transcript was read, in whole, by each member of the research team. Each team member then organised data by life story chapter of each participant within an Excel file. Next, line by line analysis highlighted specific experiences, recorded in the participants’ words, organised for each participant under existing provisional codes or additional inductive codes within the chapter structure. The original provisional coding framework included 20 provisional codes nested under four provisional themes (i.e. sport ethic, identity construction and confirmation, reasons to overconform, overconforming behaviours), created deductively by referencing existing literature. An additional 17 codes emerged from the data during analysis. All codes were organised within participant-defined chapters (e.g. youth sport, high school sport, college). Narrative analysis, whereby the structure of individual life histories was examined, facilitated researchers’ understanding of how participants developed their identities. This understanding is reflected in the structure of the creative nonfiction.

AIMS and SMOSS individual scores were used to contextualise individual interview transcripts and written expressions. Codes and themes were analysed between research team members for coherence; any dissimilarities were resolved through verbal exchange, creating a master file of individual data, sorted first by chapter, then by individual theme. Excel files for each of the participants’ coded data were merged to create a final coding file used to generate both the word cloud and the creative nonfiction. By using provisional and narrative coding frameworks, the essence of being human, with personal agency over self and, at the same time, being at the mercy of cultural forces, was honoured and preserved instead of partitioned and controlled.

Word cloud

Recently, researchers have argued for the use of visual qualitative research methods in sport and exercise (e.g. Phoenix 2010). Visual methods evoke powerful audience responses and communicate multiple meanings. Particularly, word clouds allow the reader to understand main themes quickly (McNaught and Lam 2010). The word cloud for the present study served as a visual depiction of the athlete identity using code frequencies whereby codes from provisional analysis that appeared most frequently were afforded the largest font. To create the word cloud, each code was assigned a frequency of one. Code frequencies were summed and entered into Wordle, a word cloud generation software, to depict the frequency with which each experience was discussed between the three participants.

Creative nonfiction

Creative nonfiction (see Caulley 2008, Sparkes and Smith 2014, Smith et al. 2015) was used to communicate the development, meaning, and performance of the athlete identity, as disclosed by participants. Creative nonfictions are not representations of the data that serve to provide the ‘last word’ of the studied phenomenon (Smith et al. 2015). Rather, they encourage the reader to engage with the data, evoking emotional responses by focusing directly on participant experiences and encouraging varied interpretations to prompt continued dialogue and participation in a collective story. Creative nonfictions are rooted in ‘fact’, as communicated by participants, but presented as ‘fiction’ to protect participants’ privacy and engage the reader (Sparkes and Smith 2014). By preserving the nature of the narrative, theory and complex interactions are communicated (Smith et al. 2015).

AIMS and SMOSS scores, averaged between the three participants, were used to frame the tone of the creative nonfiction. Following narrative coding, similarities in chapter format were used to structure the creative nonfiction. Provisional coding provided a framework to compare similar experiences and final themes of important experiences. Individual experiences chosen within each chapter were determined based on frequency and similarity of reporting by all three participants, as well as by the emphasis (e.g. tone, detail, additional references) placed on each experience by individual participants.

To protect participant privacy and confidentiality, the creative nonfiction was presented from the perspective of one ‘character’, who was compiled from the life stories and experiences of the three participants. Data indicated that the composite character should have a moderate level of investment in the athlete role, and should be motivated foremost by the desire to be a part of a family and secondly by gaining social recognition from the team. Moreover, he should remain humble and not seek external popularity as a result of his participation in sport.

When writing the creative nonfiction, the structure, voice, and experiences of participant narratives were preserved. It was divided into ‘chapters’, created from the narrative structures presented in the life story interviews. Only language that affected the readability and flow of the overall story was altered. Story events reflected accounts that were mentioned frequently, and those deemed important by participants (e.g. turning points, vivid scenes). The essence of each event was rooted in the participants’ remembered experiences, reflecting their associated thoughts, feelings, and behaviours.

Research quality and ethical concerns

Neither the ability to generalise results nor the discovery of absolute truth are aims of constructivist-interpretivist research (Ponterotto 2005). Therefore, qualitative researchers have recommended that research be judged on the basis of trustworthiness (Lieblich et al. 1998). Efforts to illuminate researcher bias included the use of a research team, self-reflexive techniques (e.g. researcher statement, analytic memos, creative nonfiction), and member checking attempts. According to the constructivist-interpretivist paradigm, however, it is impossible to isolate researcher bias from the research process (see Ponterotto 2005). Therefore, the act of participating in the research process and the researcher’s position as an outsider likely affected participant definitions of identity and disclosures of deviant overconformity.

Sport life story researchers Carless and Douglas (2013a) have recommended using Lublich and et al. (1998) criteria to judge the quality of narrative research: (a) width, (b), coherence, (c), insightfulness, and (d) parsimony. Width was achieved in the current study by using various data from multiple sources. Coherence was addressed by condensing the data in a concise illustration of the athlete identity and corresponding story that represented the identity and experiences of the participants. Insightfulness was sought by making the data accessible in illustration and narrative forms that encourage the reader to reflect on his/her own experiences. Parsimony was sought with a balance of brevity and depth throughout data analysis, interpretation, and presentation.

To support trustworthiness through member checking, participants were asked to review the researcher’s interpretation of their individual data via email on two occasions. One participant responded with two small changes to his word cloud (e.g. ‘life lessons’ and ‘sacrifice’ should be larger than ‘performance enhancing substances’). Given that he was the only participant to respond, and the changes did not significantly impact the composite word cloud, no changes to the final sample word cloud were made.

Results and discussion

The researchers used a psychocultural life story framework to understand the definition, development, meaning, and performance of the athlete identity, including experiences with and observations of overconformity to the sport ethic. What follows are the results and discussion of that study, combined to improve coherence of the results and how those results relate to existing literature. First, the reader is invited to engage with the strengths and struggles of the participants’ navigation of the world of sport, in general, and wrestling, in particular, as he/she consumes the word cloud and creative nonfiction. Next, important findings (italicised) from provisional coding and narrative analysis are presented in relationship to existing theory and research to couch the results of this study within the literature and elucidate recommendations.

Word cloud

To address the first research question of the current study, interview transcripts from three participants were provisionally coded for perceived expectations of athletes. The results of that analysis, in the form of frequency of codes (see Table 2 for specific counts), were presented in a word cloud (Figure 2) to provide a visual representation of the athlete identity, as defined by study participants.

Table 2.

Word cloud provisional code frequency count.

Code	Frequency
Disordered eating	43
Distinction	43
No limits	19
Overtraining	18
Prove masculinity	18
Push through	18
pain management	15
Sacrifice	14
Intentional violence	13
Injury	12
Life lessons	12
Performance enhancing substances	12
Winning	11
Disordered exercise	10
Hazing	9
Commitment	8
Hard work	8
Keep playing	8
Fun	7
Honesty	7
Role engulfment	7
Status	7
Cheating	6
Aggression	5
Consistency	5
Patience	5
Self-Esteem	5

Figure 2.

Athlete identity word cloud.

Notes: Smallest words were ‘aggression, ‘patience’ and ‘consistency’. Black words were expectations that were identified negatively by all participants, whereas the medium grey words represented expectations all participants identified as positive and light grey words were identified as negative expectations by some participants and positive by others.

Creative nonfiction

To address the remaining research questions, narrative analysis provided opportunities to understand the structure and tone of the life story whereas provisional coding provided content. Data from all three participants were combined into a single character to present the following creative nonfiction of the life story of a college wrestler.

‘Seven Minutes of Hell’: The Life Story of a College Wrestler

I just finished one of the biggest tournaments of my young wrestling career. I wasn’t very good. My brother had been doing it much longer and was much better than me, but the agony of defeat was softened knowing that he and my dad would accompany me to Wendy’s where we’d have our usual post-match-pigout. It’s tradition to pig out after a meet, and I couldn’t wait! Days and days of discipline were usually met with a win, but without that reward, the next best thing I could imagine was a full stomach.

We walk in the front doors of the restaurant. I am hit in the face with a wall of grease and condiments, meat and cheese. I instantly begin to salivate - I can actually taste a V2 pound double with cheese! I can feel the anticipation building in my stomach and am suddenly, keenly aware of my intense hunger. I feel as if I haven’t eaten in a year and it hurts - it really hurts. The pain makes me want to double over, but I will my feet forward. After all, I won’t be eating if I can’t tell the indifferent, gum-smacking cashier what I want.

I hurry to greet the woman picking at her fingernails. My brother orders, then my dad. Typical. I’m always the last to decide; although I didn’t need the extra time tonight. My dad looks at me. ‘You’re getting a salad.’ It wasn’t a question.

Dad knew the sport well and wasn’t pleased with my performance. It wasn’t that I hadn’t tried, I just made dumb mistakes and didn’t work as hard going into the match as I could have. I think, ‘I’m getting a salad?’ I’m furious. I convince myself, ‘He has to be kidding.’ If I thought my embarrassing loss or my sudden awareness of my hunger were punches to the gut, my father’s command was a crippling blow.

Stunned, all I could muster was, ‘What, I’m getting a salad?!’As soon as I said the words, I waited for his retort. Did I just lose my chance at any food for the night?

I wasn’t sure what to expect, until he finally answered. ‘Yeah, a salad. This is the day you’re going to turn it around.’

Chapter I: Youth Sport. I didn’t grow up wrestling. When I was younger, I played baseball. It was fun and my dad really liked the sport. My family would come cheer me on, which was nice.

The older I got, I tried different sports to see what I liked. I started wrestling on a club team a few years into elementary school. There were a lot of guys around me who had been wrestling since they could walk - or at least that’s how they talked about it. It didn’t matter so much to me back then because wrestling was all about having fun. I didn’t lose any matches my first year. I went twenty and zero. I tell everyone that was my only undefeated season.

My brother wrestled, too, so my dad learned a lot about the sport. In a year or two, my brother and I started going to open tournaments around the state. The arenas were packed. I would look around to find ten mats laid out around the stadium. The noise was deafening as families rooted for their kids. The better I got, the more places we travelled and it took up more of my time.

Chapter 2: Middle School Sport. Middle school wrestling was different from club. It got pretty intense. My dad and brother were both really involved with my wrestling career, so they worked me out at night. They beat the shit out of me, plain and simple. It made me tough. It made me better. They taught me that there is suffering in wrestling - a lot of suffering.

That mindset helped the further I went. Wrestle-offs are a big deal, but it’s also important to win points. So one week I’d wrestle up a weight class, then the next I’d have to cut weight and wrestle down. The first time I had to cut weight I cried. I’d never done it before and liked to eat. Early on, I would cut one meal and make weight - it only seemed to get harder after that.

In middle school, wrestled for both my school and my club team, so I kept going to youth state tournaments. Playing for both was time-consuming. One of the hardest decisions I’ve ever made was in 8th grade. Everyone in the 8th grade goes on the East Coast school trip. It was something I had always looked forward to. My wrestling tournament was scheduled for the same weekend as the school trip, though. I chose the tournament, but it was hard. I had to go to school for a week without everyone else. It showed me that in wrestling you have to sacrifice, and sometimes, the sacrifices aren’t physical.

Chapter 3: High School Specialisation. I stopped playing other sports in high school. I injured my spine in football. They took me off the field on a stretcher - they take that stuff seriously. After that injury, my football coach called. He was pretty blunt. ‘You can’t put your future for wrestling at risk because you want to play high school football’, he explained. It hurt to hear that football would be over, but he just said, ‘You’ve worked so hard at wrestling, done it for so long. You have things to look ahead to. Focus there’. I knew he was right. My parents knew he was right. That night was the end of football for me. Shortly after that, I stopped playing baseball because it overlaps with wrestling.

Wrestling year-round paid off. I was district champion that year. It was a pretty big deal because my school hadn’t had a district champion in a few decades. I felt a rush as I stood on the podium and got my medal, the crowd cheering for me in the background.

In elementary and middle school, wrestling was a part of what I did, but in high school, it became the only thing I did. Wrestling was everything to me; it was literally my life! Coach would work us out at 6:30 am. I’d go to class at 8:00 am. I’d take weights, and wear full sweats so I could lose a few pounds before lunch. I’d eat my lunch, finish classes, and head to practice in the afternoon. When I got home, I’d workout again. It was hard, but that’s the thing about wrestling. It’s all about hard work and commitment. We don’t call injury time when we’re on our backs, even if it hurts. Whether its practice or a match, it’s better to leave it all out there and crawl off the mat. Coach used to say, ‘It’s seven minutes of Hell. If you throw up, you worked hard enough’.

The next year, I developed stress fractures in my back. I had to take a year. It was hard not to wrestle, but I went to physical therapy four times a week and kept training on my own, three or four times a day. I knew I had to work if I wanted to win state championships.

By my senior year, I was ranked top 25 in the nation, but my rival was ranked number one. He had always been bigger than me, but we were in the same weight class my senior year. He was a two-time state champion. He hadn’t lost to anyone in a few years. He was the only one I lost to all year long. Going into the state tournament, I remember thinking, ‘I have to beat this kid to win’. I didn’t. The nice thing in wrestling, though, is that you don’t have to win states to go to college.

Chapter4: College Wrestling. Once I committed, and people knew I committed DI [Division I], I could relax because everyone knew I wasn’t just an athlete, I was a college athlete. For most of us, college is as far as we’ll go in this sport, so it’s important to make the most of it. I made myself one promise going in: if I start this, I have to finish it. I knew it was a four-year thing. I decided the day I committed that I was committing to the work and the sacrifice for four more years. That promise has kept me going.

There is a jump in intensity when you transition into high school, and another when you transition into college. In college, you go from wrestling boys to wrestling men. Everything gets amplified; the stakes are higher, the team is more of a family, the things guys will do get more extreme. I’ve always felt like I was the underdog and had something to prove. I also knew that I had the work ethic and dedication to do it, no matter what. There is always going to be a ceiling, or a wall. We push through it or jump over it. We have to break the barriers to get to the next level. We are taught that you have to push it to see what potential you have at the next level, and when you get there, you set your eyes on the next level.

The nice thing about wrestling is that, even though you’re alone on the mat, you’re never alone. Wrestling teams are family. It’s thirty guys in a room together, every day, beating the shit out of each other. Then, off the mat, we are brothers. Our coaches are father figures. We look up to them. We listen to them. They know what’s best for us and we look out for each other. It makes you not want to go anywhere else. That feeling only gets stronger in college because you’re away from your biological family, so you really count on each other.

In wrestling, we practise year-round. Coaches say, ‘It’s a twelve month sport. If you want to do something with it, you can’t just stick to one season and come back eight months later. You have to be practicing all year’. So I practiced year-round, no matter what. I would work out on Christmas and other holidays because I just couldn’t take a break.

It’s amazing what some guys will do. In the upper weight classes, guys will take steroids in the summer to bulk up. Other guys take all kinds of diet and weight loss pills. We learn from older guys on the team who have done it and see how they competed. Some guys on my team researched Epsom salt baths that open up your pores and make you sweat so you lose weight. I suppose it depends on the guy and what you consider ‘performance enhancing substances’, but we all look for an edge where we can.

Once, to compete, I lost twenty-one pounds in three days. Coach brought me in on a Wednesday morning. The guy who started my weight class got hurt and coach wanted me to wrestle in his place that Friday. I was a freshman, so, without question, I said I could do it. I weighed in that day at practice and had twenty-one pounds to lose. I had cut weight before, but never like that. I had no idea how I was going to do it, just that the team needed me for points. So I spent three days doing what I had to. I didn’t eat. I exercised in my sauna suit. I lived on a treadmill. It was horrible. I was an absolute zombie. I was mentally broken. I literally could not walk up a flight of stairs without coming to tears.

We got to the dual and their coach draws the weight class. I’m stoked, I’ll be the last weight class of the day. I’m thinking, ‘Perfect. I can get some fluids in me. I’ll be feeling good; I’ll be ready to go’. Both teams wrestled well - too well. It comes down to the last match and we’re tied. Everyone else has wrestled, and it’s up to me, the freshman, to win the dual. I know I’m tired, but I had the whole rest of the meet to rehydrate and sugar up, so I’m feeling good. I get on the mat, and I’m thinking, ‘I can beat this guy, this is my shot!’ I take the kid down; I’m winning! Everyone on my team is cheering, and I feel on top of the world. By the end of the first period, I’m gassed. I can’t even stand up. It’s terrible. I tried so hard and literally could not move; I’m cramping everywhere! I ended up getting beat. We lost the match - my first match. It was my chance to prove myself and I blew it. I gave it every ounce that I had, and it wasn’t good enough. I let my team down. I let my coaches down. The thing about wrestling, though, is that you just keep putting in the work. You know there will be suffering and you push through it.

Chapter 5: Reflections of a Collegiate Wrestler. If you’ve never been involved in wrestling you won’t understand it. There’s no shape like wrestling shape. You can be in the best running shape of anyone you know, but after you wrestle for five minutes, if you’re not in wrestling shape, you’re puking.

It’s not like most sports where you have a goal, and you might come into contact with opponents standing in the way of achieving your goal. If you’re trying to put a ball in the hoop, you might bump into an opponent, or he might swipe at the ball and accidentally hit you in the face. In wrestling, he’s wrapping his arms around your neck to make you submit to him. You’re at war. Most people don’t realise how brutal wrestling really is. It’s a fight. Some guys lose their cool - they head butt or bite or put pressure on tight locks and holds. I’ve seen guys try to choke their opponents or tear shoulders out of sockets.

Cutting weight is a source of pride. I always felt like, ‘I can do this and you can’t. I’m mentally tough’. I really liked being hungry because I thought, ‘I don’t have to eat’. It teaches us that our bodies can do things we don’t want to do. If we want to lose two more pounds, or ten, we absolutely can. As bad as it’s going to hurt, it will be over eventually. It’s purely mental. Some guys go two or three days without eating or drinking, take weight-loss pills, and wear sauna suits or neoprene scuba suits. It just takes discipline. I’ve told myself, ‘If I want to drink this pound of water, I have to lose a pound on the treadmill, first’.

Most of us are willing to do anything to reach our goal. We let our bodies do the work - its only four years - then we can deal with the repercussions. We will put our bodies through basically anything - arms and legs twisted, muscles torn, bones broken. Things heal. Nothing is too crazy. You can never go too far in wrestling. Just participating doesn’t make you an athlete. We have to constantly train to be the best. We have to be willing to sacrifice a lot - energy, time, and food. We have to be disciplined. It’s just the nature of wrestling. It’s something every wrestler has been taught since they started. Athletes have to dedicate themselves to a sport they love and believe in; we love and believe in wrestling. Wrestling will always be a part of my life. Some people get it, and some people don’t, but when you wrestle and you put in the work and you make the sacrifices and you prove yourself, it’s a source of honour and I’ll hold onto that forever.

Definition of the athlete identity

Overall, participants spoke positively about the athlete identity, despite aspects that tended to invoke occasional negative thoughts or emotions. In general, participants in this study defined expectations of the athlete identity in terms of the sport ethic (i.e. striving for distinction, sacrificing for the game, playing through injury and pain, facing and overcoming barriers; Hughes and Coakley 1991), behaviours to demonstrate adherence to the sport ethic (e.g. disordered eating, Johns 1998, Waldron and Krane 2005, Atkinson 2011, playing hurt, Curry 1993; steroid use, Hale and Waalkes 1994), and necessary values (e.g. masculinity, discipline). Notably, each participant regarded sport participation as fundamental in forming life lessons and values, including the importance and demonstration of commitment, discipline, and hard work.

Striving for distinction was a prominent aspect of the athlete identity. Disordered eating and disordered exercise behaviours were believed to demonstrate that striving. Respondents indicated that sacrifice was expected of athletes, contributing to the expectation that athletes adhere to rigid workout schedules (i.e. overtraining) despite other life obligations. Because participants valued playing through injury and pain, they discussed the importance of continuing participation, especially when monitored by others. Given that participants believed that the ability to face and overcome barriers to athletic success was an important expectation of athletes, they reported that the use of diet pills, supplements, and, to a lesser extent, steroids, was expected of athletes.

Development of the athlete identity

Participants in the current study described a process of identity development similar to, and in extension of, Donnelly and Young’s (1988) work. Specifically, participants described a process of presocialization, whereby they learned about wrestling from outsiders, to an event that led them to seek involvement (i.e. selection/recruitment), to a series of experiences that influenced their expectations of athletes (i.e. socialisation), and finally to the recognition they received from others when they believed those expectations were met (i.e. acceptance). Of note, participants introduced a cyclical nature to the identity (reconstruction and (re)confirmation process such that one must continue to prove himself when there is a change in coaching staff, level of competition, injury, or shift in weight class hierarchy to reaffirm his identity. In other words, the athlete identity is on loan from others and dependent on relatively current actions. Further, the identity development process (Turner and Reynolds 2011) mirrored that presented in self-categorisation theory such that participants defined themselves as ‘wrestlers’ on the basis of perceived similarity to other wrestlers in the group, learned the normed stereotypes of the wrestling group, internalised those norms, and engaged in further normed (i.e. overconforming) behaviours as the meaning of group membership was strengthened. Consequently, a process of mutual social influence was evident as participants were influenced by other wrestlers and whose actions, conceivably, influenced others in the wrestling environment. Doing so facilitated an us versus them environment (Rees et al. 2015) which required a degree of embodiment of perceived self-stereotypes to maintain the distinction of groups (i.e. wrestlers vs. others).

Important socialising agents for participants in this study included fathers, brothers, coaches, and teammates. To a lesser extent, fans and media also provided validation for the athlete identity. Confirmation of participants’ athletic identity was described as social recognition of accomplishments (Waldron and Krane 2005). Participants were reinforced for the sacrifices they made that led to the distinction and recognition they received, validating their efforts to prove themselves as athletes. Moreover, similar to research on hazing (e.g. Waldron et al. 2011), participants discussed how athletes unwilling to adhere to expectations were ostracised by coaches and teammates, leading the participants to identify overconformity as a condition of membership (Coakley 2015) of the sport subculture.

Meaning of the athlete identity

Contrary to previous research (Waldron and Krane 2005, Carless and Douglas 2013a), winning was not the ultimate goal of sport participation for participants. Instead, winning is important to athletes given that it ‘symbolize[s] improvement and established] distinction ... ligitimize[s] their sacrifices, [gives] meaning to their overconformity, enable[s] them to continue playing ... and generally insure[s] reaffirmation of the identity that [is] at the core of their self-concepts’ (Coakley 2015, p. 385).

Consequently, participants expressed a sense of personal fulfilment as a result of their engagement in the athlete role. They explained that cutting weight represented mental toughness, overtraining represented discipline, and playing through injury represented sacrifice, which positively affected their self-esteem, succeeding in the ‘war’-like environment validated efforts to prove their masculinity. Similar to Pettersson and etal. (2010) research, participants reported a sense of pride in their ability to master their bodies and push their limits. Successfully engaging in overconforming behaviours led to continued participation in the sport, which held significant importance for participants.

Similar to previous research (Atkinson 2011), the strong social bond created in the sport subculture reinforced normative overconformity for participants in the study by creating an in-group and an outgroup. Paired with the regard the participants expressed for their fathers and brothers, as well as the coaches and teammates who eventually represented fathers and brothers within the wrestling family, the data suggested that the athlete identity was a meaningful role for these participants and that acceptance met deeply-valued needs. The in-group/out-group created in the wrestling subculture led participants to perceive that individuals outside the wrestling subculture fail to understand its expectations, which prompted them to spend considerable time rationalising their actions. The participants’ attempts to rationalise their behaviour as normal and expected within the wrestling culture indicated that normative overconformity, reinforced by the family atmosphere, may have influenced participants’ decisions to overconform.

Performance of the athlete identity

Participants in the current study supported Donnelly’s (2004) proposition that athletes voluntarily engage in physical risks in an effort to confirm their identities as athletes and develop social bonds with sport stakeholders. Participants’ significant events largely reflected instances when they perceived themselves as underdogs, which required them to take risks to find success.

Specific behaviours related to overconformity discussed by participants largely supported previous literature (Curry 1993, Johns 1998, Waldron and Krane 2005, Waldron and Kowalski 2009, Fenton and Pitter 2010, Atkinson 2011, Pettersson et al. 2012). Participants reported engaging in disordered eating (e.g. fasting for several days) and disordered exercise (e.g. several times a day in sauna suits) behaviours in an effort to distinguish themselves from their peers, prove their willingness to sacrifice, play through discomfort, and demonstrate an ‘I can’ attitude. Participants also engaged in overtraining and underrecovery, wrestling year-round, several times a day in order to maintain ‘wrestling shape’. Although it was not clear if chronic injury was a result of disordered eating/exercise behaviours and/or overtraining/underrecovery, or merely the contact-nature of the sport, each participant discussed various injuries he sustained throughout his career. High points related to triumphs over pain gained through tolerance, and, when necessary, medical intervention. Participants referenced pain management practices observed in teammates and opponents, including repeated cortisone injections, daily non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drug (NSAID) overdoses, and bracing/taping, highlighting an important distinction between what participants believed to be substance use necessary for medical intervention and substance use for performance enhancement.

None of the three participants admitted using ‘performance enhancing substances’ regularly in an effort to improve performance. However, two of the three spoke about teammates who had used steroids and/or diet pills to achieve higher levels of performance. Unlike Waldron et al. (2011) research on hazing, participants in the current study did not identify hazing as a necessary aspect of the wrestling culture. Conversely, intentional violence was. Participants spoke about being ‘the boxer’ as well as ‘the punching bag’. Given the close contact and ‘brutal’ nature of the sport, violence was not only encouraged, it was seen as a necessary instrument to success.

It is important to note that a common theme from all three participants was their perception that ‘overconformity’does not exist in wrestling; if one is constantly striving to push the limits of what is possible, prohibiting methods to get there is counter-intuitive. According to one participant, ‘Nothing is too crazy. You can never go too far. It’s just the nature of wrestling’. This finding supports previously identified challenges to studying overconformity (Coakley 2009). Consequently, instead of targeting a single point at which athlete behaviour becomes deviant, perhaps it would be more appropriate to assess levels or degrees of overconformity in athletes. Moreover, this finding begs the question of who is best-qualified to determine the appropriateness of athlete behaviours: the athletes, themselves; their coaches; policy-makers charged with athlete health and well-being; researchers who identify and conceptualise athlete behaviour; and/or practitioners who work with athletes engaged in health-compromising behaviours. On one hand, are sport outsiders (e.g. researchers, practitioners), who have only second-hand knowledge of sport culture and expectations, restricting athlete behaviours on the basis of sampled norms and theoretical expectations? On the other, are sport stakeholders (e.g. athletes, coaches, administrators), who are more knowledgeable about sport-specific expectations, able to critically evaluate sport-specific expectations and take appropriate action? Although the answer is beyond the scope of the current study, it is an important point for future discourse.

Summary of findings

Taken together, the data indicate that the participants in this study followed a process of identity development similar to that described by Donnelly and Young (1988), supporting proposition one. Moreover, the results supported previous work by Hughes and Coakley (1991) who suggested that athletes learn the sport expectations (i.e. the sport ethic) during the socialisation phase of identity development from individuals in their sportsnets (Nixon 2004). Further, acceptance of sport expectations that prompted athletes to engage in overconforming behaviours was influenced by motivations to keep playing, prove masculinity, enhance self-esteem (Coakley 2009), belong, and be recognised for accomplishments (Waldron and Krane 2005), and gain and maintain meaningful group membership (Turner and Reynolds 2011), indicating the meaning participants ascribed the athletic identity (i.e. proposition two). Finally, proposition three was supported as athletes endorsed engaging in, or observing others engage in, many of the behaviours associated with overconformity to the sport ethic (Hughes and Coakley 1991, Curry 1993, Waldron and Krane 2005, Atkinson 2011, Pettersson et al. 2013).

Two important contributions to existing literature emerged from the data. First, participants provided evidence which suggested that athlete identity construction is more cyclical than linear. This may provide insight into the continued use of overconforming behaviours by athletes, even after they achieve an initial level of acceptance. Moreover, it may have implications for athlete retirement and transitions, especially when retiring athletes lose access to sources of identity reaffirmation.

Second, participants engaged in a process of rationalising throughout the entirety of the interviews. Participants engaged in a pattern of presenting an important event in their lives, then explaining their behaviours in the context of the subculture. The researcher’s position as outsider to the wrestling culture possibly contributed to this pattern. Participants in life story research select the stories they share on the basis of what they want the audience (e.g. the researcher) to know or not know in an effort to convey a particular identity (McAdams 1998). Therefore, they may engage in efforts to reshape the audience’s interpretations of the participant’s identity (Vajda 2007). Perhaps rationalising was used by the participants in the present sample in an effort to resolve cognitive dissonance whereby they knew their behaviours were considered deviant to the larger, non-sport population, yet chose to engage in them, regardless, in an effort to find success and acceptance in the sport culture. Future research to examine defence mechanisms when disclosing overconforming behaviours is of great importance to literature on deviant overconformity.

Conclusions

The results of this study largely support previous research on deviant overconformity, including the process by which it was learned (Donnelly and Young 1988), motivations that influenced uncritical acceptance (Hughes and Coakley 1991, Waldron and Krane 2005), and ways in which participants overconformed (e.g. Hughes and Coakley 1991, Waldron and Krane 2005, Coakley 2009). Moreover, the results extended previous theoretical work on athletes’ identity formation and confirmation process and introduce areas for further investigation.

Overall, participants in this study reported ‘living’ (Carless and Douglas 2013a) the expectations they believed were placed on them, rather than ‘playing’ or ‘resisting’ those expectations. As a result of their demonstrations of their commitment to the athlete role year-round, in all contexts, participants in this study were accepted as athletes by their sportsnets (Nixon 1993) and reinforced for their behaviours. Consequently, their perceptions of the athlete identity and expectations of overconformity as normative to the sport were reinforced, the meaning of the athlete identity was strengthened, and future overconforming behaviour and motivation to continue involvement with the sport long-term was bolstered. Participants in the current study indicated that there was no point at which they considered their behaviours deviant. Instead, they communicated that because they were expected to push boundaries, there could be no ‘too far’ in the pursuit of success.

Study limitations

Several limitations influenced the present study. First, the sensitivity of content related to experiences associated with overconformity, in addition to the necessary vulnerability inherent in life story research likely influenced what data were shared in the present study. Researchers (McAdams 1998, 2001, Vajda 2007) who use life story methods have found that because life stories reflect individual identities, are selective, and the research process is interactive, participants may utilise defence mechanisms and alter what information is shared to preserve a more favourable perspective of self. Although every effort was made to build rapport and reduce pressure to share potentially negative information with an outsider of a closed wrestling community (e.g. the principle investigator holds a Master’s degree in Counselling and willingly provided resources as necessary; participants were asked about their observations of other wrestlers’ behaviours to reduce the spotlight on their own potential deviant behaviour), it is reasonable to assume that certain details and events relevant to the purpose of this study may or may not have been included in the data.

Second, given logistical constraints, it was impossible to include every significant event shared by participants. Previous researchers (e.g. Carless and Douglas 2013b) have discussed this limitation as rationale for analysing a small sample of participants. However, as the goal of life story research is to delve into the details of personal histories to contextualise and communicate the lived experience, choosing not to include data deemed significant by participants likely biased the final results. Without receiving feedback from two of the participants at member checking, the extent of impact of this limitation is impossible to ascertain.

Future research directions

The distinction between ‘athlete’ identity and ‘wrestler’ identity was difficult to discern in this study. Given that all three participants in the current study specialised in wrestling at some point in high school, and only competed in wrestling in college, it would be logical to assume that the identity they defined would be largely biased by the wrestling subculture. However, all three competed in other sports until their specialisation during high school. Given that existing research has not yet pinpointed the specific developmental period during which athletes: (a) solidify their definition of the athlete identity and (b) begin engaging in behaviours traditionally considered reflective of deviant overconformity, it is impossible to know whether the participants in the current study were defining the ‘wrestler’ identity, specifically, or the ‘athlete’ identity, more broadly. Future research that investigates and compares athlete identity and deviant overconformity in other sport populations (e.g. sports, regions, nationalities) would be a valuable step in determining the extent to which sport-specific subculture affects athletes’ perceptions of sport expectations and nature of potential overconformity. Moreover, more specific research is needed to identify the developmental stage (e.g. cognitive/social/physical developmental level, competitive level) in which athletes are socialised to engage in behaviours traditionally considered reflective of deviant overconformity. Given the cyclical nature of socialisation that emerged from the current study, understanding these developmental shifts may help to untangle the contribution of specific sport subcultures, or broader cultures, to athlete decisions to overconform.

Although deviant overconformity was originally conceptualised as a rarity (Coakley 2009), reported incidents of overconforming behaviours in this sample were frequent. These findings indicated that overconforming was normative for participants, rather than an exception under certain conditions. By definition, those behaviours may reflect intentions to conform, rather than overconform, requiring further investigation to delineate between conformity and overconformity. Importantly, the cyclical nature of athlete identity (re)construction and (re)confirmation and influence of social identity introduces an important area of inquiry. Further, the role of rationalising by participants in the current study was unclear. Therefore, future research in this area is necessary to examine the role rationalising and other defences play in overconforming athletes’ lives.

Practical implications

The finding that participants engaged in multiple overconforming behaviours has important practical implications. By understanding deviant overconformity as a possible undercurrent for athletes engaged in health-compromising behaviours, practitioners can assess for level of overconformity and, as necessary, screen for additional health-compromising behaviours that may otherwise go unnoticed and untreated. Doing so would require practitioner assessment of level of conformity to sport norms, which may be aided by future research efforts to create an instrument that measures degree of deviant overconformity.

Notably, participants reported that they began understanding sport expectations at a young age. This developmental process, and the significance of their sport experiences, intensified over time, leading them to engage in overconforming behaviours with increased frequency and severity. Therefore, prevention efforts for behaviours associated with overconformity should include elements aimed at: (a) educating young athletes and their sportsnets about the implications of behaviours associated with normalised deviant overconformity they may encounter as they continue sport participation and (b) teaching athletes to identify and navigate appropriate boundaries that protect their long-term health and well-being.

Finally, because retirement from sport represents a necessary change in athlete identity status, practitioners should be aware that it may be a sensitive time for athletes engaged in behaviours associated with deviant overconformity. This may be particularly true of athletes who count their athlete role as a primary measure of their identity (Brewer et al. 1993) and those whose retirement may be unexpected. Based on the behaviours participants in the current study were willing to engage to gain acceptance as ‘athlete’ and that the confirmation process appeared to be circular for the participants in this study, it is conceivable that athletes engaged in deviant overconformity during their athletic careers may experience significant disruption at the closure of those careers. As with earlier recommendations, practitioners are cautioned to include the potential influence of history of deviant overconformity in their assessment of and work with retiring athletes.

Notes on contributors

Ashley Coker-Cranney is an adjunct instructor in the College of Physical Activity and Sport Sciences at West Virginia University where she received her PhD in Sport and Exercise Psychology and her MA in Community Counseling. She received her Master’s in Psychosocial Aspects of Sport from the University of Utah and bachelor’s degrees in Exercise and Sport Science and Psychology from the University of Idaho. She is a former student representative for the Performance Psychology Committee of the Association for Applied Sport Psychology, member of the Coalition for the Advancement of Graduate Training in Sport Psychology, and member of the American Counselling Association.

JackC. Watson II is the chair of the Department of Sport Sciences and a professor of Sport and Exercise Psychology at West Virginia University. He received his master’s degree in Sport Behaviour from West Virginia University, his PhD in Educational Psychology with a concentration in Sport Psychology from Florida State University, and his post-doctoral respecialization from the APA-approved joint programme in Counselling and School Psychology at Florida State University. Jack is a licenced psychologist, holds the designation of CC-AASP, and is registered on the United States Olympic Committee’s Sport Psychology Registry. He is past-president and fellow of the Association for Applied Sport Psychology and former Programme Chair and a member of the American Psychological Association, Division 47.

MalaynaBernstein is an assistant professor of Qualitative Methods and English Education at West Virginia University, where she co-directs WVU’s National Writing Project site. She holds a BA in English from Wesleyan University, and an MA and a PhD in Learning Sciences from Northwestern University. She is an active member of the American Educational Research Association and the National Council for Teachers of English Assembly for Research.

DanaK. Voelkeris an assistant professor of Sport & Exercise Psychology at West Virginia University. After earning her bachelor’s degree in psychology from Penn State University, she earned her master’s in counselling and PhD in kinesiology, with a specialisation in sport and exercise psychology, from Michigan State University. Voelker conducts research to ultimately promote healthy outcomes among youth who participate in sport. Much of her work has focused on the examination of body image, eating, and exercise behaviours among athletes. Voelker has assumed over 10 leadership positions within the Association for Applied Sport Psychology as a student and professional.

Jay Coakley is professor emeritus in the Department of Sociology at the University of Colorado, Colorado Springs. Received his PhD and MA in Sociology from the University of Notre Dame and his bachelor’s degree in Sociology and Psychology from Regis University in Denver, Colorado. Jay has published extensively on issues related to sport deviance and written twelve editions of the book, “Sports in Society: Issues and Controversies,” translated in four languages across seven countries.

Appendix 1. Life story interview guide

This is an interview about the story of your life in sport. As a social scientist, I am interested in hearing your story, including parts of the past as you remember them and the future as you imagine it. The story is selective; it does not include everything that has ever happened to you. Instead, I will ask you to focus on a few key things in your life - a few key scenes, characters, and ideas. There are no right or wrong answers to my questions. Instead, your task is simply to tell me about some of the most important things that have happened in your life and how you imagine your life developing in the future. I will guide you through the interview so that we finish it all in about two hours or less.

Please know that my purpose in doing this interview is not to figure out what is wrong with you or to do some kind of deep clinical analysis! Nor should you think of this interview as a ‘therapy session’ of some kind. The interview is for research purposes only, and its main goal is simply to hear your story. Everything you say is voluntary, anonymous and confidential.

I think you will enjoy the interview. Do you have any questions?

Life chapters	• Think of your life in sport as if it were a book – a novel with chapters.
	• What would the chapters be?
	• Divide your sport life story into its main chapters, and for each chapter provide a title and brief plot summary
	• Explain what marks the end of one chapter and the beginning of the next
Key scenes	• Focus on a few specific moments or episodes that stand out as being especially memorable or
High point	important in your life story in sport
Low point	• For each scene, describe in detail what happened, who was there, what you were thinking and
Turning point	feeling in the scene, and what significance you believe the scene has in the context of your
Positive childhood scene	entire life story in sport
Negative childhood scene	• Why do you think you chose this scene?
Vivid adolescent scene	• What might the scene say about who you were or are?
Vivid adult scene
One other importan
Scene
Life challenge	• Identify the most important challenge, struggle, or conflict you have faced in your life in sport
	• Describe what the challenge is, how it came to be, and how you have tried to address it or
	cope with it
Future script	• What does the next chapter of your life story look like?
	• Describe where you think your life is headed in the future
	• What are your main goals for the future?
	• How do you plan to achieve those goals?
Ideological setting	• Consider here your most important beliefs and values about life and the world in sport
Religious	• First, describe any values and beliefs that you consider to be important for your life in sport
Political	• How did you develop those values and beliefs?
Most important value	• Finally, what do you consider to be the most important value in life?
	• Why?
Life theme	• Thinking back over what you have said in this interview, do you see a theme or motif that runs
	through the story of your life in sport?
	• What might it be?

Notes: Introduction adapted from McAdams (2008) The Life Story Interview, The Foley Centre for the Study of Lives at Northwestern University. Questions adapted from McAdams and Guo (2014).