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. 2018 Jan 22;13(Suppl 3):e12562. doi: 10.1111/mcn.12562

Food security and women's roles in Moroccan Berber (Amazigh) society today

Rekia Belahsen 1,✉, Kaoutar Naciri 1, Abdennacer El Ibrahimi 2
PMCID: PMC6865873  PMID: 29359441

Abstract

Traditionally, the Berber diet was part of a semiautarkic economy. The suitability of the diet to the regional ecosystem has guaranteed food security for the Berber tribes of Morocco and other countries of North Africa. As part of a patriarchal model, Berber dietary patterns are historically embedded in a social system where women's and men's roles are complementary at all stages of food production, processing, and conservation. Women have played a dominant role in the conservation of Berber dietary patterns through the preservation of biodiverse seeds and local varieties, the transmission of the Berber language through generations, and the sharing of knowledge on food, medicinal plants, and cultural practices related to diet and food security. Political, social, demographic, economic, and cultural factors have affected the Berber dietary model and the role of women in its preservation. The shift from a semiautarkic traditional model to a model within a market economy has led to food importation, the erosion of culinary components such as wild edible plants and dietary homogenization. Despite these changes and the associated nutrition transition, the Berber diet remains a cultural heritage because of its rich diversity. Berber women play a crucial role in the preservation and sustainability of Berber culinary heritage and food security.

Keywords: Amazigh, Berber, dietary model, food security, gender, nutrition transition

“The food way today tells you: make everything fast and die quickly.” Berber woman, 2016

1. INTRODUCTION

In spite of the progress made towards achieving the objectives of the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), and despite the committed efforts of many countries to end food insecurity, poverty and hunger continue to affect millions of people around the world. When looking at poverty and food insecurity along gender and ethnic lines, studies show that women and Indigenous Peoples are particularly vulnerable groups (MDGs, 2015; United Nation Dialogues at the Economic and Social Council, 2010).

The MDGs propose that one solution to food insecurity and hunger is to centralize the role of women in the economic, social, and environmental aspects of sustainable development agendas; promoting gender equality in order to achieve the MDGs was also emphasized (report on MDGs, 2015). Indeed, food and nutritional security depends on the status and level of education of women in the society (Trentmann, Latzke, Jülich, & Von Oppeln, 2015). Many organizations agreed that better access for women to health services, education, and economic opportunities is essential for better health and education for children, as well as for general peace, prosperity, and security (Trentmann et al., 2015). The failure to recognize the crucial role of women in agricultural production and household food security in agricultural and trade policies was considered to be among the factors that have contributed to food crises (Karl, 2009). In vulnerable populations, health and food security rely heavily on ecosystem services (World Health Organization and Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity, 2015). When biodiversity is lost, it negatively impacts Indigenous Peoples and women in particular, who protect biodiversity through the preservation of the local culture (Karl, 2009).

The Berber tribes of Northern Africa provide an example of a dietary model that ensures food security, where women have a crucial role to play. Women transmit the cultural practices related to diet and food security from one generation to the next, preserving biodiversity and, in turn, the Berber language. However, like many cultures, the Berber are experiencing many social and economic changes related to modernization and globalization (Belahsen, 2014), which have affected Berber foodways, food security, and the role of women. This article aims to analyse the place of women in the Berber dietary model in Morocco and their role in ensuring food security.

Key messages.

  • The traditional Berber dietary model, a semi‐autarkic social system linked to the terroir, has ensured food security in Berber tribes, with women playing a crucial role.

  • Berber society is patriarchal with complementary roles of men and women in all agricultural stages, including the preparation and consumption of food.

  • Nutrition transitions have led to the erosion of the traditional Berber dietary model and underuse and neglect of key species as wild edibles.

  • The Berber diet persists as cultural heritage because of the diversity of culinary traditions where women have a role in the protection of food resources and biodiversity.

2. AMAZIGH (BERBER) POPULATIONS

Etymologically, “Berber” is the name used to refer to the many populations who speak dialects of the unique Berber language. It is employed in Greek (Barbaroi) and in Latin (Barbari) to designate “aliens to Greco‐Roman civilization.” It is likely that this appellation is a pejorative epithet. It is possible to consider the term amazigh (plural imazighen), which means “free human,” as designating the Berber in general, and this term is still employed in a large area; the feminine tamazight, designates both the Berber language and a Berber woman (Berber, n.d.).

Berber is a fully fledged language; however, it is historically oral rather than written. It is the mother tongue used most often in the home, a quality that has perpetuated its transmission through generations and kept the language alive. It has also allowed it to coexist with the different languages that have passed through North Africa. However, the absence of a written form is one of the factors that have limited its dissemination. This language is spoken in an extended but scattered territory in North Africa, the Canary Islands, and the Siwa Oasis in Egypt. It is spoken, to varying degrees, in Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Mauritania (Servier, 1990).

In Morocco, Berber languages are divided by geographic region: (Figure 1) Tachelhit in the South, Tamazight in Central Morocco, and Tarifit in the Rif. The southern region covers the High Atlas, the Anti‐Atlas, the plain of the Souss, and the Sahara. The central region covers part of the High Atlas Mountains and the Middle Atlas from Azilal to Taza. Finally, the northern region covers the mountain chain of the Rif, Nador, and Al Hoceima. It is also important to note that in large cities, Berber populations from different regions mix. The majority of Berbers in Morocco are Muslim, with a minority of Jewish faith. Although it is beyond the scope of this study, it is worth mentioning religion because certain religious food prohibitions would impact any dietary model. For the purposes of this study, methodology was developed to address food systems equally, regardless of religion.

Figure 1.

Figure 1

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Approximate area of distribution of Berbers (Amazigh) and Berber spoken languages. Berber spoken languages in Morocco are Inline graphic Tarifit in the North, Inline graphic Tamazight in the Center and South‐east, and Inline graphic Tachelhit in South‐western Morocco. However, there are numerous Berber speaking people in Moroccan cities. Since the establishment of the Royal Institute of Amazigh Culture in 2001, an effort has been made to standardize the Berber language

3. ROLE OF GENDER IN BERBER SOCIETY

The majority of studies on Berbers in Morocco describe them as a patriarchal society, focusing on the role of male power in the social organization. In this regard, in a society marked by a clear division of labour, the man has status in both the social organization of the family and of the community. He is both an actor of production and also the head of the household. This faculty allows him to sit in the djemââ, a tribal council that deliberates on the various issues related to community life. However, social transformations affecting Berber society have produced a new logic, which defines the man as the source of income, while at the same time, limiting women's roles to inside the home.

Nevertheless, this should not downplay the role of women in the different tribes, where they have played and are still playing a crucial role in the social organization. This pre‐eminence was emphasized before (Berque, 1978; Claudot‐Hawad, 2011; Moulièras, 1895). Moulieras has reported that women in the Meridional Rif can go out with their faces uncovered and even attend the deliberations of the djemââ, where they often take the floor. The central role of women, despite the patriarchal nature of the tribes, was also reported in the High Atlas Mountains, where monogamy is an important rule, particularly in the Seksawa tribes (Berque, 1978).

4. FOOD SYSTEM AND NUTRITION SECURITY IN THE BERBER POPULATION

The literature on the diet of this population is abundant but fragmented and generalized, and no comprehensive study has focused on the dietary details of different Berber communities. The available findings are largely derived from foreign travellers or ethnographers of the colonial era. Similarly, in postcolonial studies, the food system has been addressed only partially. All of these constraints make it difficult to develop a satisfactory analysis of dietary trends in the Berber tribes, which cover geographically diverse regions and various modes of agricultural production.

The following sections will first look at historical accounts of Berber dietary models presented by travellers and ethnographers and will then turn to the current situation by referencing the scant research that exists now on select Berber tribes. The aim is to analyse the historically documented characteristics of the Berber dietary model and then compare that to the current food and nutrition situation.

4.1. Dietary model value systems

As in other traditional Mediterranean cultures (Dernini et al., 2012), the Berber food system serves as a vehicle to promote values of fairness, equality, and respect. It is highly seasonal and showcases rich biodiversity. For Berbers, sharing food is synonymous with brotherhood, benevolence, confidence, and even commitment (Amahan, 1998). Meal sharing is most symbolic during religious celebrations and rites (Hammoudi, 1988; Laoust, 1920; Rachik, 1990). In these ceremonies, hearty dishes, generally composed of couscous or soup, are prepared and shared by the tribe members at the mosque or in the home of the tribe's chief. Beyond the symbolism of meal sharing, the act socializes food culture to other arenas of daily life, such as places of worship, schools, and boarding houses. In addition, Berber foodways are historically rooted in a social system where the roles for men and women are defined in all stages of agricultural production, processing, conservation, preparation, and consumption of food.

The influence of religion is present in the Berber dietary model, where religious doctrine and food norms come together. Religious values are integrated into the daily life of the Berbers. It can be seen in the values of sharing, reciprocity, and the avoidance of waste. Some Koranic verses even mention the virtue of certain foods such as olives, figs, honey, and dates, among others.

4.2. Dietary model diversity

The components of the food system among the different Berber tribes vary according to region, geography, and the seasons. Given that the Berber food model is linked to the terroir, this model integrates many variations, as each terroir is marked by its own mode of production. Generally, the food groups identified by the different Berber communities were cereals, vegetables, fruits, other plants, wild edibles, and animal products (Laoust, 1920).

At different times and regions, food was traditionally based on agricultural and animal production and marked by a diversity of foods throughout the day and according to the season. The diet of the High Atlas was based on millet, corn, goat meat, and dairy products, with a variety of dishes and culinary preparations in each category (Laoust, 1920). In the plains, it was based on barley, wheat, olive oil, mutton, and dairy products. In the tribes of the Rif mountain region, foods were similar to those produced in other regions. In the villages, Berbers grew cereal grains (barley) and legumes, which, in particular, occupy an important role as famine foods. They also consumed fresh or dried fruits (i.e., figs, prickly pears, jujubes, grapes, almonds, walnuts, watermelons, and apples), the fruit and oil from olive trees, and spices and condiments. Animal products were significant to the diet of the tribes, particularly butter, milk, goat cheese, mutton, beef, game, chicken, and eggs. Fish was also consumed to some degree.

The traditional Berber dietary model was semiautarkic (or self‐sufficient), dependent on an ecosystem that guarantees food security by linking humans to the environment. A large part of agricultural production was intended for household consumption, whereas the rest was generally sold at the weekly market to buy foods that were not locally grown or available.

Biodiversity was at the heart of the Berber food model and was dependent on the land, which embodies life for Berbers, supplies food and medicine, and provides shelter and strong cultural identity.

The climate greatly impacts the Berber diet, and it goes through seasonal variability as a result. In the harsh climatic periods marked by low agricultural production, Berbers shift to foraging roots, leaves, and seeds of wild plants to address food shortages (Amahan, 1998; Berque, 1978; Laoust, 1920). Food products are largely consumed fresh during the seasons when they are available. However, some products, such as dried fruits and vegetables, butter, honey, and jerky, are stored and conserved using traditional and local technologies (Berber, n.d.; Amahan, 1998; Laoust, 1920).

5. ROLE AND FUNCTION OF WOMEN IN THE BERBER DIETARY MODEL

5.1. Berber woman: Actor of production

Women are the guardians of the Berber food model; they play a crucial role at different levels of agricultural production. Indeed, in spite of the interdependent roles of men and women, the latter fill multiple roles in agricultural production and food security for the family and the tribe. These roles include sowing and harvesting agricultural products, rearing poultry and cattle, fetching water, and gathering firewood. They also are responsible for tasks such as the processing of wool for clothing and textiles.

The transmission of knowledge about medicinal plants, cultivars, seed selection, and conservation is made by women. Their involvement in these activities influences the management and use of natural resources, community health, and the preservation of biodiversity (FAO, 2003; World Health Organization and Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity, 2015).

5.2. Role of women in the preservation of the Berber dietary model

In the varied communities of Berbers in North Africa, women are the main actors in the preservation of Berber identity. They are the guardians of language and other elements of Berber culture, such as folklore, crafts, clothing, and culinary arts. Indeed, in a society marked by the absence of the written word, Berber women have been able to preserve a millennium‐old cultural heritage (Basset, 1920), and it is by these means that recipes have been transmitted from generation to generation (El Ibrahimi, 2011). Berber women call on a variety of ancestral techniques for the conservation and transformation of food, including the drying of fruits, vegetables, meat, and seafood, as well as the salting of butter and meat, to extend the life of food in that particular climate (Berber, n.d.; E. B. G. Camps et al., 1986; Laoust, 1920).

6. TRANSITION IN BERBER POPULATIONS: SOCIAL CHANGE IN MOROCCO AND THE BERBER DIETARY MODEL: ISSUES AND PERSPECTIVES

Many factors have impacted the role of women in the preservation of the Berber dietary model and food security.

6.1. Disaggregation of traditional structures

The colonial period in Morocco (1912–1956) has had consequences in many sectors and has profoundly transformed the Moroccan social morphology and disaggregated the traditional structures of Berber tribe and community, which had constituted the core of the Berber food system (El Ibrahimi, 2011). The mobility that was characteristic of Berbers before independence (Camps, 1988) was also synonymous with the defence of the territory, an important element of identity for each tribe. This changed with the advent of the protectorate, the establishment of the colonial administration, followed by the spoliation of the tribes' agricultural land in many regions of the country. Additionally, an extended drought and food shortage exacerbated the socio‐economic transformations taking place in the southern and interior regions (Montagne, 1952). These processes led to a migration from rural to urban areas, which favoured the nuclear family over the extended one, and created problems such as unemployment and a Berber poor working class in the cities (Montagne, 1953). This dynamic has continued since Moroccan independence until today, with a rate of urbanization that has increased steadily from 29.1% in 1960 to 60.3% in 2014 (Haut‐Commissariat au Plan (HCP), 2015) (Figure 2).

Figure 2.

Figure 2

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Urban population (a) and urbanization rate (b)

All these transformations have impacted Berber foodways and also the role of women. Among the many factors involved, the social changes and dietary transition will be analysed more closely.

6.2. Social change, women's roles, and dietary transitions

Traditional Berber tribal society was characterized by the interdependence of male and female labour, the respected role of women and a food system based on a semiautarkic economic model that inextricably linked people to territory. The social changes mentioned in the previous paragraph have led to another system characterized by a centralized bureaucratic nation–state that perpetuated the protectorate authority politics by considering modern industrial agriculture as an economic priority to cope with demographic pressures and ensure national food independence.

The change from a semiautarkic traditional model built upon a social community organization that ensured food security to a model where agricultural production and food systems are enmeshed in the State‐run market economy had gradual repercussions on the traditional dietary model of the mostly rural Berber populations (Plan biennal d'équipement 1958–1959, 1958). Indeed, since the first agriculture development plan from 1949 to 1952 (Bencheikh, 1969), different economic and social agendas have come and gone in the agriculture sector, with the most recent national plan being the Green Morocco Plan, adopted in 2008. Yet, with the exception of the Green Morocco Plan, not one considered the role of women in agricultural development. (Akesbi, 2011; Bencheikh, 1969).

As part of these changes, the government introduced new crops (i.e., citrus fruits, grapes, cotton, sugar beet, and rice), as well as new growing techniques, such as market gardening (Bencheikh, 1969). The consequences of such a trend is the increased production and import of a select few crops, such as wheat, and the proliferation of agricultural strategies that increase exports, thereby contributing to the homogenization of regional dietary models into a national one (Kearney, 2010). As an example, the use of traditional cereals such as barley is down and has been replaced by wheat, which is in continuous and increasing supply, beyond what is necessary to feed the populous. This is true as well for other high‐calorie foods, often rich in sugar, salt, and fat, which then leads to health problems and food waste (Belahsen, 2014).

The traditional Berber dietary model of the Mediterranean basin food system has undergone some erosion of its ingredients, as can be found with other traditional foodways around the world (Belahsen, 2014; Dernini et al., 2012). Many foods have been abandoned, and diversity is disappearing. The industrialization process has led to the abandonment of traditional processes and conservation techniques, as was the case for the drying of meats and some fruits and vegetables. The use of products derived from the terroir is waning in favour of imported products.

Food habits and lifestyles have changed with the gradual inclusion of industrial products into the local diet. In this global context, marked by the homogenization of economic and cultural models, the traditional models are often relegated to a picturesque past. Certain aspects of the traditional Berber dietary model have been integrated in festivities organized by those advocating for the defence of the Berber identity and culture, such as at Berber New Year celebrations (El Ibrahimi, 2011).

6.3. Health, food, and nutritional security

Looking at the modern day situation, Berbers are confronted with issues of food access and security and the highest national poverty rates (14.6%) (Haut‐Commissariat au Plan (HCP), 2016). This is due in part to geography and also disparities in infrastructure and development in the country. Not surprisingly, malnutrition is common across all age groups of the Berber population (Buffa et al., 2009). (Najeh, Rguibi, Kandil, & Belahsen, 2012).

Lotfi, Loukid and Hilali (2012), in a study conducted between 2010 and 2011 on a sample of women in three rural Berber communities in the High Atlas, have reported low economic levels and high illiteracy rates, particularly among women (98.4%), whose average is higher than men and the registered national level (Enquête nationale sur l'analphabétisme, la non scolarisation et la déscolarisation au Maroc (ENANSD), 2006). The majority of women (86%) were married between the ages of 14 to 18 years (Lotfi, 2015; Lotfi et al., 2012).

Food security, assessed using the Coates, Swindale, and Bilinsky (2007) questionnaire, was associated with socio‐economic status in another study conducted by Hibbi on adult Berbers from the Souss region who are living in rural areas or those migrating to and residing in Casablanca, compared to non‐Berbers living in Casablanca (Hibbi, 2014). The study reported that only 50% feel food secure, and that food security decreases with socio‐economic status in Berber population while it increases with higher socio‐economic status in the non‐Berber population.

Geography influences food security among Berbers because of its impact on the availability and accessibility to food. Indeed, based on a food frequency survey conducted in 2005–2006, Anzid (2011) reported that socio‐economically advantaged urban and peri‐urban households on the northern side of the High Atlas had greater food variety than their counterparts on the southern side. In particular, foods such as fish, vegetables, dairy products, cereals, and meats were more difficult to procure (both physically and economically) on the southern side of the mountains. (Anzid, 2011; Anzid et al., 2014).

Similar results can be seen when looking at the nutrition status of Berbers, beginning at birth (El Hamdani, 2013). In Islam, breastfeeding a newborn is considered the natural duty of the mother and is recommended for the first 2 years after birth; as such, it is largely practiced in the rural Berber communities, with 50% of women breastfeeding for 24 months, on average. This jumps to a 36‐month average in High Atlas communities. The majority of women breastfeed exclusively (90.4%) for 6 months, whereas only a few women supplement with formula (3.9%) or substitute with other milk (1.6%) (Lotfi, 2015; Lotfi et al., 2012). El Hamdani has reported that breastfeeding is practiced more among rural women than those born in urban areas, and illiterate women tend to breastfeed for a longer duration (Anzid et al., 2014).

Children of the High Atlas Berber population suffer the highest rates of malnutrition, with 36.6% stunted, 8.5% wasted, and a high rate of dehydration (42.3%). (Buffa et al., 2009). Malnutrition is also prevalent in adolescents with both under and overnutrition problems. The existence of underweight (19.4%), overweight (7.3%), and obesity (1%) was reported in youth aged 15 to 20 years from a High Atlas community, indicating a nutrition transition (Anzid, 2011; Montero, Anzid, Cherkaoui, Baali, & Lopez, 2012) with inadequate intakes of certain micronutrients (Anzid et al., 2014). Also, an adolescent diet that is cereal based with a low consumption of complex carbohydrates and dietary fibre and an overconsumption of fats is reported in economically advantaged adolescents (Anzid et al., 2014). Obesity is also prevalent among Berbers from the High Atlas, more so among women (13.3%) than men (2.4%) (Lahmam, 2015; Lahmam et al., 2008). The same results are reported in Berbers from the Souss region. In this community, the prevalence of general or abdominal obesity and body fat are also higher in women than in men (38.3% vs. 13.5% and 83.9% vs. 61.9%, respectively) and in Berbers residing in Casablanca than those living in their native rural areas (Hibbi, 2014; Hibbi et al., 2014).

6.4. Modern dietary model and women's role

All of the aforementioned socio‐economic changes (i.e., shifting role of women, geographic disparities, migration, and the industrialization of agriculture) have affected Berber foodways. These factors contributed to the homogenization of dietary models and loss of food diversity. The consequences include, in addition to the emergence of public health issues, the underuse or neglect of wild edible plants.

However, and despite all these changes, it appears that the Berber diet persists as a cultural heritage. This is shown in migrant Berber women of Souss origin who have a negative perception of urban food habits compared to rural ones; however, there is an oscillation between the traditional and the modern urban dietary style in the second generation of migrant Berbers (Hibbi, 2014). Their food diversity is associated to socio‐economic status regardless of the area of residency. Powell (2004) has also reported that food diversity in the population of the High Atlas is associated with availability, food culture, and culinary traditions. These authors have reported that the factors associated with a Berber nutritional transition did not include a decrease of food diversity because of the diversity of culinary traditions (Hibbi, 2014; Powell, 2004). It is important to emphasize that Berber women have a crucial role in the preservation of the Berber culinary heritage and, through this, the sustainability of this model.

7. PERSPECTIVES: SUSTAINABILITY OF THE BERBER FOOD MODEL: CASE OF WILD EDIBLE PLANTS IN MOROCCO

The culinary knowledge that is lost when foods are underutilized or no longer part of the diet contributes to food waste, affects biodiversity, and changes dietary habits. This is the case for wild edible plants and some cultivated food plants.

The consumption of wild edible plants that is part of the traditional diet is decreasing in Morocco. However, it continues to be part of the food habits of local populations, especially in winter. But the traditional knowledge related to their use seems to be declining. Data from an ethnobotanical study (Tbatou, Belahyan, & Belahsen, 2016; Tbatou, Fagroud, Belahyan, & Belahsen, 2016) indicate that the knowledge of traditional food practices related to these plants in the rural areas are held mainly by elders. The species that are more known by younger people are also those commonly known by older people. Women know more wild edible plants than men, including practices related to them, such as the period of their collection, the consumed parts, and their different uses in traditional local dishes. The fact that older women, especially grandmothers, were the main carriers and transmitters of the traditional knowledge related to the use of wild edibles, means that women are a key contributor to safeguarding this heritage before its disappearance.

An on‐going study has been carried out with Berbers from two rural localities, El Borj and Lehri, and five urban districts in the region of Khenifra, a mountainous province of the Moroccan Moyen Atlas, known for its rich biodiversity (Daoudi, Bachiri, Bammou, Ibijbijen, & Nassiri, 2015). Women and men from both rural (35%) and urban (65%) areas were surveyed. Data were collected using a quantified food frequency questionnaire based on a list of 130 foods belonging to nine food groups (cereals and cereal products, vegetables, fruits, meat and fish, spices and condiments, pulses, dairy products, oilseed products, and beverages). Focus groups were used to collect a description of recipes and their preparation, culinary knowledge, and medicinal knowledge of plants and their toxic effects. Preliminary results indicate the consumption of a large variety of foods in these populations, which is correlated to food diversity scores. In addition to these food groups, 50 wild plants were identified. These plants are used by the population in this region as aromatic, medicinal, and food plants (Figures 3), and the species inventoried belong to 12 different plant families (Figure 4). Focus group data on culinary knowledge recorded 20 traditional recipes using these wild plants that are still frequently consumed, in addition to other recipes for dishes consumed in the past, as well as those consumed during periods of food shortage. The food diversity observed in this region of Morocco is linked to the diversity of traditions and culinary culture, which draws attention to the importance of safeguarding this wealth. (Figure 5)

Figure 3.

Figure 3

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Uses of plants identified in El Borj and Lehri localities in Khenifra

Figure 4.

Figure 4

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Number and proportion of the most plant families identified in El Borj and Lehri localities of Khenifra province

Figure 5.

Figure 5

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(l) Rural area in High Atlas Mountains; (r) Berber woman collecting plants

Recipes incorporating parts of some cultivated food plants that are no longer used and are considered waste were recorded. Examples include turnip leaves, onion leaves, bean skins, and unripe figs; all of which were used in the past as vegetables to diversify the diet.

These data draw attention to the place that wild edible plants have in the Berber dietary model. The role of women to save this culinary heritage could contribute to the protection of food resources and biodiversity.

8. CONCLUSION

Although the approach adopted in our analysis has not been exhaustive, this work has brought together multiple perspectives on the Berber dietary model. We have also examined the historic and current role of women in food security in the Moroccan Berber society. The many dimensions of food security (including food availability, access, use, and stability) are integrated in the social organization of the Berber community. That is why the issue of food security must be studied with an understanding of the self‐sufficient traditional Berber dietary model, which closely binds people, animals, and the land to one another in the ecosystem. However, with the transition to the modern state, the situation has changed. The question of food security is dictated primarily by state public policies and also by international economic conjunctures, the market economy, and consumption that is dependent on the financial variability of the market and the shifting accessibility that results.

The role of women in the past was important inside the home and out and complementary to that of men. Today, this role varies based on the area of residence because women in rural areas continue to play their role in agricultural production. In urban areas, the woman's role outside the home has decreased due in part to the disaggregation of traditional social structures, the irruption of the market economy, and the impacts of formalized education on the socio‐economic environment. The role of women has become more vulnerable. However, women are still playing an important role in the protection of other characteristics of the dietary model, such as the preservation of food conservation techniques and recipes. Also, it is women, particularly elders, in rural Berber populations who continue to hold the diverse culinary knowledge that protects the great biodiversity of the region. This culinary knowledge contributes to the high level of food diversity that persists among the Berber population.

On the basis of the research presented here, it appears that Berber communities have built a dietary model closely linked to nature. However, with the current trend towards the homogenization of local dietary models, the question is raised: What is the fate of the Berber model in the years or even decades to come?

The protection of the Berber dietary model against its disappearance faces two challenges. In Morocco as everywhere in the world, agricultural policies trend towards the intensification of production and a desire to gain as much of the market, with adverse effects on food security (Akesbi, 2011). At the same time, the consequences of nutrition transitions are the generalization of foodways and detrimental effects on human health and the ecosystem.

The preservation of the Berber culinary heritage must raise the status of Berber women who have played an important role in food security and in sustaining this model. On the other hand, it is important to take into consideration that the integration of Berber women in their socio‐economic environment is an inescapable requirement as it is a fundamental variable in the ecosystem preservation, which is a key element of sustainable development. Also, organizing women‐led businesses would be a viable alternative to empower them, preserve Berber heritage, and revision local products for a wider audience.

As the Berber dietary model is part of the ecosystem, it is important to popularize its virtues at all levels. A good strategy for food security should include the implementation of public policies focused on the diversity and the valorization of terroir products. The involvement of woman would be a crucial asset in agricultural policies.

CONFLICTS OF INTEREST

The authors declare that they have no conflicts of interest.

CONTRIBUTIONS

RB and AEI wrote the sections on the nutritional and sociological aspects of the Berber dietary model, food security, and women's roles, and KN, PhD student, carried out the research on the Berber population of the Middle Atlas included in this article.

PHOTOGRAPHIC SECTION

See Photographic section ‐ Berber

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Thanks to Prof. Abdelmonaim Belahyane, Manal Tbatou, and Adil Kalili for their contribution to the scientific identification of the cited wild plants and to Mohamed Ouarhou, a Berber activist, for two photos included in this article.

Biography

Rekia Belahsen is a Professor of Nutrition and Food Sciences and Head of the Laboratory of Biotechnology, Biochemistry and Nutrition at Chouaib Doukkali University in El Jadida, Morocco. She is of Berber cultural heritage from Morocco and enjoys a large extended family there. Rekia received her PhD training from Laval University in Quebec, Canada, and has received several awards and fellowships in her university environment where she teaches and conducts research on the traditional and cultural diets of ethnic peoples in Morocco, food composition, Mediterranean diet, obesity, nutrition transition, and food sustainability. Rekia received funding from the Islamic Development Bank and received the FAO Medal of Merit from Morocco; she has been the principal executive of several national and international organizations and groups, convening meetings in Marrakech, Ouarzazate, and El Jadida. Her co‐authors developed the Berber social history and conducted field research.

Belahsen R, Naciri K, El Ibrahimi A. Food security and women's roles in Moroccan Berber (Amazigh) society today. Matern Child Nutr. 2017;13(S3):e12562 10.1111/mcn.12562

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