Perceptions of Violent Encounters between Police and Young Black Men across Stakeholder Groups

Abstract

Violence between police and young black men is a longstanding issue that has gained national attention in recent years due to high-profile violent encounters. We conducted 48 semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders from different groups (young black men aged 14–24 years, parents, educators, police officers, and staff in youth serving organizations). Stakeholders were asked to (1) identify causes of violent encounters between police and young black men; (2) describe police officers who serve in their communities; and (3) describe interactions between police and young black men. Data were collected and analyzed using thematic analysis and content analysis methods. All stakeholder groups except police felt that violent encounters between police and young black men were caused by officers lacking a connection with communities. Fear and distrust across stakeholder groups was also seen as a cause of violent encounters; youth feared police after having seen or heard of violent encounters, while officers feared youth due to the availability of firearms and previous assaults on officers. Several stakeholder groups recognized that racism and prejudice among police was another cause of violence between police and young black men. Positive interactions between police and youth were seen as the result of established, trusting relationships developed over time. Future efforts to prevent violent encounters between police and young black men should engage multiple stakeholder groups. One avenue for engagement is through community mobilization efforts that foster collaboration, build community trust, and encourage implementation of policies, programs, and practices that prevent future violent encounters.

Introduction

While black men comprise only 13% of the US population, they accounted for one-quarter of the individuals killed by police in 2018 [1]. Young black men, in particular, are overrepresented as victims of violence and deaths caused by police officers [2–5]. Police are three times more likely to kill black men than white men [6]. Police killings are a leading cause of death for African American men [7] and have resulted in more years of potential life lost for African Americans than both whites and Hispanics combined [8]. Studies have shown that disparities in the use of excessive and deadly force by police are greater for young black men, even when adjusting for situational factors and officer characteristics [9–11].

In recent years, there have been several high-profile incidents of violent encounters between police and black men. The killings of unarmed black men by law enforcement officers—such as Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri; Philando Castile in Falcon Heights, Minnesota; Antwon Rose II in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; and Thurman Belvins in Minneapolis, Minnesota—became national news stories and sparked widespread protest. Increasing awareness and acknowledgement of the violent experiences of young black men with police may be due, in part, to 24-h news cycles that broadcast incidents of violence, including “real-time” internet-based news sources that utilize portable video recording technology [12]. While news stories have arguably been instrumental in increasing national awareness of the problem of violent encounters between police and young black men, these stories do not typically offer insights that can be used to design prevention efforts.

Much of the published sociological literature on race and policing has focused on the experiences of particular stakeholder groups with police. For example, several studies have shown that black youth often report negative perceptions towards law enforcement officers [13–16]. Carr et al. [17] found that black youth had largely negative perceptions of law enforcement, informed by aggressive or violent incidents that they or someone they knew had experienced at the hands of police. Other studies have yielded similar findings, with perceptions of young black men towards police being characterized by contempt, distrust, or fear [18–21]. There has been comparatively little attention devoted to the perceptions of other stakeholder groups, including parents, educators, other adults working with youth, and importantly, police officers [22, 23]. Perceptions of violent encounters may differ among stakeholder groups, and it is vital to understand these differences when designing youth violence prevention programs. For example, law enforcement may have different perceptions of the causes of violent encounters between police and young black men than a parent of a young black man whose family has been a victim of police violence.

The issue of violence between police and youth is complex. While several efforts have been made to intervene on the problem of youth violence, many of these efforts have proven ineffective [24]. For example, a 2001 report from the US Department of Health and Human Services found that most youth violence prevention programs had no measurable benefit in reducing youth violence and in some instances were even harmful to youth. While some interventions have shown promise, evaluation studies often do not measure quality of implementation or the impact of prevention efforts on violence reduction [25]. It is important to note that none of the programs reviewed by Mendel [24] and others [25, 26] specifically focused on preventing violent encounters between police and young black men.

The number of black men killed by police per year has remained at over 200 for the last three years [], with no signs of decreasing. Including the perspectives of several stakeholder groups is vital to informing and developing effective programs, policies, and practices to prevent future violent encounters between police and young black men. Such perspectives are necessary to ensure that violence prevention efforts are community-driven, comprehensive, inclusive of people with many different types of expertise and life experiences, and effective [27, 28].

To address the current paucity of research on prevention of violence between police and young black men, we examine different stakeholders’ perspectives of the causes of violent encounters between police and young black men, attitudes regarding local law enforcement officers, and experiences with police. By “violent encounters,” we are referring to interactions between police and young people that result in either emotional or physical harm (e.g., verbal abuse, harassment, injury, death). Key stakeholder groups were recruited in two communities, Minneapolis and Saint Paul, Minnesota. Like many public health problems, violent encounters between police and young black men are preventable. Results from our study will be informative to Minneapolis and Saint Paul, and other communities wishing to develop community-driven solutions to reduce violent encounters between police and young black men.

Methods

Study Design

We used a comparative case study design to collect qualitative interview data on the perceptions of causes of violence and experiences (both positive and negative) between police and young black men. A comparative case study design can be used to examine similarities, differences, and patterns across groups through multiple case studies [29, 30]. In this study, our cases included two communities, one each in Minneapolis and Saint Paul, Minnesota. All study procedures were approved by the University of Minnesota Institutional Review Board.

Study Sample

We recruited interview participants from North Minneapolis and the East Side of Saint Paul. Both study areas were chosen due to their high population of African Americans relative to other parts of the cities. The population of North Minneapolis (9.59 sq. mi) is 43% black, while the population of the East Side of Saint Paul (3.91 sq. mi) is 16% black. In addition, both study areas have comparable socioeconomic characteristics (e.g., levels of education, income, and unemployment). Both Minneapolis and Saint Paul have been the site of several recent violent incidents involving police and black men [31, 32].

We recruited 48 individuals (24 from each community) from five stakeholder groups: young black men aged 14 to 24 years (n = 12), police officers (n = 12), parents of young black men (n = 6), staff employed in youth service organizations (n = 12), and educators employed in middle and high schools (n = 6).

Recruitment and Eligibility Criteria

Participants in professional roles (police officers, staff, educators) were recruited through publicly available contact information posted on their organizations’ websites. Police officers, key staff of youth service organizations, and educators were contacted by research staff via email or phone. Youth and parents could contact research staff by email or phone using information on study flyers that were distributed at several community organizations within the two study areas. Alternatively, they could provide consent to organization leaders to have research staff contact them directly. If youth were under the age of 18, research staff spoke with a parent or legal guardian prior to speaking with youth. The snowball method [33] was used for all participant stakeholder groups to identify additional interviewees.

Each participant group had slightly different eligibility criteria. Young black men had to identify as black or African American and male and be between the ages of 14 and 24 years, inclusive. Parents were the parent or guardian of a young black man who identified as black or African American. In addition, youth and parents had to live in either North Minneapolis or the East Side of Saint Paul. Law enforcement officers, educators, and youth service organization staff were required to teach or work within one of the study areas.

Data Collection and Measures

We conducted one-hour, face-to-face interviews with participants using a structured interview questionnaire. During each interview, participants were asked a standard set of 12 questions. For the purposes of this paper, we focused on three questions: (1) What causes violence between African American male youth and the police?; (2) What words would you use to describe the police in North Minneapolis or the East Side of Saint Paul?; and (3) How would you describe the experiences of African American males with the police in North Minneapolis or the East Side of St. Paul? Interview questions were developed with feedback from several stakeholder groups (law enforcement officers, young black men, educators, and youth service organization staff). Each interview was audio recorded. After the interview, each participant was given a $20 gift card. In preparation for data collection, interviewers underwent training in addressing sensitive and ethically difficult interview scenarios they might encounter (e.g., participants who experienced past trauma).

Data Coding and Analysis

Audio recordings of interviews were transcribed verbatim. The researcher who coded read through the initial transcripts and created a list of preliminary codes. He then re-read each transcript to ensure consistent coding across each transcript. The full research team reviewed the codes and agreed on a hierarchy of themes, wherein conceptually similar codes were grouped together. Then the transcripts were uploaded into NVivo version 9 and coded once more. NVivo is a qualitative data analysis software that facilitates the organization and retrieval of thematically related data. The software facilitated a final reading of the transcripts to confirm accurate coding and to potentially identify new codes and themes. The software also allowed for comparison across key stakeholder groups and the two communities, and counting the number of participants whose comments reflected specific themes. We analyzed data using grounded theory, a systematic inductive method for analyzing qualitative data [34].

Results

Demographic Characteristics of the Sample

Table 1 contains sample characteristics. The majority of interviewees were black, male, at least 35 years old, and had at least some college education. Young black men between the ages of 14 and 24 years comprised 25% of the sample.

Table 1.

Sample characteristics

Variable	Number of participants
Sex
Male	36 (75%)
Female	12 (25%)
Age (years)
14–24	12 (25%)
25–34	7 (15%)
35–44	7 (15%)
45–54	13 (27%)
≥ 55	8 (17%)
Race/ethnicity
Hispanic	2 (4%)
Non-Hispanic black	28 (58%)
Non-Hispanic white	12 (25%)
Non-Hispanic Native American	1 (2%)
Non-Hispanic Asian	0
Multiple races	4 (8%)
Other	1 (2%)
Education
Less than high school	6 (13%)
High school	8 (17%)
2-year associate’s degree	11 (23%)
Bachelor’s degree	12 (25%)
Graduate degree	11 (23%)

Causes of Violence between Police and Young Black Men

Table 2 summarizes key themes that emerged from our question concerning the causes of violence between police and young black men. The number of participants whose comments reflected each theme at least once (count) is shown in the table, along with stakeholder groups whose collective comments reflected the theme at least once, and sample quotes. Themes that emerged from interviews were similar across the Minneapolis and St. Paul communities; thus, data are presented collapsing across communities.

Table 2.

What causes violence between African American male youth and the police?

Themes	Count	Youth	Police	Parents	Staff	Educators	Quotes
Causes		X	X	X	X	X
1. Police lack a connection with the black community	10	X		X	X	X	“when you do have that one cop who’s in the community, then you see a real strong bond. But then a lot of these cops are just out here doing their jobs from another city, just coming into the inner city and they do not…they cannot really relate or connect to the kids.” -Youth
							“I can say St. Paul tries a little bit to have a better relationship, but then you always have those other cops that’s just gonna do what they do. I have found that a lot of police officers that’s from St. Paul, they have a better understanding of the kids in the city, you know what I mean, than a person who’s just coming to St. Paul to go to work that lives out in the Woodbury, or Edina…” -Parent
							“It’s just lack of understanding and frustration. … Lack of community. When I say community, I mean community between those who live in the community versus those who protect and serve the community. Oftentimes, they do not necessarily reflect the community that they are serving, so there’s this sort of misunderstanding between both sides of their intentions and ... I guess, really understanding where both sides are coming from, and I think that’s also a contributing factor to a lot of the violence.” -Key staff
							“And so when you have got a police force that is made up of people who are unfamiliar with the neighborhood, I do think that that plays a role. I do on the whole tend to support increased residency rates of police officers in the communities that they police, or other ways that police can interact with community in ways that are not policing.” -Educator
2. Over-policing black communities and racism in the police force	23	X	X	X	X		“Some cops are just racist, or the black person getting too smart and they not having a good day, or they just think the person has a gun because they are trying to reach for their wallet and they are having to pull their gun out.” -Youth
							“…I think more than anything it’s a trust issue. If you define conflict as lack of trust then I would not want to say we are in constant conflict, but it’s a trust issue. They grow up in a community where disproportionately they or their family members have been singled out and enforced at a higher level, and it increases the distrust and dislike of the system.” -Police “Unfortunately, a lot of the things that the police do are stat-driven, so we are going into areas or neighborhoods where there is a lot of gun violence, there are a lot of shots fired, there’s assaults and that type of thing, and so those are the things that we are there for. And a lot of times, it’s people within their own community that are calling the police and giving the description of so-and-so, or this-and-that. And then that’s what the police have to work with.” -Police
							“The police have been over-policing people. They’ve created a system of oppression that at some point there’s a break of: ‘I trust this system, I’m gonna respect this system and there’s just the reality.’ I think that’s where the violence is. It’s the everyday intentional policing that creates the culture.” -Key staff
							“…even the white kids, they steal radios, and they do things like that, but it’s not going to be looked at as hard as you would at the African American kids, because right away it’s like, ‘yeah they are up to something.’” -Parent
3. Community members fear and distrust police	14	X	X		X	X	“The police officer at my school took a bunch of kids ice fishing. … I wasn’t allowed to go. My mom did not ... That’s when my mom was scared. She did not want me to go with a police officer, she did not trust him.” -Youth
							“What sucks is…we’ll build these relationships with these kids, but their parents, and their friends, and their relatives may have had a bad experience in the past with police. So I’ve seen people tell their kids not to talk to the police. I’ve seen people tell their kids that we are murderers. I’ve kids tell me that, ‘Oh, my mom said that you are just going to shoot me, so I should not talk to you.’ When that comes out of a kids mouth, I mean it makes me feel like crap. It’s like, ‘I’m not going to shoot you.’ I do not go around every day wanting to shoot people. I just want to talk to you.” -Police
							“…you have to remember that, say, for instance, if you come to my house to get my brother, and you knock the door down and you tear my house apart, and I’m the little brother or the little sister, you have already created now the next generation of children that are afraid of you and hate you.” -Key staff
							“…I think that within the African American culture, they do not trust the police and so there’s an immediate distrust between African American, particularly males, and the police. I know that with my students, they will talk about it and it’s always kind of like hushed when they talk about the police. They just, they have a different reaction about police than, certainly, than white people do.” -Educator
4. Police fear and distrust community members	6	X	X	X			“… they are probably scared of us. So them being scared causes them to act out like that. Causes them to do stuff they should not do as officers of the law. … I mean, they kill people. They be so nervous, and having that gun on their side make them feel like they got a little more power than the next person. And I know that that gun can change somebody life, let alone take somebody life.” -Youth
							“Assaults on officers have increased. …officers are also extremely cautious now because as I told you earlier, there’s a lot of guns out there. I’ve got 11, 12, 13-year-old kids with firearms. They’re bringing them into school. There’s a lot of replica firearms and you cannot tell as a police officer in a rapidly-evolving event whether that’s a real gun or not. … It’s difficult when you are confronted with that. Officers often are talking to kids over the back of their gun and taking them at gunpoint because of this kind of stuff. These guys are shooting at each other, they are willing also to take shots at us.” -Police
							“If it was one or two incidents, then that’s one thing, but patterning teaches us something. It teaches us that something is wrong. And so they have a pattern of killing us. And they do not think nothing wrong with it. What’s the cause? Big fear of us.” -Parent
5. Youth disobey laws, talk back to police, and resist arrest	13	X	X	X		X	“I think it’s a mix of maybe African American boys aren’t getting taught maybe how to communicate with the police, and they have some type of ... anger towards police because they see this violence going on, and then when they have an interaction with a police officer, they are acting like that’s happened to them. … Some of the kids are just really hesitant in even talking to them. They’re just like ... Excuse my language, but they are kinda assholes towards ‘em.” -Youth
							“…trying to get people to comply with orders. You know, car chases, you put your lights and siren on, try to get somebody to stop and they do not stop. They decide to take off at a high rate of speed and drive like a wild man through an urban area. They’re going to kill somebody. Same thing when you are trying to stop them, they are often fleeing or many times they want to fight you, and if there’s a group of them, they’ll fight you.” -Police
							“But with the fear process to that, I look at it now like the police just scared of the youth as the youth are scared of them. And the youth really ain’t scared of them. They think that as, ‘Oh man, I got another notch on my belt. I just chastised the police. You know what I’m saying, I ain’t gonna get chumped off because of no police.’” -Parent
							“I think that sometimes the kids will escalate situations and the police officers do not understand where they are coming from. It’s a lot different from me, if a kid tells me, ‘F off,’ I hate to say it, but I’m kind of used to it, you know? And it does not escalate me, but if there’s a cop who’s not used to that kind of thing or not expecting that kind of thing, it might turn into something bigger than it would if they said it to me.” -Educator
6. Socioeconomic conditions	17	X	X		X	X	“Looking for guidance, youth go ... They have to look to the streets for it because they are not getting that at home. Then when they go to the streets for it, it’s nothing but negativity. It’s guns, and drugs and that’s what they grow up with.” -Youth
							“Yeah, so you have big areas that are completely deteriorating. … So I’d say when you put ... when you have blocks and blocks of rented places, and transient people, that are just really in survival mode because of all the different stresses in their life, it’s just a recipe for disaster.” -Police
							“I see the absence of parents…and the lack of activities for young people, lack of jobs or employment for young people. So I think that that triple type of difficulties allow easier…for gangs to develop.” -Key staff
							“When you look at the demographics of north Minneapolis, you see historic segregation. You see historically-rooted systems of oppression. You see poverty concentrated. You see unemployment concentrated. You see all of the things that are the markers of oppression that we tend to kind of dismiss as societal conditions without spending a lot of time as a general public really diving into the root causes.” -Educator

Counts are the total number of participants whose comments reflected a theme at least once

All stakeholder groups except for police officers commented that police lacked a connection with the predominantly black communities in which they served (n = 10). Participants said that a majority of officers in their community were not from the area, did not look like them, and did not attempt to genuinely relate to community members. In addition, many stakeholders commented that racism among police officers and over-policing of black communities were contributors to violent encounters between police and young black men (n = 23). Participants expressed that police were more likely to view black men than other citizens with suspicion, trepidation, or outright fear. Statements regarding racism were often closely linked with participants’ concerns that officers lacked a connection with their community and were over-policing. Different stakeholders, including one police officer, said that predominantly black communities were disproportionately and more harshly policed than other communities. When describing over-policing, one staff member said:

The over-policing thing I think is a very national thing, but it’s also very prevalent in the east side. … I mean I can’t go anywhere without thinking I’m about to get pulled over. There’s police officers everywhere, so there’s a level of paranoia and tension that just exists there. It’s all rooted in the idea that you need more cops there to prevent crime when the reality is you could put all those cops in Minnetonka and get the same amount of tickets.

Many stakeholders across groups, including young black men and police officers, identified the distrust and fear felt by community members (i.e., black residents living in predominantly black neighborhoods) towards law enforcement as an important cause of violent encounters (n = 14). Further, participants explained how distrust and fear could lead young black men to flee from police or resist arrest. A small number of participants observed that officers were afraid, and that this fear contributed to violence towards young black men (n = 6). Police described officers’ distrust of black youth due to the prevalence of firearms.

Young black men, as well as some parents, police, and educators, expressed the sentiment that defiant or disobedient behavior from youth when interacting with police was a cause of violent encounters (n = 13). Defiant and disobedient behavior was often seen to be the result of anger in response to events experienced by one’s family and community; youth may have seen or heard of a family member or friend who was harmed by police, watched their father being arrested, or learned from others not to obey law enforcement. Community members’ distrust and fear of police, as well as defiant and aggressive behavior on the part of youth, were perceived not only as causes of violent encounters, but also as symptoms of over-policing and accumulated negative experiences. Both police and young black men, in particular, noted that parents and other members of their community (e.g., friends, neighbors) may encourage youth to not trust police out of fear or suspicion.

Several people named various socioeconomic conditions as contributors to violent encounters, as well (n = 17). These conditions included a lack of employment opportunities, poor housing, and lack of basic necessities (e.g., food). Participants described how these conditions led to anger or frustration among youth, as well as greater amounts of unstructured time outside of school where youth could become involved in activities that might put them in contact with police. Segregation of communities by income, employment, and race was also viewed as a cause of violent encounters; segregation was viewed as an indicator of wider structural racism.

There were notable differences among key informant stakeholder groups’ perceptions of the causes of violent encounters between police and young black men. While one police officer stated that over-policing in law enforcement was a cause of violent encounters, none from this stakeholder group pointed to a lack of connection with black communities or explicit racism as causes. Parents did not mention socioeconomic conditions, nor fear and distrust from community members, as causes of violent encounters; perceived causes from this stakeholder group focused more on behaviors of youth and police officers.

Descriptions of Police

Key themes related to perceptions of police are summarized in Table 3, along with the number of participants whose comments reflected each theme at least once, stakeholder groups whose collective comments reflected the theme at least once, and sample quotes. Overall, one third of participants described the police in positive terms. Several participants in law enforcement, youth-serving organizations, and education stated that police officers have a strong work ethic (n = 13). Along with providing descriptions of police as having a strong work ethic, some participants also noted that police are overtaxed with work. Young black men, police officers, and educators commented on the genuine concern that police have for others (n = 3). Police officers and educators observed that the way in which officers interact with community members can sometimes seem harsh, potentially masking their good intentions.

Table 3.

What words would you use to describe the police in North Minneapolis or the East Side of Saint Paul?

Themes	Count	Youth	Police	Parents	Staff	Educators	Quotes
Describing police		X	X	X	X	X
1. Statements described good work ethic from all or some officers	13		X		X	X	“They’re dedicated, they are tough, they are hard workers, they are good cops. They know what they are doing. They show up day in, day out, doing their job, in tough situations, but they keep coming back. ... It’s the busiest precinct in the city. They have the most shootings in the city. The cops pull the most guns off of the street than any other precinct…” -Police
							“I would say that some are very hard working. I would say some are very honest I would say some are very well intentioned. And then I would say that there are some that I have a hard time sitting across the table from, being in the same space just makes me want to be violently ill. So it’s really mixed.” -Key staff
							“From the ones I know that I’ve had communication with and contact with are the ones that are resource officers in the building, and those guys work very hard. They really try to get to know the kids that we have in our school and they really try to connect with them. They’re basically teachers, they are just outside the classroom.” -Educator
2. Statements described police as having concern for others	3	X	X			X	“I’ll say, here on the East side, they are pretty fair. They try to get to know you, try to help you out before they have to do anything like assault or anything, they’ll try to help you out before doing anything.” -Youth
							“I think police officers can come off like they do not care, can come off as being condescending or disrespectful, but what people do not realize is that, yeah, after they are done with you, there’s three, four, five other calls that they are going to have to take. ... I would say the majority of police officers do care, it’s just that time constraint can get in the way.” -Police
							“The police officers we have had in the school have all been professional, firm, caring, truly caring about kids, the ones who work, that I’ve worked with here, they truly care, but they are firm. They are police officers.” -Educator
3. Statements described police as aggressive or racist	19	X	X	X	X	X	“They just racist and then they just be racist and they’ll just mess with you the whole time. After you finally get in a system, they write your name. They will just keep messing with you, keep messing with you. Just do not stop for nothing.” -Youth
							“I think maybe a little more aggressive. I think the officers are a little more aggressive [than other cities], not recently but in general.” -Police
							“They do not come in with the gratitude of a servant, they do not come in with the mindset of, ‘I’m going to serve you, how can I help you?’ They come in with a mindset of, ‘I’m big and bad now and you know it. If you ever challenge that in any type of way, not only do I have to prove to you that I’m big and bad because now my insecurities are hurt and now my pride is pinched but I have to prove to everybody else around you that just saw that [challenge to my authority], that I’m big and bad because now they are not going to be scared of me.’” -Key staff
							“I would say there are some who I think are decent people, decent cops. I think, unfortunately, the majority of them are honestly racist Nazis. Those may be some harsh words, but that’s just how it is.” -Educator

Counts are the total number of participants whose comments reflected a theme at least once

Participants also described police in negative terms. Negative comments focused on the aggressive behavior and seemingly racist attitudes of police officers (n = 19). Several participants distinguished between officers who were firm and officers who were aggressive. For some participants, an aggressive officer was someone who is unrelenting in their policing to the point of becoming abusive (e.g., harassing youth, stopping youth for no apparent reason). Some participants highlighted the power imbalance between police and youth, noting that police may have an ego and desire to act “big and bad.” A parent explained:

I would say they are ... not majority of them, but they are rude. Some of them are ignorant. Some of them have egos. Some of them got this thing where I’m the big guy and you the little you. They are a culture that...they see us but they don’t see us. And that’s terrifying. They see me, but they really don’t see who [I am] because I’m not ... to them, I’m not nobody.

Perceptions of police varied across stakeholder groups and were often mixed. In general, police were more likely than other stakeholder groups to describe the police in positive terms (n = 11; not shown in table), while young black men (n = 7) and staff of youth-serving organizations (n = 6) tended to describe police officers in negative terms. A couple of young black men (n = 2) mentioned that some officers demonstrated care and concern for them. Participants from all stakeholder groups described racism and aggressive behavior at the hands of officers; however, police officers focused more on aggressive behavior than the racism of police officers.

Descriptions of Interactions between Police and Young Black Men

Table 4 shows how different stakeholders described common interactions between police and young black men in their communities. Many participants felt that interactions between the two groups were largely negative. Negative interactions were described as the result of racism or prejudice (n = 10), as well as violence or abuse of power (n = 5) by police officers. Participants commented that police not only target black males, but also use physical violence during their interactions. Violent interactions involving physical harm were often described as unprovoked and occurring whether or not an arrest was being made.

Table 4.

How would you describe the experiences of African American males with the police in North Minneapolis or the East Side of St. Paul?

Themes	Count	Youth	Police	Parents	Staff	Educators	Quotes
Negative interactions		X	X	X	X	X
1. Negative interactions are due to the racism and prejudice of police officers	10	X	X	X	X	X	“It’s still a racism thing in the middle of it, when it all boils down to the black and white, or the youth and the police thing. They can come together as long as they want to, but it’s still going to be a racism thing. They can get cool with each other, and stop all the shooting, stop all of that. It can all stop, but it’s still going to be a racism thing because some people just do not like other people or other people’s skin color.” -Youth
							“And then you deal with like, let us say a cop that’s never raised a teenager. So you have a normal kid who could be boisterous or hostile and is just a normal teen, but then he’s black and lives in this neighborhood, so there could be many assumptions made on both the black kids and the cops. Biases. You know, obviously just implicit bias.” -Police
							“We’re stereotyped. Once you are stereotyped, that’s the first strike against you. ... If you look like the thing, what they think a criminal looks like, then you are already lost, you know? And then if you do not have the right way to express yourself to them, if you are not smart enough, or have the intelligence enough to be able to talk to them the way they would like you to, that’s another strike against you. So now you are just closer and closer to being this person that I want you to be in my mind.” -Parent
							“…I have one friend that three times on the way to work from her neighborhood to where she goes to work has been pulled over for no reason other than she’s dark skinned. And she’s really dark skinned. She is the most square person you’d ever want to meet. She is a Jehovah Witness, she comes to work early, she leaves on time, she’s so professional. Three times.” -Key staff
							“One of the African American boys in the class said, ‘Look. I play by all the rules. Look at how I dress. My pants are at my waist.’ He said, ‘I wear a Pea Coat, for crying out loud,’ and he said, ‘When I walk by a police officer, I’m terrified, and I play by the rules. So do not say, ‘Just pull up your pants already,’ it’s not about that.’” -Educator
2. Negative interactions are due to violence at the hands of police officers	5	X		X	X	X	“When they not fighting back, the police still yank on them and stuff like that. And I guess black people do not like that. They just be yanking on us to arrest us, and stuff like that. Just feel like if you are not fighting back, they should not handle you in a disrespectful way that you should not be handled.” -Youth
							“Police violence is my main [concern]. It’s my main one, because these are the ones that are supposed to protect us, but yet we cannot depend on them to protect us, if we call them for help somehow we turn out to become the aggressor and we end up going to jail.” -Parent
							“I get stories from guys talking about how badly they got beat up over there. It’s caught in the alley, and just beat up. No particular reason, and then when I, they would tell me that, and I’d say, ‘Let us talk to the chief about that,’ and they’d say, ‘Sure.’ But they never show up when I get the chief here, because they, in their minds, it’s a gang of blue, and it could be something [where] they’d lose their life.” -Key staff
							“This ever-present fear of threat to themselves I think is very real, and that is a degree of violence that exists that is not just physical. I mean, that’s a very psychological level of violence. Even when they play by the so-called rules, they do not feel like that is enough to protect them from what might happen to them.” -Educator
Positive interactions		X	X		X	X
1. Police have developed and maintained good relationships with the communities they serve, and are trusted	8	X	X		X	X	“…like when rec centers have these little events the police will stop by and talk to them and work with all the kids and stuff, have fun with the kids. Because during, through August we have summer safe nights and … that’s when they just come and chill, talk to the people, have fun, help out with everything.” -Youth
							“Certain officers I can ask them about a gentleman, find out if he’s got warrants, get him some help and turn him in without getting him arrested. It’s a better situation.” -Key staff
							“Any experience that I have heard about, has been pretty positive. My students have not ended up being arrested, my students have not ended up being roughed up. Nothing like that. There is still a definite discomfort when they have to interact with the police, they do not want to, and I think there’s definitely distrust.” -Educator
2. While the vast majority of interactions are positive, the media focuses on negative interactions	5		X				“I wish I could sit here and tell you all the good things that are going on…but a lot of them are just behind the scenes. Nobody knows that they are going on. You just hear about the controversy because it sells. It really sells in the media. When it’s the white cop and the black youth and it’s a shooting, man that’s controversy, that’s what sells. Everybody wants to cover it.” -Police
Mixed interactions
1. Positive interactions take place, but community members remain fearful	9	X	X	X		X	“It’s a bit of mixed experiences because we have a lot of ... besides the violence, we have a lot of public events where the police will be at. They have a ... It’ll be a big SWAT truck with stuff the kids can look at, and a vest that the kids can put on, their helmets and stuff like that, they are always there. Or we have police in the schools that are ... they are pretty cool the majority of the time. Yeah, so it’s mixed.” -Youth
							“I think it’s kind of hit or miss. This is the example I can use. We’ll drive past a group of kids, and we’ll always wave. Probably 70% of the time, they’ll wave back. So that’s good. 25% of the time, they’ll…flip us off. Again, I’ll take 75% waving as a good thing.” -Police
							“I’ve heard guys tell me that they ran into a cop that was actually decent. Regardless of what the situation was, they treated them like a human being and that meant the world to them. Granted, they still did not trust them all the way, but to be treated like a human being by someone your whole life that has been treating you like everything but a human being, does volumes.” -Parent
							“I think it’s always on edge. I think even when it looks comfortable, I think it’s still prickly for lack of a better way of describing it. There’s just a heightened awareness of what might happen, an edginess. I’ve seen some positive interactions, so I do not think that they do not exist…” -Educator

Counts are the total number of participants whose comments reflected a theme at least once

Participants also described interactions with police as positive, or a mixture of both positive and negative. Positive interactions were usually described in the context of police hosting events or performing less aggressive policing. These actions were often linked with officers developing relationships with community members, getting to know people, and de-escalating rather than escalating encounters. Positive interactions were thought to stem from officers maintaining strong relationships with people who they interact with regularly (n = 8). One police officer said:

We have cops that have worked the north side for years, and people know who they are, and they respect these officers. The officers, they have a good rapport with some of the community members, and they can come in, and they know how to work with people and calm the situation down.

Differences in perceptions across stakeholder groups were most striking with respect to interactions with police. Staff of youth-service organizations were more likely than other stakeholder groups to describe interactions between police and black males as negative. Police were more likely than other stakeholder groups to describe interactions between police and young black men as positive. Participants from all stakeholder groups recognized positive interactions between police and black males, but parents and educators noted that these interactions are often tinged with a sense of wariness. Additionally, participants across all stakeholder groups noted that despite positive interactions due to police-led events, fear and distrust of law enforcement remained present among community members. Several police officers argued that most interactions between police and black males were positive in nature, but that negative interactions covered by news media tended to overshadow positive ones (n = 5).

Discussion

Our study examined perceptions of the causes of violent encounters between police and young black men from the perspective of five key stakeholder groups—young black men, police officers, parents, educations, and staff from youth-serving organizations. To our knowledge, our study is the first to do so. We found several similarities in perceptions regarding the causes of violent encounters, attitudes regarding local law enforcement officers, and experiences with police among key stakeholder groups. Thus, we were able to identify some areas of consensus among stakeholder groups which may serve as a starting point for initiating further dialog, collaboration, and community action. We also found important differences in perceptions across stakeholder groups, especially between police officers and other stakeholders. The “disconnect” between the perceptions of police officers and the communities they serve must be addressed if future efforts to reduce violent encounters between police and young black men are to be successful.

In contrast with other stakeholder groups, police officers did not believe that violence initiated by law enforcement officers was a cause of negative interactions with young black men. Officers were also the only stakeholder group to express that positive interactions between law enforcement and young black men are underreported by news media, causing an overall negative perception of their law enforcement behavior among media consumers. All stakeholder groups except for police thought that a major cause of violent encounters was police lacking a connection with the predominantly black communities in which they serve. These themes illustrate key stakeholder differences in perceptions of the nature and causes of police-youth violence.

There are several reasons why police may not have articulated that police initiation of violence was a cause of negative interactions between police and young black men. Fear may color perceptions of which groups are vulnerable to or at risk for becoming a victim of violence and which groups are perpetrators. During interviews, police described their display of guns in policing situations as a rational response to youth possessing firearms and even replica firearms in rapidly evolving situations that had the potential to place the lives of officers at risk. It is possible, and perhaps even likely, that such responses are motivated by fear. Another reason that police officers may not have articulated that police initiation of violence is a cause of negative interactions with young black men is that officers felt that the majority of encounters between law enforcement and young black men are positive. Some police participants felt that negative interactions instigated by police were rare, and that a lack of compliance on the part of youth caused encounters to escalate into potentially violent situations.

In contrast to views expressed by other stakeholder groups, police officers felt that they were connected to the communities they served, particularly through youth programs. One reason for these differing perspectives may be that community outreach efforts and events hosted by the police are too infrequent to build strong relationships with community members. Battle of the Badges, for example, is an event that brings officers and community members in North Minneapolis together to build positive relationships through a BBQ rib cook-off. However, this event only occurs once annually. Other efforts to connect with communities, such as Bike Cops for Kids (a program in which officers provide free bicycles and helmets to youth), have limited staff resources and are spread throughout the entirety of Minneapolis rather than focusing on a single community or neighborhood where violent incidents are more likely to occur. In addition, current outreach events may be more likely to reach children and younger adolescents rather than older adolescents and young black men.

In recent years, some programs have attempted to develop relationships and trust between police and youth in more consistent and sustained ways. For example, other major cities (e.g., Houston, Texas; Chicago, Illinois) have implemented the Teen and Police Service Academy Center (TAPS). TAPS offers an 11-week program in which police officers mentor at-risk youth and engage in conversations around conflict, truancy, drugs and alcohol, and bullying. In Minneapolis, the Police Activities League (PAL) offers organized sports and other activities free-of-charge to youth, with police officers serving as coaches and mentors. These and other similar types of programs that connect police and youth may serve as potential examples of the types of programs that are helpful in addressing police-youth violence.

All stakeholder groups, including police, discussed fear and distrust as causes of violent encounters, primarily fear of physical harm resulting from the accumulation of past events respondents had personally experienced or heard about from family, friends, or colleagues. One stakeholder expressed this fear as “ever-present.” Across stakeholder groups, descriptions of positive interactions between community members and police were often seen as the result of established relationships characterized by trust. Several participants observed that despite police-led efforts to connect with community members—and youth, in particular—racism and the perceived lingering threat of violence were barriers to developing connections. Interestingly, both police and youth were cognizant of how violent interactions between police and young black men could taint current efforts to build connections and trust. Police observed that negative experiences with police could lead parents, other relatives, and friends to caution youth that they should avoid talking with police. One youth described a school resource offer who organized an ice fishing trip—a Minnesotan tradition that is as much about bonding as catching fish—and not being allowed to go because his mother did not trust the police officer to ensure her son’s safety.

Overall, differences in perceptions of causes of violent interactions held by police and youth are consistent with another study of police and community perceptions by Barthelemy et al. [22]. In the present study, there was agreement on some of the causes of violence and negative encounters between police and community members (e.g., fear and distrust of police, racism, and over-policing), but disagreement on others (e.g., a lack of connection between police and black communities). Our findings also complement previous studies that have shown largely negative attitudes towards police on the part of black male youth [13, 35]. However, in contrast to past studies, we found that some young black men described police in positive ways and recounted amicable interactions. In addition, our study contributes perspectives from stakeholder groups not typically included in research on this topic (e.g., educators, key staff members of youth-serving organizations).

Limitations

This study has several limitations. While our sample size is appropriate for a qualitative study, the experiences of participants may not be generalizable beyond our two study communities. Future research should recruit a larger sample of participants from a larger pool of communities and include different community types besides large metropolitan areas. In addition, our data are self-report; thus, participant perspectives on the nature of interactions between police and young black men may be influenced by other factors (e.g., their own experiences with police, race/ethnicity, gender). There may also be other important stakeholder groups not included in our study. Future research may consider including additional stakeholder groups that could play an important role in collaborative prevention and intervention efforts (e.g., healthcare professionals, local officials, policy makers). Finally, some of our participants were members of multiple stakeholder groups, yet were only categorized into one group for the purposes of our study. For example, some educators were also parents of young black men. Being part of multiple stakeholder groups may have influenced perceptions in different ways than being part of only one stakeholder group. While future studies could attempt to restrict participants to only those who occupy one stakeholder group, such a restriction may be less reflective of lived experience.

Despite these limitations, our findings have several important implications for research and prevention work. All participants except police articulated that racism played an important role in violent encounters between police and young black men. Given the body of evidence showing that prejudice does play a role in how police interact with young black men [36–38], more attention is needed to address racial bias among police. This includes interventions targeting both implicit racism (unconscious attitudes and stereotypes based on race) and explicit racism, which work together and affect how law enforcement interacts with communities of color [39]. Increasing self-recognition of prejudice and racism among law enforcement as a cause of violent encounters could help connect different stakeholder groups to collaborate on prevention efforts and help police to understand the perspectives of other stakeholder groups.

Distrust was also perceived as an important contributor to police-youth violence. Prevention efforts should focus on building mutual trust to reduce violent encounters. Ideally, efforts to develop trust will involve collaborative work across multiple stakeholder groups—including city agencies (e.g., police departments, parks, and recreation departments) and community organizations. Opportunities for more positive interactions, including officers regularly visiting recreation centers or public outreach events, will be essential. Having the same officers consistently visit the same places and develop a rapport with community members will be ideal for building trust, rather than having different officers visit each time. Distrust may be an important barrier to positive interactions, but recognition of mutual distrust and corresponding responses within law enforcement (e.g., racism and over-policing) may facilitate collaboration and understanding of different perspectives across stakeholder groups.

Our findings suggest that understanding how various stakeholder groups view the issue of violent encounters between police and young black men is critical to developing collaborative violence prevention efforts, rather than efforts that may work in opposition to one another and inhibit progress. We identified several areas where stakeholders may find common ground to guide future violence prevention areas, such as a need to address aggressive and over-policing, build mutual trust, and address racial prejudice within law enforcement. We also found important differences in the perceptions of police and the communities they serve. These differences must be addressed if future violence prevention efforts are to be successful.

Conclusion

This study examined perspectives of the causes of violent encounters between police and young black men, perceptions of local law enforcement officers, and experiences with police among key stakeholder groups in Minneapolis and Saint Paul, Minnesota. Results from this study highlight divergent perspectives across different stakeholder groups concerning the issue of police-youth violence, but also areas of common ground that are fruitful for collaboration. Insights from this study may be informative to violence prevention organizations and groups concerned about violence among youth, particularly violent encounters between police and young black men. Organizations may wish to identify potential partners for prevention efforts and prepare for disagreements that may come from working with different stakeholder groups. The present findings aid in understanding diverse perspectives among key stakeholders who can directly impact the health and well-being of young African American men, particularly if they work together in efforts to reduce violence.

Compliance with Ethical Standards

All study procedures were approved by the University of Minnesota Institutional Review Board.