Skip to main content
NCBI home page
NIHPA Author Manuscripts logoLink to NIHPA Author Manuscripts
. Author manuscript; available in PMC: 2021 May 19.
Published in final edited form as: Mass Commun Soc. 2019 Oct 28;23(2):206–229. doi: 10.1080/15205436.2019.1682169

Latina Teens’ Identification with and Social Comparison to Mothers on Teen Mom

Nicky Lewis 1, Anne E Norris 2, Nicole Martins 3
PMCID: PMC8133374  NIHMSID: NIHMS1699340  PMID: 34017219

Abstract

A survey was conducted with low income Latina teens (M = 13.31 years of age) to examine the ways in which exposure, identification with, and social comparison to teen mothers featured on the MTV program Teen Mom influenced attitudes toward teen pregnancy. Analyses revealed that those who identified with and looked up to the teen mothers on Teen Mom were less likely to think getting pregnant would be embarrassing, a terrible event, or prevent them from achieving their dreams. The identification and upward social comparison processes observed here extend those observed in previous research across ethnic, income, and cultural differences. Implications regarding the potentially negative effects of portrayals of teen motherhood on Teen Mom are discussed.

Teen pregnancy is a longstanding public health issue, especially in the United States, where the teen pregnancy rate is considerably higher than in other western countries (Sedgh, Finer, Bankole, Eilers, & Singh, 2015). Furthermore, the teen pregnancy rate in the United States consistently varies along racial, ethnic, and geographic lines (Romero et al., 2016) and teen birth rates for Hispanic and Latina teens were more than double that of White teens in 2017. There are a variety of negative social and economic outcomes associated with teen parenthood, including a greater likelihood of dropping out of high school for mothers (Maynard & Hoffman, 2008; Perper, Peterson, & Manlove, 2010), lower earned employment income for fathers (Brien & Willis, 2008) and more health complications for children (Hoffman, 2008). Accordingly, a variety of approaches to prevent teen pregnancy have been employed by schools, community centres, churches, and clinics across the country (CDC, 2019).1

Of concern is the exacerbating influence mass media content, such as teen mom reality programming, may have on teen pregnancy due to its impact on pregnancy-related attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors (e.g., Aubrey, Behm-Morawitz, & Kim, 2014; Martins & Jensen, 2014; Wright, Randall, & Arroyo, 2013). The teen mom franchise of reality television programming on MTV has been a ratings juggernaut ever since the first episode of 16 and Pregnant aired in 2009. Since then, a series of spinoffs have sustained the franchise’s popularity, which have included the programs Teen Mom, Teen Mom 2, Teen Mom 3, Teen Mom UK, and Teen Mom: Young and Pregnant. This subgenre of reality programming has expanded to other cable networks such as TLC, which recently aired its second season of Unexpected. Because they claim to portray the real trials and tribulations of being a young mother, several of these programs have partnered with pregnancy prevention organizations in their outreach. TLC partnered with Power to Decide, a campaign to prevent unplanned pregnancy (Malone, 2018) and declared that Unexpected can help viewers have healthy conversations about sex and relationships. In 2009, 16 and Pregnant was credited for the drop in teen pregnancy rates by The National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy (Dinh, 2010).2

Despite some of the public crediting this subgenre of reality programming as having a deterrent effect on teen pregnancy (Kearney & Levine, 2015), there is increasing evidence that teen mom programming affects audiences’ attitudes toward teen pregnancy and beliefs about being a teen mother in the opposite direction. In fact, this type of programming may actually encourage positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy (Aubrey et al., 2014; Martins & Jensen, 2014; Martins, Malacane, Lewis, & Kraus, 2016). These findings become more troubling considering that teen mom programming targets young audiences most at risk for teen pregnancy.

To this point, existing research on this topic has largely centred on the effects of teen mom programming on White viewers. Examinations of these programs’ effects on minority populations, who have higher rates of teen pregnancy (Martin, Hamilton, Osterman, Driscoll, & Drake, 2018), are lacking. The current study overcomes this limitation by addressing the effects of exposure, identification with, and social comparison to teen mothers featured on teen mom programming using a sample of low income Latina teen viewers. The overarching goals of this study are to both contribute to existing research in this area and more importantly, to better understand the identification and social comparison processes associated with the teen mothers featured on teen mom programming and how those processes might affect attitudes toward teen pregnancy among this high-risk population.

TEEN MOM PROGRAMMING AND CULTIVATION

To date, the perspectives of cultivation theory, entertainment-education, and social learning theory have been used to examine attitudes and beliefs toward teen pregnancy as a result of exposure to teen mom programming (e.g., Aubrey et al., 2014; Martins & Jensen, 2014; Martins et al., 2016). These frameworks are related in that they all suggest that exposure to teen mom programming should influence attitudes toward teen pregnancy, but in potentially different ways. Cultivation theory (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1986) proposes that television exposure works to shape one’s view of social reality. That is, the more television one watches, the more likely that individual is to perceive the real world as similar to the way it exists on television. Gerbner (1998) argued television to be a centralized system of storytelling that cultivates certain beliefs and attitudes toward the world. Accordingly, the cultivation hypothesis has been tested in a variety of ways, including investigating how television exposure influences our perceptions of violence (Potter, 1993) and fears about crime (Morgan & Shanahan, 2010).

Since cultivation theory’s first development, a major critique involves its emphasis on overall exposure to television as compared to exposure to specific genres or channels of content (Morgan & Shanahan, 2010; Potter, 1993). There is now evidence that strong cultivation effects can emerge after exposure to specific genres of television and more specifically, reality television – of which teen mom programming is a part of (Ferris, Smith, Greenberg, & Smith, 2007; Martins & Jensen, 2014; Ward & Carlson, 2013). In all, this would suggest that exposure to teen mom programming should have subsequent effects on attitudes toward teen pregnancy, depending on the ways in which teen pregnancy is depicted in these programs. As this area of research developed, exposure to teen mom programming was measured by researchers in several different ways. Martins and Jensen (2014) examined the effects of overall exposure to the MTV programs 16 and Pregnant, Teen Mom, and Teen Mom 2. Other scholars have examined the effects of exposure to 16 and Pregnant alone (Aubrey et al., 2014; Behm-Morawitz, Aubrey, Pennell, & Kim, 2017; Wright et al., 2013).

To this point, there is evidence that teen pregnancy is portrayed differently in MTV’s 16 and Pregnant as compared to MTV’s Teen Mom. In its original concept, 16 and Pregnant documented one teenage mother per episode. It followed her throughout her pregnancy and in the few weeks after the child was born. Teen Mom, however, chose a select few of the mothers featured on 16 and Pregnant and continued to document the mothers in the months and years that followed their pregnancies. Over time, the mothers featured on Teen Mom experienced a dramatic increase in their celebrity and presence in popular culture, and most importantly, in their income. One of the featured mothers, Jenelle Evans, was reported in court documents as receiving a $400,000 salary from Viacom (MTV’s parent company) in 2018 alone (Mullaney, 2019). Clearly, the mothers featured on Teen Mom were no longer representative of the average teenage mother and researchers began to examine the effects of these portrayals on audiences.

Accordingly, Martins et al. (2016) found that 16 and Pregnant showed more of the actual consequences associated with teen pregnancy as compared to the spinoffs of Teen Mom and Teen Mom 2. Thus, it was concluded that Teen Mom and Teen Mom 2 portrayed an unrealistic view of teen pregnancy, where the mothers were more likely to achieve a high school diploma or GED and have the ability to live alone compared to national averages. The mothers on Teen Mom and Teen Mom 2 were also less likely to lament their current situation as compared to the ones on 16 and Pregnant, which significantly downplayed the impact teen pregnancy can have on one’s life. In all, representations of teen pregnancy on Teen Mom and Teen Mom 2 were generally more positive (and less realistic) than the way that teen pregnancy often occurs in the real world according to national averages. Considering this and in line with cultivation theory, heavy exposure to Teen Mom should elicit more positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy because the real world negative consequences of teen pregnancy are generally not shown on this program. As this study focuses specifically on the effects of Teen Mom and not 16 and Pregnant, the first hypothesis was developed as a replication of previous research:

  • H1:

    Heavy viewers of Teen Mom will be more likely than light viewers of Teen Mom to have positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy.

SOCIAL LEARNING, IDENTIFICATION, AND SOCIAL COMPARISON IN TEEN MOM

It is also important to further consider the differences between these two programs (16 and Pregnant vs. the Teen Mom spinoffs) when examining their effects through the lens of social learning theory (Bandura, 2009). Social learning theory suggests that individuals gain knowledge by observing others, both in real life and in media. This process is called vicarious learning. The outcomes of behaviors observed (often discussed in terms of rewards or punishments) influence whether or not the behaviors will be modeled in the real world. Observers are more likely to model behaviors that are rewarded as compared to behaviors that are punished. Thus, if Teen Mom portrays the outcomes associated with teen pregnancy in a more positive (and less realistic) way than the way that outcomes associated with teen pregnancy occur in the real world, this would foster more positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy.

Another key difference between 16 and Pregnant and the Teen Mom spinoffs is the presence or absence of pregnancy prevention messages in the episodes. This relates to the entertainment-education perspective (Moyer-Gusé, 2008), which posits that entertainment content containing prosocial messages can influence subsequent attitudes and behaviors. 16 and Pregnant has been identified as entertainment-education because it was developed in collaboration with The National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy (Dinh, 2010) and contains explicit pregnancy prevention messages in the episodes (i.e., bumpers that tell viewers where they can get more information about their sexual health). Alternatively, the Teen Mom spinoffs do not contain pregnancy prevention messaging and instead follow the young mothers after their pregnancies as they go on to obtain high school degrees, move into apartments, and continue their social lives (Martins et al., 2016).

Identification with the teen mothers on Teen Mom is another key factor to consider. Identification with media characters has been examined in a variety of domains, including entertainment television (e.g., Hoffner & Buchanan, 2005) and video games (e.g., Van Looy, Courtois, De Vocht, & De Marez, 2012). Cohen (2001) defined identification as a process of imagining oneself as both being the character and sharing the perspectives of that character. Those who highly identify with media characters are more likely to align themselves with the characters’ goals (Oatley, 1995) and less likely to question the character’s decisions or risky behaviors (Moyer-Gusé, 2008). When highly identifying with teen mothers on teen mom programming, viewers are less likely to criticize the characters and content (Fiske, 2011) and are instead more likely to imitate the characters portrayed. Thus, if Teen Mom depicts teen motherhood in unrealistic ways, such as excluding the real consequences of being a teen parent, viewers who identify with the teen mothers should be less critical of them and more likely to adopt their attitudes and imitate their behaviors.

Beyond identification with the teen mothers, it is likely that viewers engage in social comparisons to the teen mothers on Teen Mom. Social comparison theory (Festinger, 1954) posits that individuals have a fundamental drive to make accurate evaluations about themselves. They are able to satisfy that drive through the process of social comparison. Comparing oneself to other people, both in the real world and in media, is often a directional process. That is, individuals can look up to better off others (upward comparison) or look down on worse off others (downward comparison; Wills, 1981). Upward social comparisons are often driven by self-improvement motivations, or a desire to become more like the better off comparison target, while downward social comparisons are driven by self-enhancement motivations, or a desire to distance oneself from the worse off comparison target (Gibbons & Buunk, 1999). Viewers who watch the teen mothers on Teen Mom go on to graduate high school, move into their own apartments, and actively co-parent with the fathers of their children may see this as a desirable way of life and in turn, look up to these characters (upward social comparison). For viewers who see the negative consequences the teen mothers experience on Teen Mom (e.g., lack of a social life, conflicts with family members), they may look down on these characters and pity their situation (downward social comparison).

Recently, Behm-Morawitz et al. (2017) examined identification, parasocial relationships, and homophily in 16 and Pregnant and their effects on attitudes toward teen pregnancy. They found those who had the lowest identification, parasocial relationships, and homophily with the teen mothers had the most negative attitudes toward teen pregnancy. Alternatively, it was only strong homophily with the teen mothers that was associated with more positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy. Thus, Behm-Morawitz et al. extended existing research by assessing identification with the teen mothers as a relevant factor influencing attitudes toward teen pregnancy. Based on these findings, it appears that social psychological processes had a stronger effect on instigating negative attitudes toward teen pregnancy as opposed to positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy. Of course, it is important to again note the differences between 16 and Pregnant and the Teen Mom spinoffs (Martins et al., 2016), in that 16 and Pregnant portrays a more negative view of teen pregnancy than Teen Mom.

Behm-Morawitz et al.’s (2017) study along with other studies in this specific domain (Aubrey et al., 2014; Martins & Jensen, 2014) have seemingly used majority White samples in their efforts. Considering that ethnic identity can have a significant influence on identification and comparison processes (Tajfel, 2010), it is advantageous to extend this line of research using a sample at greater risk for teen pregnancy: low income Latina teens (Martin et al., 2018). Although most teen mothers on teen mom programming are White (Martins et al., 2016), the literature on character identification suggests that those who strongly identify with the mothers on Teen Mom should be likely to subscribe to the teen mothers’ goals (Oatley, 1995) and unlikely to criticize their decisions or behaviors (Fiske, 2011; Moyer-Gusé, 2008).

Similarly, the literature on social comparison (Gibbons & Buunk, 1999) suggests that those who look up to the teen mothers on Teen Mom (upward social comparison) should do so in hopes of becoming more like them. These identification and upward social comparison processes should lend to more positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy. Alternatively, and in line with Behm-Morawitz et al. (2017), viewers who look down on the teen mothers on Teen Mom (downward social comparison) would want to distance themselves from the worse off teen mothers in order to enhance their own self-image. This should lend to more negative attitudes toward teen pregnancy. We would expect these processes to hold with a demographically different sample than those examined in the past. Thus, the following hypotheses are suggested:

  • H2:

    Viewers who strongly identify with the mothers featured on Teen Mom will be more likely to have positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy.

  • H3a:

    Viewers who look up to the mothers featured on Teen Mom will be more likely to have positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy.

  • H3b:

    Viewers who look down on the mothers featured on Teen Mom will be more likely to have negative attitudes toward teen pregnancy.

In addition to examining the influence of exposure, identification, and social comparison on attitudes toward teen pregnancy, we wanted to ask more generally about the relationship between exposure to Teen Mom and identification with and social comparison to the teen mothers. That is, does exposure positively correlate with identification and social comparison? If so, this would suggest that exposure to teen mom programming can increase the social psychological processing of cast members featured within the content. As a result, a research question was proposed:

  • RQ1:

    Is exposure to Teen Mom related to identification with and social comparison to the teen mothers featured on the program?

METHOD

The survey data used for the analyses presented here were collected from the fourth study time point in a larger efficacy trial on an early pregnancy prevention intervention called Mighty Girls.3 The following analyses are limited to only those respondents who reported having heard of Teen Mom and watching it at least sometimes. Study participants were Latina girls enrolled in public schools within the Miami-Dade County (Florida) Public School System (MDCPS) that offered 7th and 8th grade education, had a Latino/Latina/Hispanic enrollment greater than or equal to 60%, and had 50% or greater who qualify for reduced/free lunch.

Procedure

All study procedures were approved by the University of Miami (Florida) Institutional Review Board in 2015 and the study currently remains approved. Recruitment occurred during in-school assemblies of 7th grade girls meeting study criteria during which study staff distributed information packets containing parental consent forms to potential participants. Study packets were also available in the school office for girls who missed the assembly or lost their packet, or from staff for girls who approached staff about participating during study activities. Study staff picked up completed study packets, containing signed parental consent forms, turned in at the school. After parental consent forms were received, study staff contacted parents of potential participants by phone to verify and review elements of informed consent, address any questions parents had, and schedule participants. Informed child assent was obtained at school prior to any study activity.

Surveys were planned for five time points, with time points one (baseline), four, and five (still in progess) occurring approximately one year apart and corresponding to the fall of grades seven, eight, and nine. Survey items related to Teen Mom viewing, pregnancy attitudes and beliefs, identification, and upward and downward social comparison were only included in time points four and five. The survey responses analyzed in this specific study were associated with time point four. Participants completed the survey electronically, using a web link they accessed on a Chromebook computer. All responses were saved remotely to a password-protected server using 128-bit SSL encryption. Prior to beginning the survey, participants were told they were representing girls in Miami-Dade County. Study staff instructed them that once they clicked submit at the end of the survey, they were “just a number in the cloud.”

Participants completed surveys one through four at school, after school, unless they were unable to attend the data collection session. Participants who were unable to attend completed the survey at home using a procedure in which study staff called to establish the participant had privacy and sufficient time to complete the survey, provided a callback number in case there were difficulties, and gave the web link for survey access. Once a participant confirmed access to the survey web page, study staff gave her a number code to access the survey that enabled linking of participant’s data across time points. The phone call ended once a participant reported being able to see the first survey question.

Survey completion time varied from 20 to 45 minutes depending on reading ability and/or follow-up questions resulting from affirmative responses regarding sexual behavior, substance use, and questions related to Teen Mom exposure (surveys four and five only). Response options for sensitive questions (e.g., age one’s period started, sexual behavior), or questions that needed to be answered for the survey to proceed, included the option: “I do not want to answer.” Participants received a $15 gift card and a community service hour for each survey they completed. Participants who completed surveys after school also received a snack and were provided bus service home.

Participants

The efficacy trial initially enrolled 552 girls that met participant inclusion criteria, had valid parental consent, and agreed to provide informed assent themselves. Participant inclusion criteria were: at least one Latino/Latina/Hispanic or Brazilian parent or grandparent, enrolled in grade seven, and English speaking. Exclusion criteria included: ESOL (English for Speakers of Other Languages) level 1, developmental delay, severe hearing, vision, or speech impairment, and lack of parental consent. Being retained in school prior to study enrollment did not exclude a girl from participating. The sample of 552 girls represented 25% of all girls eligible to participate at the 22 study schools.

In all, 75% of the full sample (n = 412) completed the survey at time point four (the focus of this study), but only 204 (50%) had heard of the reality television program Teen Mom and reported watching it at least sometimes. Those who had heard of Teen Mom (n = 204) and those who had not heard of Teen Mom (n = 208) did not differ in country of birth or eligibility for reduced/free lunch. Not surprisingly, those who had heard of Teen Mom reported greater early sexual awareness than those who had not heard of Teen Mom (see Table 1). The following results are limited only to the survey items completed by the 204 participants who had heard of Teen Mom. The majority of these 204 participants were born in the United States (US) mainland (74%) and eligible for reduced/free lunch (92%). The age of this sub-sample at the time of survey four ranged from 12 to 16 (M = 13.31, SD = .75).

TABLE 1.

Immigration, Income, and Early Sexual Awareness Statistics – Teen Mom1

Had Heard of Teen Mom
Yes No
(n = 204) (n = 208) p-value X2/t
US Born 0.28 1.16
 Yes 74% 69%
 No 26% 31%
Reduced Lunch 0.72 0.13
 Yes 92% 93%
 No 8% 7%
Sexual Awareness 0.01 −2.51
Mean (SD) 2.05 (.63) 1.89 (.69)
Open in a new tab

Note. N = 412.

1

Group proportions (i.e., percentages) compared using chi-square test. Group means compared using t-tests.

Predictor Variables

Exposure.

Participants were asked how often they viewed the reality television program Teen Mom. Responses formed a Likert type scale that ranged from 0 (Never) to 4 (Every time it’s on), (M = 1.80, SD = .93). None of these 204 participants reported the 0 (Never) option.

Identification.

Three items adapted from Basil’s (1996) identification with celebrities scale were used to measure identification with the mothers featured on Teen Mom. Items were adapted to ensure participants understood the intended concept and answered using a Likert type scale from 1 (Strongly Disagree) to 4 (Strongly Agree). Items included: “I like the girls on Teen Mom,” “I can easily relate to the girls on Teen Mom,” and “I could see myself being good friends with the girls on Teen Mom.” These items were summed and averaged to create a single score of identification (M = 1.58, SD = .65). Cronbach’s alpha for this measure was .79.

Social Comparison.

Two items were used to assess directional social comparisons to the mothers featured on Teen Mom. They were developed with the study’s specific sample in mind and designed to ensure participants clearly understood the intended concepts. Response options formed a Likert type scale ranging from 1 (Strongly Disagree) to 4 (Strongly Agree). Upward comparison was measured with the following item: “I look up to the girls on Teen Mom” (M = 1.39, SD = .71). Downward social comparison was measured with the following item: “I feel sorry for the girls on Teen Mom” (M = 2.83, SD = 1.00). These items were not significantly correlated, r(195) = .003, p = .96. Of note, upward social comparison is generally associated with looking up to better off others (Gibbons & Buunk, 1999), while downward social comparison is generally associated with looking down on worse off others (Wills, 1981). It was determined that participants would clearly understand the phrase “looking up” to someone, but the phrase “looking down” on someone was not nearly as common in usage. The notion of “feeling sorry for someone” was deemed more appropriate and is associated with downward social comparison in that one feels pity for another’s situation (Smith, 2000). Thus, it was resolved that this phrase would be more familiar to the participants.

Outcome Variable

Attitudes toward Teen Pregnancy.

Attitudes toward teen pregnancy were measured using four items adapted from Brückner, Martin, and Bearman’s (2004) attitudes toward pregnancy scale and were measured on a Likert type scale of 1 (Strongly Disagree) to 4 (Strongly Agree). Items included: “If I got pregnant before I finished high school, it would be embarrassing for me,” “If I got pregnant before I finished high school, it would be embarrassing for my family,” “Getting pregnant right now is one of the worst things that could happen to me,” and “Getting pregnant in high school would make it hard for me to achieve my dreams.” For ease in interpretation, these items were reverse coded, summed, and averaged to create a single score (M = 1.67, SD = .75). Cronbach’s alpha for this measure was .83.

Control Variables

The hypothesized relationships could have been impacted by study design and individual differences. As a result, the variables discussed next were used as control variables in analyses addressing the study research question and testing study hypotheses.

Efficacy Trial Condition.

Because the survey data in this study were collected at one time point during a larger efficacy trial (Mighty Girls), we wanted to control for any effects of the trial. Accordingly, a dummy variable was created to represent the participants’ efficacy trial condition. Participants assigned to the Mighty Girls efficacy trial condition were coded as 1 and participants assigned to the control condition were coded as 0.

Country of Birth.

Country of birth served as a way to identify those who had been born and raised in the US mainland (74%) and likely to be more acclimated to the country compared to those who had been born outside of the country and moved to the US mainland (26%). This variable was created by coding those who had been born inside the US mainland as 1 and those who had not as 0. Of those born outside the US mainland, 55% reported Cuba as their family’s country of origin, 15% reported multiple Latin American countries, 8% reported Nicaragua, and fewer than 5% of participants each reported Mexico, Peru, Venezuela, Dominican Republic, Honduras, and Puerto Rico.

Eligibility for Reduced/Free Lunch.

Eligibility for reduced/free lunch was used as an indicator of household income as direct questions about household income would have likely resulted in unreliable data based on the age of the participants. To measure eligibility for reduced/free lunch, participants were asked whether they paid full price for school lunch on a daily basis. Possible responses included: “I have lunch for free,” “I pay a reduced price,” “I pay full price,” “I don’t get lunch at the school cafeteria,” and “I don’t know.” Ten participants did not answer the question and 11 participants answered either, “I don’t get lunch at the school cafeteria,” or “I don’t know.” These respondents gave no indication of income status and as a result, were left out of subsequent analyses (n = 21). The remaining responses were recoded as follows: (0) full price lunch (8%) and (1) reduced/free lunch (92%).

Early Sexual Awareness.

This is a brief 4-item measure designed to capture an early emotional and cognitive response to rising androgen levels occurring in girls during puberty (Campoe & Norris, 2012). The rise in androgen is responsible for libido (Petersen, Leffert, & Graham, 1995; Smith, Udry, & Morris, 1985). The four items were adjusted in presentation to participants based on her sexual orientation. Items included: “Sometimes I dress sexy to get attention from guys (girls),” “I like it when a guy(girl) tells me I look good,” “If I’m going to see a guy(girl) I like, I dress sexy,” and “I sometimes think I’d like to try doing sexual things my friends are doing with their boy(girl) friends.” These items were selected from a 17-item measure of sexual arousal created by O’Sullivan, Meyer-Bahlburg, and McKeague (2006) based on the following criteria: (a) appropriateness for Latina girls between the ages of 10 and 14; (b) acceptability to Latino/Latina/Hispanic parents; (c) a relationship context (awareness that others find one attractive and that one’s actions can influence this response); and (d) low likelihood of eliciting socially desirable responses. Response options formed a 4 point Likert type scale from 1 (Strongly Disagree) to 4 (Strongly Agree) (M = 2.05, SD = .63). Reliability for the measure was good (Cronbach’s alpha = .82) and validity was supported by correlations with sexual intentions (r = .42 in this data set). Items were summed and divided by four to create a single score.

RESULTS

Preliminary Analyses

We first wanted to address whether participation in the Mighty Girls efficacy trial had any measureable effect on the outcome variable of interest in this study (attitudes toward teen pregnancy). As a result, preliminary analyses were run to evaluate the need to use trial condition as a control variable in the main analyses. Of the 204 participants, 55% (n = 112) were in the Mighty Girls efficacy trial condition and 45% (n = 92) were in the control condition. These two subgroups did not differ in country of birth, reduced/free lunch, or early sexual awareness (see Table 2). Efficacy trial condition (Mighty Girls vs. control) had no effect on attitudes toward teen pregnancy (p > .05). As a result, efficacy trial condition was not included as a control variable in the main analyses discussed next. To be clear, the Mighty Girls efficacy trial did not discuss teen pregnancy, media messages about teen pregnancy, teen mom reality programming, or the representation of teen mothers in the media.

TABLE 2.

Immigration, Income, and Early Sexual Awareness Statistics – Study Condition1

Condition
Mighty Girls Control
(n = 112) (n = 92) p-value X2/t
US Born 0.55 0.36
 Yes 72% 76%
 No 28% 24%
Reduced Lunch 0.07 3.32
 Yes 95% 88%
 No 5% 12%
Sexual Awareness 0.26 −1.13
 Mean (SD) 2.10 (.55) 2.00 (.71)
Open in a new tab

Note. N = 204.

1

Group proportions (i.e., percentages) compared using chi-square test. Group means compared using t-tests.

Main Analyses

RQ1 asked if exposure to Teen Mom was related to identification with and social comparison to the teen mothers featured on the program. Indeed, exposure to teen mom programming was positively correlated with both identification and upward social comparison to the teen mothers featured on the program. Exposure was not significantly correlated with downward social comparison to the teen mothers featured on the program. Descriptive statistics for the control, predictor, and criterion variables are provided in Table 3.

TABLE 3.

Means, Standard Deviations, and Zero-Order Correlations for Variables

M SD 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
1. US Born - -
2. Reduced Lunch - - −.08
3. Sexual Awareness 2.05 .63 −.09 .08
4. Exposure Ident 1.80 .93 −.02 .13 .11
5. Identification 1.58 .65 −.01 .17* .22** .39**
6. Upward 1.39 .71 −.09 .09 .09 .15* .56**
7. Downward 2.83 1.00 .05 .08 .05 .10 .00 .00
8. Attitudes 1.67 .75 −.15* .06 −.04 .11 .18* .20** −.16*
Open in a new tab

Note: N = 204.

**

p < .01.

*

p < .05.

Study hypotheses were tested using three hierarchical regression analyses in which attitudes toward teen pregnancy was used as the dependent variable.4 Control variables (country of birth, reduced/free lunch, early sexual awareness) were entered in the first block of the equation in all three analyses. For H1, exposure to teen mom programming was entered into the second block of the equation. For H2, identification with the teen mothers was entered into the second block of the equation. Finally, for H3a and H3b, social comparison (upward, downward) was entered into the second block of the equation.

H1 proposed that heavy viewers of Teen Mom would be more likely than light viewers of Teen Mom to have positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy. Neither the control variables nor exposure to Teen Mom significantly predicted attitudes toward teen pregnancy, R2 = .03, F(4, 169) = 1.38, p = .25, f 2 = .03. As a result, H1 was not supported (see Table 4 for the full regression model).

TABLE 4.

Hierarchical Regression of Control Variables and Exposure on Attitudes

Variable ΔR2 B (SE) β
Step 1 0.02
 US Born −.21 (.13) −0.13
 Reduced Lunch .07 (.21) 0.03
 Sexual Awareness
Step 2		 0.01 −.04 (.09) −0.04
 Exposure .10 (.07) 0.12
R2 Total 0.03
F Total 1.38
Open in a new tab

Note. N = 173. All coefficients are from the full model.

H2 suggested that viewers who strongly identified with the teen mothers featured on Teen Mom would be more likely to have positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy. Identification with the teen mothers significantly contributed to positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy, ΔR2 = .03, F(4, 165) = 3.40, p = .01, f 2 = .09, and H2 was supported (see Table 5 for the full regression model). Regarding the influence of control variables, country of birth significantly contributed to the model, where those were born in the US mainland had more negative attitudes toward teen pregnancy than those born outside of the US mainland.

TABLE 5.

Hierarchical Regression of Control Variables and Identification on Attitudes

Variable ΔR2 B (SE) β
Step 1 0.04
 US Born −.30 (.12) −.19*
 Reduced Lunch .02 (.20) 0.01
 Sexual Awareness −.17 (.09) −0.15
Step 2 0.03
 Identification .20 (.08) .19*
R2 Total 0.08
F Total 3.40*
Open in a new tab

Note. N = 169. All coefficients are from the full model.

*

p < .05.

H3a posited that viewers who looked up to the mothers featured on Teen Mom would be more likely to have positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy. Looking up to the teen mothers significantly predicted positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy, ΔR2 = .05, F(5, 164) = 2.93, p = .02, f 2 = .09, and accordingly, H3a was supported. H3b proposed that viewers who looked down on the mothers featured on Teen Mom would be associated with more negative attitudes toward teen pregnancy. Looking down on the teen mothers did not significantly contribute to attitudes toward teen pregnancy and because of this, H3b was not supported (see Table 6 for the full regression model).

TABLE 6.

Hierarchical Regression of Control Variables and Social Comparison on Attitudes

Variable ΔR2 B (SE) β
Step 1 0.04
 US Born −.24 (.12) −0.15
 Reduced Lunch .08 (.20) 0.03
 Sexual Awareness −.13 (.09) −0.12
Step 2 0.05
 Upward .18 (.07) .18*
 Downward −.08 (.05) −0.12
R2 Total 0.08
F Total 2.93*
Open in a new tab

Note. N = 169. All coefficients are from the full model.

*

p < .05.

DISCUSSION

The overarching goal of this study was to better understand the identification and social comparison processes associated with the teen mothers featured on Teen Mom and how those processes might affect attitudes toward teen pregnancy. Using a sample not often studied but at high risk for teen pregnancy (low income Latina teens), results demonstrated that identification and upward social comparison were positively associated with positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy. In other words, young Latina women who highly identified with and upwardly compared to the teen mothers on Teen Mom were less likely to think getting pregnant would be embarrassing, a terrible event, or prevent them from achieving their dreams.

Based on existing literature, it was possible that this program would be less relevant to Latina teens because most of the teen mothers featured on Teen Mom are White. Evidence suggests that people choose media based on their group memberships (Harwood, 1997) and that ethnicity is a relevant group membership influencing media selections for viewers (e.g., Abrams & Giles, 2009). This effect holds more strongly for minority viewers than White viewers (Appiah, Knobloch-Westerwick, & Alter, 2013; Knobloch-Westerwick, Appiah, & Alter, 2008). In this study, half of the original sample (50%) had heard of Teen Mom. Thus, for those who had not heard of Teen Mom, perhaps differences in viewer and cast ethnicity were influential factors affecting their media diets. Alternatively, parental monitoring of the participants’ TV viewing could have also have played a role here. However, for those who had heard of Teen Mom, identification processes occurred despite differences in the ethnic backgrounds of the teen mothers generally portrayed on this program.

The current findings align with past research suggesting those who highly identify with media characters are more likely to embrace the character’s goals (Oatley, 1995) and less likely to question the character’s decisions (Moyer-Gusé, 2008). To this point, it is not a large leap to assume that highly identified viewers would be rooting for these teen mothers to achieve their goals in life and less likely to think that getting pregnant at a young age would be detrimental to their own lives (see Martins & Jensen, 2014). The unrealistic portrayals of teen motherhood present on Teen Mom could lead to less criticism and more imitation (e.g., Cohen, 2001; Fiske, 2011) and this identification effect held for the low income Latina teen sample examined here.

In couching the findings associated with identification in the larger context of social learning theory (Bandura, 2009), television characters can serve as role models to behavior (both positive and negative) and it has been suggested that social learning is fostered by character identification (Cohen, 2006; Papa et al., 2000). In seeing the teen mothers on Teen Mom face few negative consequences associated with teen pregnancy, it is possible that identification with the teen mothers is strengthened, which in turn increases the likelihood that similar behaviors could be modeled. Although the current study was only able to assess attitudes toward teen pregnancy, not actual intentions or behaviors, future research should continue to investigate these intriguing possibilities.

In a similar vein, directional social comparison to the teen mothers also aligned with the findings associated with identification. Those who looked up to the teen mothers (upward social comparison) reported more positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy. Upward social comparisons are often motivated by self-improvement (Gibbons & Buunk, 1999) and can lend to assimilative effects, i.e., the comparer wanting to become more like the better off comparison target. These types of comparisons are associated with feelings of optimism, admiration, and inspiration (Lewis & Weaver, 2016; Smith, 2000), which are also associated with increased enjoyment of entertainment content (Lewis & Weaver, 2019). In this study, upwardly comparing to teen mothers on Teen Mom resulted in more accepting views of teen pregnancy. Indeed, previous research has demonstrated that social comparisons can have cognitive, affective, and behavioral effects (see Buunk & Gibbons, 2007 for a review). By depicting the teen mothers on Teen Mom in a more positive light than what would likely occur in the real world, doors open for viewers to see teen mothers as better off and aspire to become like them. Perhaps most concerning is that upwardly comparing to the teen mothers on Teen Mom resulted in more positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy, while downwardly comparing to the teen mothers on Teen Mom had no measureable effects at all. If MTV’s mission is to provide honest portrayals of the negative consequences of teen pregnancy (Dolgen, 2011), including the struggles of young women who are supposedly worse off than most viewers, the network has not been effective in ensuring that viewers who do perceive the mothers on Teen Mom as worse off also acquire more negative attitudes toward teen pregnancy. Furthermore, by removing the pregnancy prevention messaging that was present in 16 and Pregnant from Teen Mom, this suggests to viewers that they are indeed watching an entertainment program, not an entertainment program with educational and prosocial content.

Considering how identification processes might differ between 16 and Pregnant and Teen Mom, Behm-Morawitz et al. (2017) found those who had the lowest identification with the teen mothers in 16 and Pregnant had more negative attitudes toward teen pregnancy, but those who highly identified with the teen mothers did not have significantly more positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy. In this study, we saw the significance of the identification relationship with the teen mothers reverse. Those who highly identified with the teen mothers on Teen Mom were more likely to have positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy, which suggests that they could be more at risk for becoming teen mothers themselves. It is also important to note that in Behm-Morawitz et al.’s study, a substantial portion of the sample used was comprised of the daughters of faculty and staff associated with a university. They were more likely to have negative attitudes toward teen pregnancy in general, which would aid in explaining why lower identification was associated with more negative attitudes toward teen pregnancy. It is then possible that minority populations, similar to the sample used here, receive less inoculation regarding the negative effects of teen pregnancy as compared to higher income White populations. This result also aligns with previous findings regarding the differences between 16 and Pregnant and Teen Mom, where 16 and Pregnant portrays the more negative aspects associated with teen pregnancy and Teen Mom depicts the aftereffects of teen pregnancy in a more positive light (e.g., Martins et al., 2016).

Beyond identification with and comparison to the teen mothers, we found no support for the hypothesis associated with cultivation theory (H1; Gerbner et al., 1986): High viewers of Teen Mom did not have more positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy. However, exposure to Teen Mom was positively correlated with identification and upward social comparison, which bolsters arguments from cultivation theory critics who claim that the content is more important than overall exposure (e.g., Wilson, Martins, & Marske, 2005). Indeed, it was the content of Teen Mom and the subsequent identification and comparison processes it instigated that were the driver of the effects found here. This is especially important to note when again considering the sample of this study. Industry data portends that most second- and third-generation Hispanics both prefer and personally identify with the content shown on English-language networks as compared to Spanish-language networks (PwC, 2016). As Hispanic and Latina viewers are drawn to more English-language content, it will be beneficial to assess the ways in which they connect, identify, and compare with the featured characters in future research.

Regarding the control variables used, those who had heard of Teen Mom had significantly higher early sexual awareness than those who had not. Early sexual awareness accounts for an overall sense of sexuality that predicts sexual intentions or behaviors (Campoe & Norris, 2012). Of note, not many of the participants in this study reported having engaged in sexual intercourse, but early sexual awareness serves as a measure of the initial cognitive and emotional changes that occur in response to a rise in libido-related androgens. This creates increased interest in sexually related topics which, in turn, suggests that a growing interest in sex (as indicated by the early sexual awareness measure) could stimulate a growing interest in television programs like Teen Mom. Young women may not even be aware they are interested in sex, per se, but their hormones cause a shift in their attention to sexually related information in the media.

The potential for negative outcomes is increased when programs such as Teen Mom are made widely available to and marketed toward young women. Although Teen Mom does not contain explicit sexual content, many of the mothers on these programs engage in sexual relationships with other cast members featured on the program and often go on to have more children over the course of several seasons. As such, there are references to sexual content through language and associated behaviors. The information included in these programs may instigate new or activate already existing scripts about sexual-related attitudes and behaviors associated with teen pregnancy (Wright, 2011). This is of increasing concern as enough evidence has accumulated suggesting that the mass media have a real, causal effect on the sexual behavior of US teens and young adults. Future research efforts could work to examine whether teen girls (as compared to teen boys) are more likely to seek out media content that references sexual behavior in a more ambiguous way as opposed to explicit sexual portrayals such as pornography.

As with all research, there are some limitations to report with the study. Considering that the survey data were collected at one time point, causal relationships between the variables of interest could not be determined. Additional data is currently being collected at another time point so that longitudinal relationships can be better addressed. Furthermore, because the survey items analyzed here were included as part of a much larger efficacy trial, we were limited in the number of items and measures we could include. To this point, our measures of upward and downward social comparison were comprised of one item each and we could only address the effects of Teen Mom, not 16 and Pregnant or other examples of teen mom programming.

Future research should work to examine the relationships between exposure, identification, and social comparison further, and consider the potentially negative outcomes that emerge from these social psychological processes. It would also be beneficial to explore the differences in cast member portrayals within the increasing variety of teen mom programs (e.g., Teen Mom: Young and Pregnant, Unexpected). This study was only able to assess awareness of and exposure to Teen Mom, not other programs. Examining the influence of media diets across various ethnic backgrounds would be an interesting avenue of future research. Finally, although we were able to access a portion of the population not often studied, there is a lack of research understanding the effects of teen motherhood portrayals on Black viewers. Existing evidence suggests that for Black teens, exposure to sexual content in media is less influential on their own sexual activity relative to their parents’ expectations and friends’ sexual behaviors (Brown et al., 2006). Thus, it is unknown whether identification and comparison processes would play out similarly for this minority group as they did for the Latina sample examined here.

In all, this study, combined with existing research in this area (Aubrey et al., 2014; Behm-Morawitz et al., 2017; Martins & Jensen, 2014; Martins et al., 2016), builds a strong case that observing the teen mothers on Teen Mom can foster negative outcomes among viewers. These outcomes appear to be largely reliant on how viewers perceive the teen mothers featured in these programs. More specifically, in this study, identifying with and looking up to teen mothers on Teen Mom resulted in more positive attitudes toward teen pregnancy. Even though most of the mothers on teen mom programming are White, the identification and upward social comparison processes observed here extended across ethnic, income, and cultural differences between this sample and ones utilized before. These findings reiterate that portrayals of teen motherhood in the media can and do significantly influence attitudes toward teen pregnancy. It is important to understand the effects that these portrayals can have on viewers, especially considering the target audience for these programs are those who are at the highest risk for teen pregnancy.

FUNDING

Funding for the collection of this data was provided by the University of Miami School of Nursing and Health Studies and NINR (R01NR014851; PI, Norris).

Footnotes

1

The survey data used in this study were collected as part of a clinical trial. This clinical trial is registered under the name “JUEGA: A fun study for Hispanic/Latino adolescent girls” (#NCT02578147).

2

The survey data used in this study were collected as part of a clinical trial. This clinical trial is registered under the name “JUEGA: A fun study for Hispanic/Latino adolescent girls” (#NCT02578147).

3

Mighty Girls is a culturally and developmentally tailored, brief intervention consisting of 6 lessons delivered face-to-face and a highly interactive computer game used for skill building purposes (Norris, Delcampo Thalasinos, Miller-Day, Hecht, & Hofler, 2018). Mighty Girls teaches decision making and goal setting, evaluation of risky behavior, peer resistance communication skills, and resistance to descriptive norms.

4

A single hierarchical regression analysis was considered as opposed to three separate hierarchical regression analyses. Ultimately, it was decided that separate hierarchical regression analyses provided the clearest representation of the data because of the similarities among the theoretical perspectives employed (e.g., identification, upward social comparison) and the moderate sample size.

Contributor Information

Nicky Lewis, Department of Communication, University of Kentucky.

Anne E. Norris, School of Nursing and Health Studies, University of Miami

Nicole Martins, The Media School, Indiana University.

REFERENCES

  1. Abrams JR, & Giles H (2009). Hispanic television activity: Is it related to vitality perceptions? Communication Research Reports, 26, 247–252. 10.1080/08824090903074456 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  2. Appiah O, Knobloch-Westerwick S, & Alter S (2013). Ingroup favoritism and outgroup derogation: Effects of news valence, character race, and recipient race on selective news reading. Journal of Communication, 63, 517–534. 10.1111/jcom.12032 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  3. Aubrey JS, Behm-Morawitz E, & Kim K (2014). Understanding the effects of MTV’s 16 and Pregnant on adolescent girls’ beliefs, attitudes, and behavioral intentions toward teen pregnancy. Journal of Health Communication, 19, 1145–1160. 10.1080/10810730.2013.872721 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  4. Bandura A (2009). Social cognitive theory of mass communication. In Bryant J & Oliver MB (Eds.), Media effects: Advances in theory and research (2nd ed., 94–124). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. [Google Scholar]
  5. Basil MD (1996). Identification as a mediator of celebrity effects. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 40, 478–495. 10.1080/08838159609364370 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  6. Behm-Morawitz E, Aubrey JS, Pennell H, & Kim KB (2017). Examining the effects of MTV’s 16 and Pregnant on adolescent girls’ sexual health: The implications of character affinity, pregnancy risk factors, and health literacy on message effectiveness. Health Communication. 10.1080/10410236.2017.1399506. [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  7. Brien MJ, & Willis RJ (2008). Costs and consequences for the fathers. In Hoffman SD & Maynard RA (Eds.), Kids having kids: Economic costs and social consequences of teen pregnancy (2nd ed., 359–402). Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press. [Google Scholar]
  8. Brown JD, L’Engle KL, Pardun CJ, Guo G, Kenneavy K, & Jackson C (2006). Sexy media matter: Exposure to sexual content in music, movies, television, and magazines predicts black and white adolescents’ sexual behavior. Pediatrics, 117, 1018–1027. 10.1542/peds.2005-1406 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  9. Brückner H, Martin A, & Bearman PS (2004). Ambivalence and pregnancy: Adolescents’ attitudes, contraceptive use and pregnancy. Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health, 36, 248–257. 10.1111/j.1931-2393.2004.tb00029.x [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  10. Buunk AP, & Gibbons FX (2007). Social comparison: The end of a theory and the emergence of a field. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 102, 3–21. 10.1016/j.obhdp.2006.09.007 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  11. Campoe K, & Norris AE (2012, February 25). Development and preliminary validation of a brief measure of sexual arousal: Implications for understanding early adolescent sexuality and sexual risk behavior. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Southern Nursing Research Society, New Orleans, LA. [Google Scholar]
  12. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). (2019, March 1). Reproductive health: Teen pregnancy. Retrieved from https://www.cdc.gov/teenpregnancy/about/index.htm
  13. Cohen J (2001). Defining identification: A theoretical look at the identification of audiences with media characters. Mass Communication & Society, 4, 245–264. 10.1207/S15327825MCS0403_01 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  14. Cohen J (2006). Audience identification with media characters. In Bryant J & Vorderer P (Eds.), Psychology of entertainment ( 183–198). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. [Google Scholar]
  15. Dinh J (2010, December 22). MTV’s ‘16 and Pregnant’ credited for decline in teen pregnancy rates. MTV News. Retrieved from http://www.mtv.com/news/1654818/mtvs-16-and-pregnant-credited-for-decline-in-teen-pregnancy-rates/
  16. Dolgen L (2011, May 5). Why I created MTV’s ‘16 and pregnant’. CNN.com. Retrieved from http://www.cnn.com/2011/SHOWBIZ/TV/05/04/teen.mom.dolgen/index.html
  17. Ferris AL, Smith SW, Greenberg BS, & Smith SL (2007). The content of reality dating shows and viewer perceptions of dating. Journal of Communication, 57, 490–510. 10.1111/j.1460-2466.2007.00354.x [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  18. Festinger L (1954). A theory of social comparison processes. Human Relations, 7, 117–140. 10.1177/001872675400700202 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  19. Fiske J (2011). Television culture (2nd ed.). London, UK: Routledge. [Google Scholar]
  20. Gerbner G, Gross L, Morgan M, & Signorielli N (1986). Living with television: The dynamics of the cultivation process. In Bryant J & Zillmann D (Eds.), Perspectives on media effects ( 17–40). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. [Google Scholar]
  21. Gerbner G (1998). Cultivation analysis: An overview. Mass Communication and Society, 1, 175–194. 10.1080/15205436.1998.9677855 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  22. Gibbons FX, & Buunk BP (1999). Individual differences in social comparison: Development of a scale of social comparison orientation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76, 129–142. 10.1037/0022-3514.76.1.129 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  23. Harwood J (1997). Viewing age: Lifespan identify and television viewing choices. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 41, 203–213. 10.1080/08838159709364401 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  24. Hoffman SD (2008). Updated estimates of the consequences of teen childbearing for mothers. In Hoffman SD & Maynard RA (Eds.), Kids having kids: Economic costs and social consequences of teen pregnancy (2nd ed., 359–402). Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press. [Google Scholar]
  25. Hoffner C, & Buchanan M (2005). Young adults’ wishful identification with television characters: The role of perceived similarity and character attributes. Media Psychology, 7, 325–351. doi: 10.1207/S1532785XMEP0403_02 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  26. Kearney MS, & Levine PB (2015). Media influences on social outcomes: The impact of MTV’s 16 and pregnant on teen childbearing. American Economic Review, 105, 3597–3632. 10.1257/aer.20140012 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  27. Knobloch-Westerwick S, Appiah O, & Alter S (2008). News selection patterns as a function of race: The discerning minority and the indiscriminating majority. Media Psychology, 11, 400–417. 10.1080/15213260802178542 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  28. Lewis N, & Weaver AJ (2016). Emotional responses to social comparisons in reality television programming. Journal of Media Psychology, 28, 65–77. 10.1027/1864-1105/a000151 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  29. Lewis N, & Weaver AJ (2019). Social comparison-related emotional and enjoyment responses to entertainment television characters. Atlantic Journal of Communication, 27, 339–353. Advance online publication. 10.1080/15456870.2019.1614926 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  30. Malone M (2018) Teen pregnancy series ‘Unexpected’ starts on TLC August 5. Broadcasting & Cable. Retrieved from https://www.broadcastingcable.com/news/teen-pregnancy-series-unexpected-starts-on-tlc-august-5
  31. Martin JA, Hamilton BE, Osterman MJ, Driscoll AK, & Drake P (2018). Births: Final data for 2016. Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics. [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  32. Martins N, & Jensen RE (2014). The relationship between “Teen Mom” reality programming and teenagers’ beliefs about teen parenthood. Mass Communication and Society, 17, 830–852. 10.1080/15205436.2013.851701 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  33. Martins N, Malacane M, Lewis N, & Kraus A (2016). A content analysis of teen parenthood in “teen mom” reality programming. Health Communication, 31, 1548–1556. 10.1080/10410236.2015.1089465 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  34. Maynard RA, & Hoffman SD (2008). The costs of adolescent childbearing. In Hoffman SD & Maynard RA (Eds.), Kids having kids: Economic costs and social consequences of teen pregnancy (2nd ed., 359–402). Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press. [Google Scholar]
  35. Morgan M, & Shanahan J (2010). The state of cultivation. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 54, 337–355. 10.1080/08838151003735018 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  36. Moyer-Gusé E (2008). Toward a theory of entertainment persuasion: Explaining the persuasive effects of entertainment-education messages. Communication Theory, 18, 407–425. 10.1111/j.1468-2885.2008.00328.x [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  37. Mullaney J (2019, May 27). ‘Teen Mom 2’ star Jenelle Evans just revealed her crazy high salary. Cheatsheet.com. Retrieved from https://www.cheatsheet.com/entertainment/jenelle-evans-massive-salary.html/
  38. Norris AE, Delcampo Thalasinos R, Miller-Day M, Hecht M, & Hofler R (2018, September 14). Building peer resistance skills in 7th grade Latinas: Results from the mighty girls efficacy trial. Paper presented at the State of the Science Congress on Nursing Research, Washington, DC. [Google Scholar]
  39. O’Sullivan LF, Meyer-Bahlburg HF, & McKeague IW (2006). The development of the sexual self-concept inventory for early adolescent girls. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 30, 139–149. 10.1111/j.1471-6402.2006.00277.x [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  40. Oatley K (1995). A taxonomy of the emotions of literary response and a theory of identification in fictional narrative. Poetics, 23, 53–74. 10.1016/0304-422X(94)P4296-S [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  41. Papa MJ, Singhal A, Law S, Pant S, Sood S, Rogers EM, & Shefner-Rogers CL (2000). Entertainment-education and social change: An analysis of parasocial interaction, social learning, collective efficacy, and paradoxical communication. Journal of Communication, 50, 31–55. 10.1111/j.1460-2466.2000.tb02862.x [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  42. Perper K, Peterson K, & Manlove J (2010). Diploma attainment among teen mothers. Fact sheet. Publication 2010–01. Child Trends. Retrieved from http://www.childtrends.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/01/child_trends-2010_01_22_FS_diplomaattainment.pdf
  43. Petersen AC, Leffert N, & Graham BL (1995). Adolescent development and the emergence of sexuality. Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior, 25(Suppl), 4–17. 10.1111/j.1943-278X.1995.tb00485.x [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  44. Potter WJ (1993). Cultivation theory and research: A conceptual critique. Human Communication Research, 19, 564–601. 10.1111/j.1468-2958.1993.tb00313.x [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  45. PwC. (2016). Always connected: US-based Hispanic consumers dominate mobile, entertainment, and beyond. PwC.com. Retrieved from https://pmcdeadline2.files.wordpress.com/2016/09/pwc_cishispanicsalwaysconnected_september2016-wm.pdf
  46. Romero L, Pazol K, Warner L, Cox S, Kroelinger C, Besera G, … Barfield W (2016). Reduced disparities in birth rates among teens aged 15–19 years – United States, 2006–2007 and 2013–2014. MMWR Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, 65, 409–428. 10.15585/mmwr.mm6516a1 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  47. Sedgh G, Finer LB, Bankole A, Eilers MA, & Singh S (2015). Adolescent pregnancy, birth, and abortion rates across countries: Levels and recent trends. Journal of Adolescent Health, 56, 223–230. 10.1016/j.adohealth.2014.09.007 [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  48. Smith EA, Udry JR, & Morris NM (1985). Pubertal development and friends: A biosocial explanation of adolescent sexual behavior. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 26, 183–192. 10.2307/2136751 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
  49. Smith RH (2000). Assimilative and contrastive emotional reactions to upward and downward social comparisons. In Suls J & Wheeler L (Eds.), Handbook of social comparison: Theory and research ( 173–200). New York, NY: Plenum. [Google Scholar]
  50. Tajfel H (2010). Social identity and intergroup relations. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. [Google Scholar]
  51. Van Looy J, Courtois C, De Vocht M, & De Marez L (2012). Player identification in online games: Validation of a scale for measuring identification in MMOGs. Media Psychology, 15, 197–221. 10.1080/15213269.2012.674917 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  52. Ward LM, & Carlson C (2013). Modeling meanness: Associations between reality TV consumption, perceived realism, and adolescents’ social aggression. Media Psychology, 16, 371–389. 10.1080/15213269.2013.832627 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  53. Wills TA (1981). Downward comparison principles in social psychology. Psychological Bulletin, 90, 245–271. 10.1037/0033-2909.90.2.245 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  54. Wilson BJ, Martins N, & Marske AL (2005). Children’s and parent’s fright reactions to kidnapping stories in the news. Communication Monographs, 72, 46–70. 10.1080/0363775052000342526 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  55. Wright PJ (2011). Mass media effects on youth sexual behavior: Assessing the claim for causality. Communication Yearbook, 35, 343–386. 10.1080/23808985.2011.11679121 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
  56. Wright PJ, Randall AK, & Arroyo A (2013). Father-daughter communication about sex moderates the association between exposure to MTV’s 16 and pregnant, teen mom and female students’ pregnancy-risk behavior. Sexuality and Culture, 17, 50–66. 10.1007/s12119-012-9137-2 [DOI] [Google Scholar]

RESOURCES