The role of older siblings in the sexual and reproductive health of Mexican-origin young women in migrant families

Abstract

In the USA, young people of Mexican-origin are more economically disadvantaged and experience higher birth rates than many other Latino groups. In this paper, we examine the influence of older siblings on the sexual and reproductive health of Mexican-origin immigrant women. Qualitative data were drawn from life history interviews with 21 first and second generation Mexican-origin women, aged 27–41 years old, resident in the Metro Denver area. Data suggest that older siblings may protect younger sisters from risky sexual behaviours through older siblings’ responsibility and care for younger siblings, close and supportive sibling relationships, older siblings’ advice about both sexual health and academic success, and sibling modeling. These mechanisms appear particularly protective due to the social and economic hardships migrant families often face. Implications include fostering healthy sibling relationships and involving older siblings more fully in sexuality education of younger siblings.

Introduction

Sibling relationships are an important part of children’s and young people’s development. Siblings are powerful socialising influences, and sibling relationships are unique because they contain characteristics of the parent-child relationship and those of peers (Dunn 1983). Although sibling relationships have negative and positive qualities, when it comes to risky sexual behaviours, most research has found that the influence of older siblings tends to increase risky sexual behaviours among younger siblings. This association varies by gender, genetics, relationship quality, and other family dynamics (Argys et al. 2006; Averett, Argys, and Rees 2011; East and Khoo 2005; East, Reyes, and Horn 2007; McHale, Bissell, and Kim 2009). Additionally, the association between older siblings and the sexual behaviours of younger siblings may work differently in Mexican-origin migrant families due to the process of migration and subsequent socioeconomic and cultural processes.

By 2020, 25% of young people aged 11–19 years in the USA will be of Latino origin (US Census Bureau 2012). Latinos of Mexican-origin make up 64% of the total US Latino population (Brown and Patten 2014), and Mexican-origin adolescents have poorer academic outcomes and greater risk of teenage childbearing than other Latino groups (Portes, Fernández-Kelly, and Haller 2009; Ventura, Hamilton, and Mathews 2013). Moreover, Mexican-origin migrant families are more economically disadvantaged than many other Latino groups (Brown and Patten 2014), and they bear the brunt of anti-immigrant sentiment and US immigration policy to deter migration (Massey and Riosmena 2010).

This paper addresses the gap in our understanding of the influence of older siblings on sexual and reproductive behaviours of Mexican-origin young women within migrant families. We draw on qualitative data collected for a larger mixed methods study examining migration, family, gender and sexuality, and reproductive health among Mexican-origin young women. In our interviews, participants repeatedly told us how their older siblings were positive influences in their lives, including playing an integral role in their sexual attitudes and behaviours. Thus, the importance of older siblings on the sexual and reproductive health of young women emerged thematically.

In this paper, we qualitatively assess how participants’ older siblings are generally protective or risky influences on their younger sisters’ sexual health behaviours and we explore mechanisms through which older siblings influence sexual health behaviours of younger sisters within migrant families of Mexican-origin.

Older siblings and reproductive health behaviours

A small but growing body of research, has examined the direction (protective or risk) and potential mechanisms through which older siblings influence adolescent health behaviour (Argys et al. 2006; Averett, Argys, and Rees 2011; East and Khoo 2005; Killoren et al. 2015; McHale et al. 2005; Whiteman et al. 2014). Sibling risk behaviour is often correlated, particularly if the sibling pair has a close relationship (McHale, Bissell, and Kim 2009). Prior research has shown that having an older sibling generally increases risky behaviours of younger siblings, including earlier sexual initiation and substance use. This relationship is moderated by genetic factors, gender, quality of the sibling relationships, and other family factors, although mechanisms explaining this relationship are largely speculative (Argys et al. 2006; Averett, Argys, and Rees 2011; East and Khoo 2005; East, Reyes, and Horn 2007; McHale, Bissell, and Kim 2009).

There are a number of mechanisms through which older siblings may influence younger siblings’ behaviours. Although socialisation is multidirectional, social learning theory asserts that older siblings have a stronger socialisation impact on younger siblings due to older siblings’ greater life experience and position of power in the family (Bandura 1977). Additionally, theory asserts that the process of observing others in social situations, such as siblings who grow up together, is an important component of social learning. Modeling, another key component in social learning theory, occurs when young siblings make choices after observing consequences of their older siblings’ behaviours. Younger siblings also may receive verbal instruction or reinforcement from their older siblings.

The positive or negative influence of older siblings also depends upon the behaviour of the older sibling. Older young people are more likely to initiate sex than their younger counterparts and older siblings are more likely to have positive attitudes toward sexual intercourse and having unprotected intercourse than younger siblings (Kowal and Blinn-Pike 2004). Thus, younger siblings who model their older siblings or become involved in their older siblings peer group may have an increased risk of sexual initiation. Indeed, high levels of modeling have been associated with risky behaviour among younger siblings when the older sibling is engaging in risky behaviour (East et al. 2009; McHale, Bissell, and Kim 2009; Whiteman et al. 2014).

Sibling relationship quality is also important. Studies found more sibling warmth reduced risky behaviours in younger siblings (East and Khoo 2005; McHale, Bissell, and Kim 2009) and increased sibling conflict was associated with poorer intimacy in girls’ romantic relationships (Doughty, McHale, and Feinberg 2015). Better sibling relationship quality is also associated with increased frequency of discussions about sex between siblings (Kowal and Blinn-Pike 2004). In addition to socialisation, a close relationship with a sibling may buffer the negative effects of family instability or low socioeconomic status (SES) (East and Khoo 2005; McHale, Bissell, and Kim 2009). However, some research has found no difference in relationships between siblings in intact or non-intact families (Hetherington et al. 1992).

Sibling relationships also vary by gender, and siblings of the same gender may have closer relationships than siblings of different genders (Kowal and Blinn-Pike 2004; McHale, Bissell, and Kim 2009). Direct advice regarding sexual behaviours may occur more frequently in same-gendered siblings, particularly among sisters (Kowal and Blinn-Pike 2004). Additionally, older sisters may have more of a mentoring role than older brothers (Hetherington et al. 1992; Killoren and Roach 2014). This does not mean that older brothers have no role in sexual behaviours of younger siblings. Young people with an opposite gendered sibling may have greater intimacy in romantic relationships, suggesting exposure to the opposite gender may have a beneficial impact on future sexual and romantic behaviour (Doughty, McHale, and Feinberg 2015).

Older siblings in families of Mexican-origin

Sexual behaviour among Latinos differs across immigrant generation. First generation, or non-US born Latinos, have a lower risk of early sexual initiation (McDonald, Manlove, and Ikramullah 2009; Minnis and Padian 2001) and higher risk of non-contraceptive use (McDonald, Manlove, and Ikramullah 2009; Minnis and Padian 2001). However, research on risk of teenage birth and immigrant generation remains inconclusive (Manlove et al. 2013; Minnis and Padian 2001). Reasons behind these differences remain poorly understood and are generally assumed to be related to ‘traditional cultural values’ and to a lesser extent, socioeconomic status. Similar to the majority of research on young people’s reproductive health, studies examining sibling influences often consider Latinos as a homogenous group, despite differences by country of origin and generational status. The influence of older siblings on sexual and reproductive health behaviours of younger siblings among Mexican-origin migrant families warrants further investigation because of the process of migration and subsequent socioeconomic and cultural processes unique to migrant families.

Migration and settlement

Migrant families face unique hardships, including language barriers, economic disadvantage, and discrimination (Brown and Patten 2014; Lara, Decker, and Brindis 2016; Massey and Riosmena 2010); all of which influence young people’s behaviour. Migrant families, particularly those migrating to poor, urban neighbourhoods also experience family separation and a stressful settlement process (Suarez-Orozco, Todorova, and Louie 2002). On one hand, older siblings may buffer family separation, low socioeconomic status, and the stress of settlement by providing support and guidance, reducing risky sexual behaviours (East and Khoo 2005; McHale, Bissell, and Kim 2009). On the other hand, older siblings may bring exposure to poor urban peers engaging in risky behaviours back to the home, increasing risky sexual behaviours in younger siblings in migrant families (Portes, Fernández-Kelly, and Haller 2009).

Cultural processes

Research suggests that Latino and Mexican-origin families may place more importance upon the family than the individual and reinforce respecting one’s elders, as seen in societies that are more collective than the USA (Knight et al. 2010; Updegraff et al. 2005). If Mexican-origin migrant families emphasise caring for family members and respecting elders, older siblings in migrant families may have a stronger influence on adolescent health behaviour than older siblings in US-born families. Indeed, young people in Mexican-origin migrant families have more siblings than those from US-born families (Landale and Oropesa 2007) and they spend more time together than non-Latino white siblings (McHale et al. 2005; Updegraff et al. 2005).

In addition to cultural values of family and respect, siblings’ gender also plays a role in relationships within Mexican-origin families. Connell’s (1987) theory of gender and power provides a useful framework to examine the gendered division of labor and power in migrant households, not only of parents but also of siblings. Among Mexican-origin and Latino families, daughters often have more domestic responsibility and more strict rules for leaving the home or dating, than sons (Gallegos-Castillo 2006; García 2012; Killoren and Deutsch 2013; Lara, Decker, and Brindis 2016; McHale et al. 2005). Older siblings in migrant families, particularly sisters, may be protective influences for their younger siblings because of their increased responsibility in the household. Given the size and the unique characteristics of Mexican-origin migrant families related to SES, and cultural processes, conducting an in-depth exploration of the influence of older siblings on sexual health behaviours of young people of Mexican-origin is an important contribution to the literature.

Methods

Data are drawn from a larger mixed methods study examining immigrant generation, family, gender and sexuality, and reproductive health among US resident Mexican-origin young women. The influence of older siblings on the sexual health of younger sisters arose as an important theme during qualitative interviews.

Sample

Between March 2013 and April 2014, the lead author interviewed 11 first generation (born in Mexico) and 10 second generation (born in the USA to a Mexican-born parent) Mexican-origin women in the Denver metropolitan area. Inclusion criteria included age 27–41 years, female, migrated to the USA from Mexico prior to age 18¹ or born in the USA with at least one parent born in Mexico.

Nine of the 11 first generation women were from Chihuahua, and six of them grew up in or near Ciudad Juarez. Two women were from Jalisco. There was more diversity in the communities of origin for the second generation women. All first generation women spent the majority of their time in the USA in the Denver metro area and all but one second generation woman spent all or a large portion of their childhoods in the Denver metro area.

Women were sampled purposively through active and passive recruitment at community organisations and health centres in the Denver metro area. The lead author conducted each semi-structured, focused life history interview in the language of the participant’s choice, most lasting between one and two hours. Interview topics included childhood and family relationships, parental expectations, gendered division of labour and power in the household, migration experiences, education, employment, romantic relationships, and family planning. All women were compensated for their time.

Analysis

A bilingual, bicultural research assistant transcribed the interviews in the language in which it was conducted and then translated the five Spanish language interviews into English. We conducted a content analysis guided by migration theories and literature and the theory of gender and power using a five step process developed from Ulin (2002) and Strauss and Corbin (1990). We then systematically assessed sibling relationships between the first and second generation and between participants who experienced early sexual initiation and teenage pregnancy and those who did not. Atlas-ti qualitative software was used to provide organisation and transparency. Two researchers coded multiple transcripts to ensure concurrence of domain coding and checked arguments against the data during the final analysis. Pseudonyms were used for this paper to protect confidentiality of the participants. The study was approved by the Colorado Multiple Institutional Review Board.

Results

Table 1 describes the participants by immigrant generation. The majority of the participants were younger siblings; all 11 of the first generation and eight of 10 second generation participants had at least one older biological sibling. Age at sexual initiation was similar between the generations, but first generation participants were less likely to use contraception at first sex and more likely to have an adolescent birth than the second generation. The second generation had higher educational attainment than the first.

Table 1:

Sociodemographic characteristics of sample

	First generation	Second generation
Age in 2013 (mean)	32.9	30.7
Age at migration (mean)	12.2
Family Structure
Two biological parents	36.4%	70.0%
Number of siblings in home during adolescence (mean)	2.6	1.7
Has an older biological sibling	100%	80%
Family socioeconomic status
Mother’s education (mean)	6.4	7.6
Father’s education (mean)α	8.2	9.2
Reproductive health
Age at first sex (mean)	17	17.6
Used contraception at first sex	45.5%	70.0%
Experienced an adolescent (<20yo) birth	54%	30%
Highest level of education
Less than high school	54.5%	0.0%
High school degree	45.5%	100%
College or higher	18.2%	40%
Number of participants	11	10

^αTwo participants did not know their fathers’ education

Although we did not directly measure whether older siblings were protective or risky influences on sexual health behaviour of younger sisters, participants more frequently spoke of the protective influence of older siblings and provided more detail related to positive qualities rather than negative qualities of older siblings. Moreover, participants who delayed sexual initiation and did not experience a teenage pregnancy more often described positive sibling relationships than those who initiated sex before 16 or experienced a pregnancy. Interestingly, we did not find substantive differences in the frequency of protective sibling relationships or within participants’ descriptions of sibling relationships between the first and second generation.

We identified four mechanisms that help explain this generally protective effect: (1) older siblings, especially sisters, accepted responsibility to care for their younger siblings; (2) sibling relationships were often described as close and supportive; (3) some older siblings provided reproductive health advice, as well as academic guidance; and (4) sibling modelling.

Older sibling responsibility

Consistent with prior research (Gallegos-Castillo 2006; García 2012; McHale et al. 2005; Parreñas 2005), we found that older siblings, particularly older sisters, had more domestic responsibility in the home than younger siblings, including caring for younger siblings. Although only two young women were the oldest of their siblings, those who were the oldest girl or even the second oldest girl, described how they were given and accepted the responsibility to help care for their younger siblings. First generation Mercedes (34) helped her younger siblings with their homework and combing their hair and Catalina (31) helped her older sister and her single mother care for her younger brothers. Second generation Jocelyn (31) and Alicia (27) both cared for their younger siblings from changing diapers to walking them to school and caring for them when their mothers were at work. First generation Eva (31) describes her experience caring for her younger sisters as follows,

In many ways I feel like I am a parent. When people say, ‘Are you sure you don’t want a family?’ and I’m like, I’ve had a family for many, many years. I’ve raised my sisters, and I’ve fed them, and I was there when they first walked, and I took them to their first day of school and I was there during their recitals and this and that. I did all that because my mom couldn’t. Technically, I’ve been a parent three times now.

Women who were among the younger children in their families, described how their older sisters cared for them. First generation Juana (36) considered her older sister to be more of a mother figure than her biological mother, and second generation Arely’s (32) older sister, Cristina (37), was the family member who helped her most often with her homework. Carla at (27) was eight years younger than her older brothers, who had a responsibility to look after her.

In contrast, East and Khoo (2005)’s quantitative findings showed that older sister ‘power,’ measured by the younger sister’s report on the frequency her older sister tells her what to do, was related to an increase in risky sexual behaviours among non-Latina Black and Latina sisters. In our study, participants who were partially raised by their siblings did not recall that their older siblings were ‘bossing them around.’ One exception was Juana, who lived in a household in Mexico with extreme gender inequality where her older brothers could tell her what to do and could punish her. The other participants described acceptance and appreciation of their older siblings’ responsibility and care for them and it is likely that the quality of their sibling relationships may have moderated the harsher effects of older siblings’ authority over them. Of note, women’s reflections on their childhood may be different, or rosier, than how they felt when they were children.

In sum, through the experiences of both older and younger siblings, we found that older siblings are given and generally accept responsibility to care for their younger siblings. Participants who had the most responsibility for raising their younger siblings often grew up in single or unstable step-parent families. First generation Eva and Catalina and second generation Jocelyn and Alicia had grown up in single or step-parent families, and their mothers relied upon them to help with their younger siblings so they could work. Older siblings appear to be an additional supportive caregiver who may buffer younger siblings from family instability or from an absent or overworked parent, potentially protecting them from risky sexual behaviour.

Quality of sibling relationships

Participants described varying levels of detail about relationships with their siblings during their childhood and adolescence. The majority of participants specifically described supportive or close relationships with at least one sibling during their childhood. There were no substantial differences in relationship quality between first and second generation participants. Women recalled that during their early childhoods, they both played and fought with their siblings. First generation Isabel (29) recalled that in addition to playing together, ‘we [my siblings and I] were always there for one another and we were very close.’ When asked if she wanted children, Isabel reported, ‘I do. I want four and the reason I want four is because of my childhood. Because I loved growing up with my siblings and I love now growing up and having someone to call.’

Although some women, particularly a few with brothers, reported they grew apart from their siblings during adolescence, women often described close relationships forged through spending time together and having someone to talk to as they grew up. In fact, some young women reported that they talked more about their lives with their siblings than with their parents. In alignment with these findings, Killoren and Roach (2014) analysed conversations about dating and sexuality between sisters and found that the most frequent role was as a confidant. Sisters were also sources of support, encouraging and validating each other.

Participants attributed negative relationships with siblings to differences in age or emotional or physical distance. First generation Beatriz (33), whose sister was five years older, said her sister didn’t really talk to her and would refuse take her places. Although now as an adult, Beatriz has a close relationship with her. A few women, whose parents treated them differently than their brothers, described more frustrating relationships. Juana described what it was like to be the youngest of eight growing up in Mexico.

The youngest? Do you know that it’s because of the culture that I have [that] when you’re the youngest you have to respect all your older ones? I would have to cater to all of them like ‘Hey, get this’ and I had to go get it because they’re the oldest and you respect them… If they say ‘Ask mom,’ or [if] I wanted to go out and if one of them said no, I couldn’t do anything. So, I had to respect that decision because they are the older sister or brother.

Juana described values of family and respect, which in this case did not translate into closer sibling relationships and was one part of a painful childhood. Her account provided a more nuanced narrative of these common positive stereotypes and a reminder that not all Mexican migrant families are the same.

Aligned with prior work (East and Khoo 2005), we found that siblings were sometimes close in single parent families because older siblings, could buffer the turmoil and lack of parental attention often found in single parent families. For example, first generation Eva described her relationship with her older brother.

We experienced similar things and he was there for me and I was there for him, which was very helpful. If I was by myself I don’t know if I would’ve made it, honestly. It was nice to have him around because he was my big brother so he’d take care of me but he’s also very much like my dad. He sees things always in a good light… If it wasn’t for him it probably would have been much harder. It was good to have an older brother.

Eva was the oldest girl and had primary responsibility for raising her three younger sisters. However, she recalled how her older brother’s emotional support was crucial to her surviving the difficulties of being a new immigrant and having an overworked single mother. Although older brothers are often overlooked in the literature as sources of support for younger sisters, Eva’s narrative highlights the importance of her older brother in surviving the difficulties in her life.

Of interest, only two participants (out of nine) who experienced a teenage birth described supportive sibling relationships as compared to nine of the 12 participants who delayed their first birth. This further supports our argument that having an older sibling, particularly one with a close relationship, is a positive influence that can reduce risky sexual behaviour. However, East and colleagues (2007) found that among Latina and Black adolescents, companionship with an older sister increased the odds of a teenage birth regardless of whether or not the older sister was an adolescent mother, suggesting that older sisters are not protective against early childbearing. The authors speculated that the younger sister’s involvement with her older sister’s peer group, who were likely more sexually experienced, could possibly explain this finding. There are a number of reasons our results do not support this association nor the speculation about its causes. East and colleagues used a quantitative analysis which is important to evaluate population health but is unable to explain dynamics occurring at the family and individual level. Unpacking sibling relationships within families in our sample, for the majority of our participants, having an older sister was a protective influence. Additionally, East and colleagues’ sample included Black and English-speaking Latina young women, and, as we have argued, sibling relationships may work differently in Mexican-origin migrant families. Finally, teenage pregnancy is an outcome that is made up of multiple behaviours, such as timing of sexual initiation and contraceptive use. This makes it difficult to examine how having an older sibling directly impacts teenage pregnancy without considering its effect on each of those behaviours.

Advice from older siblings

Sexual health advice

In addition to the quality of the sibling relationship, some women credited delayed sex or avoiding a pregnancy to advice from their older siblings. Four women recalled that they learned about sex and contraception from their older sisters. When asked if she used contraception at sexual initiation at age 17, second generation Arely (currently, 32), who successfully planned her first pregnancy at age 28 said, ‘That time [I had sex] no I didn’t [use contraception], the first time. But then afterwards that’s when I started talking to my sister and she’s the one that told me about how to protect myself.’ A few women who were among the oldest siblings, discussed that they talked to their younger siblings about preventing pregnancy. First generation Eva’s mother did not put her younger sisters in the religious sex education class that Eva had to sit through because they had Eva to teach them. Aligned with our findings, Kowal and Blinn-Pike (2004) found that frequency of sibling discussions about safe sex was positively correlated with younger siblings’ self-efficacy to practice safe sex and obtain condoms and the frequency of sexual discussions with both parents and older siblings was associated with an increase in self-efficacy for using condoms. This suggests that younger siblings may be protected from risky sexual behaviour through older sibling advice.

Frequency and content of sexual discussions differs by older sibling gender. Kowal and Blinn-Pike (2004) found that girls with older sisters had more frequent sexual discussions and safer attitudes about sex than any other gendered dyad. Because older sisters are more likely to take on the role of mentor than brothers (Hetherington et al. 1992), they may believe providing sexual health knowledge and advice is part of that role, while older brothers of younger sisters may feel the need to protect them but not necessarily provide advice. In our sample, none of the young women recalled learning any sexual knowledge from brothers but two women were warned against having sex and the dangers of predatory men from their older brothers. Second generation Carla’s older brothers discouraged her from dating and wouldn’t let boys call her on the phone saying, ‘We know what they want.’ Juana’s older brother told her, ‘Men are like dogs. Don’t let them come over and touch you.’ Supporting the finding that brothers may be protective too, descriptive models showed that girls with older sisters or older brothers had more self-efficacy to refuse sex than boys with older sisters or brothers (Kowal and Blinn-Pike 2004). Although beyond the scope of this study, these findings point to the perceived vulnerability of girls and the need to be protected by men (and that girls don’t desire sex) among some Mexican families (García 2012; Hirsch 2003). Thus, gender of the older sibling clearly matters for sexual discussions and may be of particular importance in Mexican-origin families who shape gender and sexuality differently than US-born families due to the intersection of the migration process, SES, and cultural processes (García 2012; Hirsch 2003).

Academic advice

Some participants also received support and guidance from their older siblings regarding their education. As prior research has shown, higher grades and academic goals have been associated with delayed sex and first birth (Lammers et al. 2000; Manlove et al. 2013). In addition to older siblings helping with homework, some older siblings actively pushed their younger siblings to succeed academically. First generation Guadalupe (39), whose mother passed away prior to her high school graduation, credits her academic success to her older siblings encouragement. Second generation and college graduate Carla recalled that her older brothers pushed her to succeed, ‘…so when I started getting the good grades my brothers would challenge me like “You can’t do this” or “You won’t do it” and to prove them wrong I would do it.’ Thus, siblings who push each other academically or older siblings who provide homework help and encouragement may be simultaneously reducing risky sexual behaviours. Indeed, older siblings who have experienced academic success may be of particular importance to the success of younger siblings in migrant families through mentoring and helping with homework and due to migrant parents’ lack of experience with the US educational system (Hurtado-Ortiz and Gauvain 2007).

The role of older siblings in the academic success of younger siblings may be also be important in migrant families due to language exposure. Five second generation women, four of whom delayed their first sex and birth, recalled how their older siblings brought the English language home from school, making it easier for them once they started school. Isabel (29) and Ana (28) believed their older sisters had more difficult experiences in school than they did because they were the first in the family to go to school. Isabel explained,

I think my oldest sister had a hard time. I think my experience is different than hers, because she was the first one to go to elementary school. She was the first one to really learn English and she brought English home and I was better prepared when I went to school. I think she was the one that dealt with growing up in a really Mexican household and going to her elementary classes where no one really spoke Spanish.

Siblings who started school before younger siblings, experienced greater language barriers and more discrimination than the younger siblings did. Aligned with these findings, US national survey data has showed that younger siblings are less likely to speak a minority language (i.e. Spanish) than the oldest sibling, regardless of nativity, suggesting older siblings learn English in school and bring it home to siblings (Stevens and Ishizawa 2007). Because English speakers perform better in school than non-English speakers, younger siblings in migrant families may have an easier transition to school leading to better academic success and less risky behaviours. Because academic success is associated with less risky sexual behaviour (Lammers et al. 2000; Manlove et al. 2013), future research should test this relationship between older siblings and academic success of younger siblings in migrant families with nationally representative data.

Sibling modeling

Modeling can occur regardless of verbal instruction and may increase or decrease risky behaviours in younger siblings, depending upon the type of behaviour the older sibling engages in and the consequences of the behaviour (McHale, Bissell, and Kim 2009; Whiteman et al. 2014). Second generation Ana learned to be sneakier and date without her parents’ knowledge after watching her older siblings get caught dating. Second generation Jessica (28) learned to hide her birth control pills in her locker after her mother found her sister’s pills and refused to speak to her for a year. Both Jessica and Carla also saw their older siblings’ conflict with their parents over dating and capitalised on being the ‘good child’ to negotiate more leniency from parents. Jessica’s experience learning to hide her contraception could have prevented a pregnancy, though learning to manipulate parents into having more freedom or learning to sneak out may not be protective in the long run. Killoren and Roach (2014) suggest that older sister modeling may be protective because younger sisters reported learning only from their older siblings’ negative experiences, stating how they were going to make different decisions. However, this does not consider that younger sisters may adopt their older sister’s sexual behaviours before they recognise the negative consequences.

Looking closer at negative consequences, having an older sister who becomes an teenage mother increases risk of teenage pregnancy for younger sisters (East, Reyes, and Horn 2007; East et al. 2009). Among participants, four women reported they had an older sibling with an unplanned pregnancy or childbirth and two became teenage mothers themselves. The two who did not, credited their successful delay of pregnancy with learning from their siblings’ negative experiences. For example, Carla watched her older brother have to grow up quickly and become responsible for his son while in high school. She then watched her nephew grow up with young parents who had an unstable relationship. She recalls that she consciously chose not to be like them and made preventing pregnancy a priority. Aligned with this finding, East and colleagues (2009) found that increased motivation to avoid a pregnancy was the most common protective factor reported by younger sisters of an teenage mother.

Discussion

Previous research has found that older siblings generally increase sexual risky behaviours in younger siblings (Argys et al. 2006; Averett, Argys, and Rees 2011; East, Reyes, and Horn 2007). In contrast, our in-depth exploration of the mechanisms through which older siblings influence the risky sexual behaviour of younger sisters among Mexican-origin migrant families reveals that these relationships overall have more positive than negative effects. The four ways older siblings protected their younger sisters may not be that different from those in US-born families. However, the unique immigrant context, including poverty, family separation, and discrimination (Brown and Patten 2014; Lara, Decker, and Brindis 2016; Massey and Riosmena 2010; Suarez-Orozco, Todorova, and Louie 2002), may enhance the positive and protective attributes of older siblings in migrant families.

Our data suggest older siblings, particularly sisters, accept responsibility to care for younger siblings and have particularly close relationships among families that experience separation and poverty; both common hardships facing migrant families. Supporting this finding, researchers examining siblings of Mexican-origin found little evidence of negative and conflict-oriented sibling relationships (Killoren et al. 2015; Updegraff et al. 2005) and others found a sibling may buffer the negative effects of family instability or low socioeconomic status (East and Khoo 2005; McHale, Bissell, and Kim 2009). Thus, older sibling responsibility and close sibling relationships may be particularly protective among disadvantaged migrant families.

Consistent with prior research, we found that some older sisters provide sexual health advice to protect younger sisters from risky sexual behaviours (Killoren and Roach 2014; Kowal and Blinn-Pike 2004). This advice may be particularly important in migrant families where parents want to protect their children but may lack the knowledge and comfort to talk them about sex (Davidson et al. 2014; Talashek et al. 2004). Also important in migrant families as opposed to U.S.-born families, older siblings who bring English home, have experience with the US school system, and help with homework may increase academic success among younger siblings (Hurtado-Ortiz and Gauvain 2007), subsequently reducing risky sexual behaviours (Manlove et al. 2013; Vesely et al. 2004). Finally, we did not find substantive differences in sibling relationships between the first and second generations, perhaps because the first and second generation both have migrant parents, or because we do not have the detail needed to identify differences as siblings were not the focus of the original study. Further research could assess differences in sibling relationships between first and second generation families.

Our findings have several public health implications. Primary care providers can assess sibling relationships at well care visits beginning in childhood and continuing into adolescence. Providers can offer resources that encourage positive and healthy sibling relationships, provide older siblings with accurate sexual health information, and teach them how to share this information with their younger siblings. Additionally, family planning clinics or programmes serving pregnant and parenting adolescents could initiate programmes that provide sexual health services to sisters of adolescent mothers, who might otherwise face barriers to preventive care (Boulder County Colorado 2016).

This study has several limitations. We asked participants to describe relationships with their siblings, but we did not probe further if they did not give a lot of detail because sibling relationships were not the focus of the broader study. Although prior research and our results find that sibling gender is an important factor in sibling relationships, a thorough examination of sibling gender was beyond the scope of the present study. We are unable to assess if older sibling modeling within the sample is positive or negative because we do not have detailed information on the attitudes and behaviours of older siblings. Finally, we focus on sibling relationships alone when there are other family dynamics, such as parent-child relationships, that are closely related to sibling relationships.

Extending prior research, our results suggest that older siblings in migrant families of Mexican-origin protect against risky sexual behaviours of younger sisters by helping their parents care for younger siblings, sustaining supportive relationships, providing advice on sexual health and academics, and sibling modeling. These mechanisms appear particularly protective due to the social and economic hardships migrant families often face. Implications of the study include assessing and strengthening sibling relationships across the life course and involving older siblings in sexual health education. Future quantitative research can explore the validity results, including the mechanisms through which older siblings may protect younger siblings against risky sexual behaviours, among a more representative sample of young women in US resident migrant families of Mexican-origin.