The Application of Experience Sampling Approaches to the Study of Ethnic Identity: New Developmental Insights and Directions

Abstract

In this article, we review how the application of experience sampling methods (ESM) has advanced knowledge of the developmental importance of ethnic identity for youth outcomes. In particular, ESM approaches have allowed researchers to explore the construct of salience, the context-dependent and fluid component of ethnic identity. We highlight new information on the importance of context for variability in ethnic identity salience, and the association between ethnic identity and psychological well-being.

How salient is ethnicity for adolescents on a given day? At a given moment? Answers to such questions vary as a function of a young person’s immediate and structural contexts (Yip, 2005; Yip & Fuligni, 2002). Although ethnic identity has been conceptualized for decades as a fluid and context-dependent construct, only recently have methods and analytical strategies become available to study how ethnic identity varies across time and setting. In this article, we describe the insights into young people’s ethnic identity that are provided by these methods. We begin with theoretical foundations for studying ethnic identity as a dynamic construct, describe experience sampling methods (ESM), and illustrate the use of ESM to study ethnic identity processes and suggest additional applications. Reflecting the current status of research in this field, we draw from studies focusing on either racial or ethnic identity or both.

THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS

Lewin (1935) argued that behavior at the level of the specific situation (B) is a function of individual dispositions (P) and the immediate environment (E), B = f(PE). Drawing on Lewin’s theory, Sellers and colleagues developed the multidimensional model of racial identity (MMRI; Sellers, Smith, Shelton, Rowley, & Chavous, 1998) to assess racial identity across situations (B) as a function of individual differences in proclivity (P) and context (E). The MMRI includes three trait-like components that are stable across situations: centrality, regard (public and private), and ideology. In contrast, salience changes across situations and reflects “the extent to which one’s race is a relevant part of one’s self-concept at a particular moment or in a particular situation” (Sellers, Smith, et al., 1998, p. 24).

Salience serves two important developmental functions. First, it is the mechanism through which ethnic identity develops. For adolescents and young adults to develop an ethnic identity, ethnicity must be salient repeatedly. Second, salience renders the other three components relevant in daily life (Yip, 2008, in press). For example, private regard is expected to influence behavior only when ethnic identity is salient. Revealing these developmental functions of salience has become possible with ESM.

EXPERIENCE SAMPLING METHODS

Experience sampling methods are used to obtain ecologically valid measures from individuals as they experience everyday life. ESM encompass several specific methods. In daily diaries, participants complete pen-and-pencil or online surveys once a day, typically at the end of the day. In random sampling, participants are prompted to respond at random intervals throughout the day (often using cell phones that have hidden alarms set by the researcher). In event sampling, participants respond when they encounter a certain experience (e.g., experiencing racial discrimination).

Experience sampling methods have two important advantages over traditional survey methods. First, ESM temper concerns about retrospective biases by reducing the time between the event of interest and a participant’s response to that event. With diary surveys, the gap is typically no more than 12 hr; with event sampling, the gap is reduced to virtually nothing. Second, ESM allow for simultaneous understanding of differences between individuals and differences within individuals. Traditional survey methods have focused on the former, but ESM are uniquely prepared to consider both. For example, ESM can provide insights into how adolescents differ in their ethnic identity as well as how an individual’s ethnic identity varies over the course of a day (e.g., perhaps in response to the presence of same- or other-race peers).

In applying ESM, researchers must consider several practical matters. One is choosing a specific form of ESM. Daily diaries are best suited for researchers who are interested in capturing the culmination of daily experiences (e.g., activity levels, sleep). Random sampling is most appropriate when researchers want to capture a general representation of participants’ everyday lives. Event sampling is preferred when research focuses on the occurrence of specific events (e.g., experiences of racial discrimination). A second consideration is the duration of sampling, which is typically dictated by the nature of the research questions. For example, a 7-day study may be sufficient to capture variations in intragroup contact, as these are short-term, everyday experiences. However, a 7-day study may not sufficiently capture the impact of a school transition in ethnic identity development because it would miss the unfolding of relevant developmental processes (e.g., formation of new friendships). Finally, when using random sampling, the researcher must select the density of measurement (e.g., how many times to prompt participants daily). This usually reflects a compromise between the frequency of the phenomenon of interest and concerns about participant burden.

Like most methods, ESM have potential shortcomings. One is participant fatigue (Stone & Broderick, 2008). Responding to the same questions repeatedly may burden participants and response quality may wane. Also, ESM studies may result in method artifacts such that repeatedly addressing questions on a topic (e.g., ethnic identity) may artificially inflate the salience of that topic. To address these concerns, researchers often provide additional incentives for completing more than 90% of all surveys. To mitigate the influence of method artifacts, for example, researchers include filler questions to deflect attention from the goals of the study.

INSIGHTS FROM ESM INTO ETHNIC IDENTITY

Experience sampling methods have allowed researchers to move beyond trait-like conceptualizations of ethnic identity (P) toward capturing dynamic aspects of the environment (E), thereby high-lighting the fluidity of identity (B) across contexts. Specifically, ESM have yielded insights into the importance of context for variability in ethnic identity salience (EIS), and the association between ethnic identity and psychological well-being.

Salience and Context

Perhaps the most important innovation has been to illustrate how EIS varies as a function of the immediate context. The investigation into the role of context for ethnic identity development is not new (Phinney, 1989). However, the application of ESM highlights how particular contexts make ethnic identity relevant for youths’ daily lives.

The first demonstration of the importance of ethnic identity across situations was an event-based ESM study on the functions of identity (Cross & Strauss, 1998). Black college students completed an open-ended diary for 30 days, noting situations in which ethnic identity was relevant. Five functions of ethnic identity were identified by examining within-person experiences, and each was enacted as a result of the interaction of persons and their immediate context. Buffering occurs in stressful interracial interactions where ethnic identity protects self-esteem from threats (e.g., discrimination). Bonding occurs intraracially and forges a connection between in-group members to cope with stigma. Bridging occurs in interracial interactions and forges a connection across in-group and out-group distinctions. Code switching occurs in mixed-race settings and involves selectively enacting a particular component of identity depending on the demands of the setting; for example, an adolescent may wear ethnic garb to a family celebration, but jeans to a school function. Individualism occurs in intraracial settings when an individual feels a sense of uniqueness due to attributes unrelated to racial group membership. These students reported that the immediate situation dictated which of these identity functions conferred the optimal outcome and that they adopted one function or another depending on the demands of the situation. For example, one student reported buffering in classroom interactions with White peers and bonding with Black peers after class.

Experience sampling methods have also allowed researchers to quantify how much EIS varies from one day to the next (Yip & Fuligni, 2002). For example, asking Chinese-American adolescents how “Chinese” they felt each day showed considerable variability from one day to the next over a 2-week period. The average magnitude of how much each daily report differed from an adolescent’s overall mean was significantly greater than zero, suggesting day-to-day variability in the extent to which EI was salient. Moreover, changes in salience were systematically associated with engagement in ethnic behaviors: EI salience was greater on days when Chinese adolescents reported engaging in ethnic behaviors and less on days when they did not. Thus, application of ESM confirmed MMRI’s claim that identity is fluid.

Experience sampling methods have also documented the theoretical claim that EIS varies across situations within a day. In a study examining EIS among college students attending a predominantly White institution (Aries et al., 1998), participants were paged seven times a day for a week and responded to questions about their location, the race of their companions, and EIS. All students reported greater EIS in public than in private contexts, an observation that was particularly strong among ethnic minorities. Moreover, White students reported greater EIS when they were in numerical-minority contexts and ethnic minorities reported greater EIS when they were in numerical-majority contexts. Similar findings were observed with Chinese college students attending predominantly White institutions: They reported greater EIS when they were surrounded by family and when they were with other Asians (Yip, 2005).

Differences exist between these two studies (Aries et al., 1998; Yip, 2005) and laboratory studies in which EI tends to be more salient when individuals are a minority of one (Saenz, 1994). Natural- and laboratory-setting studies may be capturing different points along a U-shaped continuum. In laboratory studies, being the only person of an in-group heightens EIS; however, the likelihood of being the sole in-group member in naturally occurring settings is rare because participants have some degree of agency in choosing their own contexts (e.g., befriending same-race peers).

Research also highlights how individuals bring their own characteristics into each setting: Students who rated ethnicity as central to their overall identity were more likely to report thinking about their ethnic identity on a daily basis (Yip, 2005). Individuals for whom ethnicity was central to their identity were more likely to perceive their immediate contexts as being relevant to their ethnicity. In other words, ethnic identity is like a lens that brings into focus those ambiguous contexts associated with EIS. Similarly, students who rated ethnicity as central reported greater salience across days and situations (Yip, 2005; Yip & Fuligni, 2002). Of the total variability in EIS across situations, nearly 60% was due to differences between young adults (e.g., differences between individuals) and the remaining variability was due to differences within young adults (i.e., variability across situations within individuals). Variability in young adults’ reports of EIS apparently reflects their ethnic identities as well as their immediate settings, such as interactions with same-race peers and congruence of these settings with more structural contexts (e.g., school composition). Thus, ESM research on ethnic identity is consistent with theories (Lewin, 1935) in illustrating that ethnic identity is not a trait that youths have but a component of the self that is enacted in daily life, reflecting the interplay between individual characteristics and the immediate context.

Psychological Adjustment

Although ethnic identity has been linked to psychological adjustment for decades (Clark & Clark, 1939, 1947), ESM have shed light on why ethnic identity is linked to positive adjustment. For Asian adolescents who reported that their ethnic identity was central to their overall self-concept, positive mood was greater and negative mood was less—at both the situational and daily levels—when EI was salient (Yip, 2005; Yip & Fuligni, 2002). Similar psychological benefits have been reported among biracial college students (Sanchez & Garcia, 2009). Specifically, when biracial students interacted with in-group members, they reported greater autonomy, relatedness, and self-esteem than when they were surrounded by out-group members. The benefits of being with in-group members was traced, in part, to in-group members holding more positive views of participants’ racial groups (i.e., public regard).

Experience sampling methods have also helped shed light on stress-buffering mechanisms through which ethnic identity might be related to positive psychological adjustment. Among Chinese and Mexican adolescents, those who said they had positive regard for their ethnic group reported more happiness and less anxiety over 2 weeks than adolescents who said they had lower private regard (Kiang, Yip, Gonzales-Backen, Witkow, & Fuligni, 2006). Moreover, at the daily level, on days when adolescents experienced stressors (e.g., a lot of work at home), those who said they had high private regard (i.e., positive regard about one’s racial or ethnic group) reported feeling happier than adolescents reporting moderate to low levels of private regard. Finally, for adolescents with high levels of private regard, daily stressors on one day were associated with increases in positive mood the following day, suggesting that ethnic identity confers not only concurrent but lagged benefits to mental health in the face of stress. Thus, the frequently reported link between ethnic identity and positive psychological outcomes may reflect the stress-buffering benefits of ethnic identity.

Some researchers have moved beyond general, psychological adjustment to focus on private regard as an outcome (Hughes, Way, & Rivas-Drake, 2011). For example, for Asian American adolescents, daily in-group contact is associated with daily private regard (Yip, Douglass, & Shelton, 2013). Specifically, contact with similar others was associated with more positive feelings about one’s racial or ethnic group membership, but only for adolescents who were in the racial minority in their school. For Asian adolescents attending schools in which Asian students comprised the numerical majority, contact with similar others was unrelated to private regard. Furthermore, contact with similar others on one day was associated with higher private regard the next day, particularly for adolescents who consider race or ethnicity central to their identity, suggesting longer term associations between contact and ethnic identity. Thus, ethnic identity may lead to positive outcomes through two routes: First, similar others apparently confer comfort to ethnic minority youth, particularly in contexts in which they are in the numerical minority. Second, EI buffers minority youths from stress, especially when youths report positive regard for their group.

APPLICATIONS AND CONSIDERATIONS

The application of ESM to the study of intraindividual and interindividual differences in ethnic identity has bolstered theoretical models of ethnic identity. Research on EIS and context support Lewin’s B = f(PE) theory of the situation-level enactment of trait characteristics generally and MMRI’s account of salience specifically: EI includes stable and fluid components that interact at the level of the situation to influence psychological outcomes.

The application of ESM to the study of ethnic identity has begun to elucidate the nature of identity for youth development, but these methods can also advance our understanding of development across time and the influence of context across time. Repeating assessments over time provides developmental information about how ethnic identity varies over situations, days, months, and years. Researchers should explore how EIS is related to the development of stable ethnic identity. How does thinking about ethnic identity across everyday situations relate to the development of centrality over time? Over time, adolescents who experience heightened EIS across situations will likely consider race or ethnicity central to their identity, but this remains an empirical question. Repeated measurements also can illustrate how person-by-context interactions change across contexts and over the course of development. Same-race contact may matter for private regard only for adolescents (but not young adults) who consider race or ethnicity central to their identity. Moreover, these associations may be particularly important for adolescents (but not young adults) in school contexts in which they are in the numerical minority (Yip, Douglass et al., 2013).

CONCLUSIONS

Applying ESM to ethnic identity has advanced our knowledge beyond that available through cross-sectional and longitudinal surveys. ESM provide ecologically valid measures of participants in their natural environments, a snapshot into participants’ daily lives, the ability to explore stability and variability, and the option of charting differences between and within individuals. ESM are not without shortcomings: They are labor and resource intensive for both researchers and participants, and the nested structure of the data requires sophisticated analytical methods. Nevertheless, the continued application of such approaches will provide unique contributions to our understanding of the importance of ethnic identity in the daily lives of youths. We urge developmental scholars to include ESM as a complement to current research approaches.