Abstract
Recent research has highlighted that a high prevalence of young adults who have various forms of neurodivergence come into contact with the criminal justice system. Currently, many courts are not designed to respond to neurological differences often seen in young people who engage with them. The aim of this study was to identify ways to make locality courts more accessible, engaging, and ultimately more responsive to neurodivergence. A panel of neurodivergence specialists reviewed the general district courtroom environment of a new specialised young adult list court in Aotearoa New Zealand to identify potential barriers to accessibility and to highlight areas for improvement. The methodology involved naturalistic observation of a typical morning in the courtroom. We identified a series of recommendations with the potential to improve the court experience and increase access to justice for neurodivergent young adults. This study identified specific need for neurodiversity education and screening within the court environment.
Keywords: accommodations, courtroom, intervention, neurodevelopmental, neurodiversity, support
1. INTRODUCTION
There is increasing awareness that a large proportion of young adults who come into contact with the criminal justice system have neurological differences which may remain mis‐ or undiagnosed and unsupported during court proceedings, potentially contributing to higher incarceration rates (Foster & Young, 2021). The term neurodivergence covers a variety of neurological differences including traumatic brain injury (TBI), autism spectrum disorder (ASD), foetal alcohol spectrum disorder, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), intellectual disability, communication disorders, non‐traumatic acquired brain injury, and specific learning difficulties (for instance dyslexia, dyspraxia, or dysgraphia). Challenges associated with neurodivergence can present in a variety of areas including attentional capacity, functional skills, memory and learning, psychomotor skills, executive functions, social competence, emotion regulation, impulse control, and academic achievement (Catroppa et al., 2017; Morie et al., 2019).
Young adults with these difficulties may encounter barriers to accessing justice when interacting with the criminal justice system. For instance, those with intellectual disability have been found to have significant difficulty understanding legal terminology and court proceedings (Ericson & Perlman, 2001). There is evidenced potential for confabulation – described as an act of ‘honest lying’ (Brown et al., 2013) – in young adults with foetal alcohol spectrum disorder when criminal justice officials do not alter practice to reflect these differences (Pora v The Queen [2015] UKPC 9, [44–48]). Furthermore, the reliance on oral language within the courtroom puts neurodivergent young adults who find communication challenging at a distinct disadvantage (Edwards et al., 2012), potentially contributing to the increased risk of being sentenced to incarceration (Foster & Young, 2021). All these factors can contribute to a hostile environment for those with neurodivergence in the criminal justice system, leading to a need for reform of the court system.
Article 13 of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) outlines the importance of ensuring equal and effective access to justice for those with disability, including through the provision of accommodations where required (UN, 2006). Access to justice has been defined as peoples' effective access to the systems, procedures, information, and locations used in the administration of justice (Ortoleva, 2010). To date, 184 States from across the globe have formally committed to the CRPD human rights treaty (UN, 2021) and have thus accepted that barriers to full participation in society still exist for those with disabilities. When exploring these barriers in the context of the criminal justice system it is important to consider procedural fairness as a core construct (Dorfman, 2017). Procedural fairness refers to the idea that when coming into contact with the justice system, not only do people care about the outcome of their case, but also in the way in which it was handled (Brems & Lavrysen, 2013). Valued criteria include being given the opportunity to participate, judge neutrality, being treated with respect, and trust in the system, which stems from understanding the process (Tyler, 2007). Improving procedural fairness not only increases access to justice, but it has also been found to increase compliance with court orders (Bornstein et al., 2011), and reduce reoffending even amongst more violent offenders (Papachristos et al., 2012).
These factors provide an important foundation to consider when identifying accommodations to support neurodivergent young adults who are attempting to access justice in the courtroom. In New Zealand, these calls for reform have resulted in the development of a specific locality court for young adults, termed Young Adult List (YAL) court. This initiative was developed in response to a large body of research which highlights that neuromaturation continues to occur into a person's mid‐twenties (Johnson et al., 2009), suggesting that their experience in court needs to reflect this difference in developmental trajectory alongside any neurodivergence.
There is a dearth of specific recommendations to improve procedural fairness, of what training should entail, and a lack of formal evaluation which limits the applicability of the accommodations (Turner and Hughes, forthcoming). Reports of best practice exist within the literature but are limited (White et al., 2021); therefore the contribution of neurodivergence experts has the potential to be significant and can be harnessed relatively quickly (Baker et al., 2006). It is essential that criminal justice officials and policymakers have access to specific recommendations and a grounding in evaluation to address this gap in the literature and improve access to justice for neurodivergent young adults, in line with the obligations of the CRPD.
Consequently, the aim of this study was to identify and clearly present ways to make the court environment more accessible, engaging, and ultimately more responsive to neurodivergence amongst young adults to facilitate further evaluative work. During an environmental assessment focus group, a panel of neurodivergence specialists reviewed the general district courtroom environment of a new YAL court to identify potential barriers to accessibility and to generate new ideas to empower neurodivergent young adults to better understand, engage, and participate in the courtroom process. These were submitted in a report to the New Zealand Ministry of Justice for potential implementation and evaluation alongside being presented in this paper.
2. METHOD
The Young Adult List (YAL) (The Māori name of the Young Adult List is Iti rearea teitei kahikatea ka taea. This name was gifted by the Ngati Toa iwi (tribe) and symbolises that challenges can be overcome with determination). This is a specialised District Court in New Zealand, which has been developed for young adults aged 18–25 years. The initial pilot of the YAL court occurred in the Porirua District Court (Porirua is a city near Wellington, Aotearoa New Zealand's capital city), which is where the data collection session for the environmental assessment focus group took place. The YAL trial began in March 2020, although the Covid‐19 pandemic restrictions delayed its official launch until the 31st of July 2020. An undisguised naturalistic observational visit to the court was undertaken to observe the day‐to‐day procedure of the courtroom and the behaviour of those in attendance. In essence, undisguised observation means that the panel were in plain sight of those in the courtroom and courtroom staff were aware of observers (Price et al., 2017). The visit was carried out over a period of 4 h on a single day in April 2021 by five neurodivergence specialists, with 2 h set aside for observation of the court proceedings. Experts were selected on their knowledge base (such as focal area of neurodivergence and of providing support, interventions, and accommodations) and experience (including clinical, research, and lived experience), and the panel's makeup aimed to provide a broad view of neurodivergence from multiple perspectives.
The panel included a speech and language therapist and court‐appointed communication assistant, clinical psychologist, disability rights academic, neuropsychology academic, and neurodivergence advocate representing a non‐governmental organisation. A semi‐structured guidance sheet detailing courtroom features, relationships, and processes was provided to the experts to provide a foundation from which to identify and recommend neurodivergence specific improvements, such as accessibility, engagement, and understanding. The panel of experts were also provided with information booklets routinely distributed to young adults who attend court, along with an A5 notebook to record anonymised feedback. The panel sat in the public gallery alongside other members of the public in order to reduce the likelihood of interrupting the typical routine during the YAL court. The panel then each independently recorded behaviours suggestive of anxiety, stress, or lack of understanding and their apparent triggers, whilst highlighting potential adjustments that could be made to procedures to reduce any barriers to accessing justice relating to neurodivergence. This information was then compiled by the lead researcher into a table. Following this, the table was again disseminated to the panel in a group session to collect any further feedback or suggestions relating to the barriers to accessing justice related to neurodivergence raised. Furthermore, the table was also disseminated to a key member of the judiciary and criminal justice officials to get their feedback on the feasibility of the suggestions.
3. RESULTS
The panel identified a range of stress‐response behaviours indicative of neurodivergence within the young adults attending court during the time of the observation. The assessors also observed multiple instances of positive practice during the environmental assessment of the YAL which differentiated the courtroom from a typical adult court. This was evident in the number of different stakeholders present in the courtroom, the readability of documentation, design of the courtroom, and involvement across all staffing levels. A number of recommendations were identified as offering potential for greater responsiveness and accessibility to a person with neurodivergence. For clarity and quick reference, specific accommodations, and their staging, are provided in Table 1. The next section shall discuss the key recommendations identified through this process. The accommodations identified fit well and could be implemented in a similar method to the Tiered Support Model framework, which currently describes accommodations offered to students in the education system as being on a continuum of intensity – universal (Tier 1), targeted (Tier 2), or individualised accommodations (Tier 3) (Ministry of Education, 2020). An example of how this could work in the criminal justice system has been presented in Figure 1.
TABLE 1.
Recommendations
| Universal supports (Tier 1) | Targeted supports (Tier 2) | Individualised support (Tier 3) | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Introduction to courtroom |
|
|
|
| Location and physical attributes of the courtroom |
|
|
|
| Engagement with courtroom |
|
|
|
| Engage with multi‐disciplinary team |
|
|
|
| Effective communication |
|
|
|
| Wellbeing |
|
|
|
| Executive functioning supports |
|
|
|
| Training |
|
|
|
| Screening |
|
|
|
Abbreviations: MOJ, Ministry of Justice; NGOs, non‐government organisations; YA, Young Adult.
FIGURE 1.

Tiered support model for accommodations provision in the CJS. YA, Young Adult
4. DISCUSSION
4.1. Accommodation approaches and recommendations
A variety of accommodations that were recommended by the panel would be beneficial to apply universally for young adults who come into the criminal justice system (at Tier 1). Universal supports were identified as potentially useful in a range of areas such as to increase engagement with the courtroom and to improve wellbeing. Furthermore, the engagement of multi‐disciplinary support agencies would be useful not only in the context of neurodivergence but would take into consideration other important barriers. For instance, lack of responsiveness to young people's ethnicity and culture can lead to even greater barriers for neurodivergent young people. More guidance regarding how to improve communication and language accessibility would be beneficial to inform practice. For instance, it is highly likely that all young adult participants would find clear signposting and ‘comprehension checks’ throughout court discussions helpful. Legal discussions can be highly complex and when legal professionals are talking between themselves, providing alternative and/or additional forms of engagement to verbal discussion is important to encourage an active ‘voice’ during court session. Suggestions as to what format this could take are available in Table 1.
To facilitate effective implementation of many of these accommodations, systemic training would be universally beneficial for criminal justice and enforcement workers. Without adequate training about neurodivergence, courtroom workers are unlikely to be able to alter their practices appropriately. In particular, criminal justice officials need education to develop greater awareness about how neurodivergence may present in a distressing environment, such as a courtroom. Understanding basic information regarding adapting communication to an individual, what ‘plain English’ really means in practice, insight into why people may present with ‘challenging behaviour’, and techniques to support young adults in these circumstances should be included in such education. Including lived experience from neurodivergent young adults who have gone through the system is critical to any education efforts when seeking to improve both staff and young adult perceptions of active participation. Training should be both comprehensive across understandings of neurodiversity, and trauma‐informed; it is important not to solely focus in one area of neurodivergence (for example, autism or brain injury only) over another to avoid misidentification and inappropriate supports. Indeed, young adults in the criminal justice system often present with a myriad of neurological differences, including those related to experience of trauma (Kirby, 2021). In line with this recommendation, researchers have reported improved attitudes amongst criminal justice officers after completing specialist disability awareness courses (Viljoen et al., 2017). However, ensuring the content of these provides a comprehensive, yet engaging view of neurodivergence, which is regularly evaluated with focus groups of young adults and staff members and is critical to ensure practice is evidence‐based.
It is also important to ensure the system can appropriately support staff when improving access to accommodations, and therefore a clear pathway for onward referral is needed so that criminal justice workers have the framework to then provide accommodations. Resources in Easy Read and other accessible formats should be developed for those in common offence pathways to help prevent reoffending (e.g. for driving without a licence, a guidance sheet highlighting the steps to get a licence in an accessible format). All related resources and guidance should be collated and available for both staff and young adults freely online at any stage of their criminal justice trajectory to help support responsive practice.
Systematic screening should be undertaken to assist in the identification of potential barriers to accessing justice and to shape accommodations provided; this is particularly key as neurodivergent difficulties are often not easily identifiable. There should be a clear response pathway to determine what accommodations and support any young adult who screens positive for potential neurodivergence could then receive, including any consideration needed when sentencing. There are clearly evidenced difficulties accessing justice at each stage of interaction with criminal justice system (Foster & Young, 2021). Therefore, screening should be undertaken at first point of contact (i.e., police interaction) and this information should be considered at each step of a young adult's criminal justice trajectory to ensure appropriate access to justice is provided.
Neurodivergence is incredibly heterogenous; a one size approach will certainly not suit everyone (Holness, 2014). For this reason, the provision of targeted supports (Tier 2) would be beneficial for some young people. These supports could be driven by the strengths and challenges of the young adult as identified during screening for neurodivergence. For instance, if a young adult is identified as experiencing high sensory reactivity and associated anxiety on a screening tool, protocol could then dictate that a set of Tier 2 accommodations could be implemented. A systemic pathway to allocate accommodations would also work, considering that many who are neurodivergent have multiple challenges which may need more than one accommodation to achieve active participation (White et al., 2020).
In cases where there is additional complexity, having multi‐disciplinary partners could also provide the opportunity for further specialist support; for example, if an individual has been known to use alcohol to self‐medicate for underlying anxiety and sensory difficulties, then engagement between neurodivergence and substance abuse groups to produce an individualised support plan would be beneficial (Tier 3). This would also include any referral to healthcare professionals for further assessment and specific individualised support needed.
4.2. Limitations and future research
There are several limitations of the observational nature of this assessment that are important to disclose. The environmental assessment observation component was restricted to a single point in time (2 h during the morning session on 23 April 2021). This is only a very short time period in this specific court on which to base recommendations, although all attendees had experience of traditional courtroom settings. Courtroom staff were aware that the panel were observing on that day, which may have caused some reactivity bias. In addition, during the observation there was no opportunity to engage with courtroom staff, other stakeholders, or the young adults themselves. The number of assessors that could be included in this exercise was limited; this is a key limitation because the success of the focus group is determined by the composition of the group and the background of its members. Efforts were made to cover a range of different neurodivergent profiles and perspectives, however a critical gap related to the lack of assessors who are Māori, and those with Pasifika backgrounds. Further work led by Māori and Pasifika peoples should be conducted to determine further accommodations that could be recommended in the context of cultural responsivity. Additionally, the group of assessors were all female and most of those appearing that day before the court were male. The group also did not reflect the demographic that the court intends to serve, and it would be highly useful to include young adults and their whānau who have lived experience of court processes as assessors in future panels. Furthermore, due to the prospective and exploratory nature of this work, it was not within the scope of this project to fully implement and evaluate the accommodations recommended. Designing complex evaluation studies for translational research may seem off‐putting for many due to the challenges involved with using large scale experimental designs in real‐life settings.
However, there are ways to undertake effective evaluations, and these should be prioritised. For instance, one potential methodology which could be suitable to evaluate courtroom accommodations is a matched control group design (Komro et al., 2016). By implementing different sets of accommodations at different locality courts with similar populations, this would enable the determination of the most effective set of accommodations. There are many other ways to frame such an evaluation, and useful explorations of these have been found in other community settings (Komro et al., 2016; Mikkelsen et al., 2016). The foundation of any evaluation would be selecting appropriate measures, such as of procedural fairness, which could be operationalised in an interview format or through a survey design. There are multiple different options available regarding the measurement of procedural fairness in courtrooms (e.g., LaGratta & Jensen, 2015), however it must be noted that these themselves would need to be altered significantly to be accessible to young adults with neurodivergence. When looking to evaluate the effectiveness of training, measurement of both young adult and criminal justice workers' perception of staff knowledge, confidence, and application of knowledge would be helpful. Future research and implementation of courtroom accommodations for neurodivergent young adults should look to embed an ongoing developmental evaluation – which involves an evolving set of accommodations – into practice to ensure true access to justice.
5. CONCLUSION
During the environmental assessment, focus group assessors recognised significant signs of potential neurodivergence amongst the group of young adults, indicating a clear need for systems such as the YAL initiative. They also recommended neurodiversity training, trauma‐informed education, and screening for neurodivergence in order to maximise the potential of the YAL and similar initiatives internationally. Accommodations were identified which could be applied in the context of limited resources, as well as more aspirational strategies requiring greater resource commitment. Importantly, different courts may require different framing of accommodations depending on the population and community they serve and accommodations must be responsive to such diversity. A tiered accommodation model would greatly improve inclusion whilst maintaining feasibility for criminal justice systems, and ensuring that those who need more individualised support receive it. The range of opportunities where improvements have been recommended, will be aided most significantly by neurodiversity training of the judiciary and courtroom officials that frames neurodiversity from a contemporary perspective. The strategies identified in this article aim to increase engagement, understanding, and empower young adults with neurodiversity to feel heard and understood following their time in court. Ultimately, the legal system has a clear opportunity to reduce societal barriers for young adults with neurodivergence, and be a source of social justice reform which, in turn, could greatly improve outcomes both for young adults, their families/whānau, and society as a whole.
Supporting information
Supplementary Material
Clasby, B. , Mirfin‐Veitch, B. , Blackett, R. , Kedge, S. , & Whitehead, E. (2022). Responding to neurodiversity in the courtroom: A brief evaluation of environmental accommodations to increase procedural fairness. Criminal Behaviour & Mental Health, 32(3), 197–211. 10.1002/cbm.2239
DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
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Associated Data
This section collects any data citations, data availability statements, or supplementary materials included in this article.
Supplementary Materials
Supplementary Material
Data Availability Statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
