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. Author manuscript; available in PMC: 2022 Oct 28.
Published in final edited form as: Ecol Food Nutr. 2021 Sep-Oct;60(5):548–563. doi: 10.1080/03670244.2021.1974014

Food Insecurity and the Hispanic Population during the COVID-19 Pandemic

Carmen Rodriguez a, Sylvia L Crowder b, Mary Rodriguez c, Laura Redwine d, Marilyn Stern d
PMCID: PMC9614706  NIHMSID: NIHMS1844192  PMID: 34617866

Abstract

Historically, food insecurity has been a problem for the Hispanic/Latino population in the United States. Variations in food insecurity exist among this population by origin, immigration status, household composition, and region. The coronavirus pandemic has exacerbated existing vulnerabilities this population faces with food insecurity including limited economic resources, reliance on programs unprepared for atypical circumstances, closure of avenues providing access to meals, and unemployment. This paper reviews key factors related to the current rate of food insecurity among the Hispanic/Latino population in the mainland United States and is an exemplar of similar variability found in Puerto Rico. Recommendations for reducing food insecurity in this population are provided.

Keywords: Food insecurity, hispanic, Latino, pandemic

Introduction

Hispano/Latino Americans as an ethnic group include individuals of Cuba, Mexico, Puerto Rico, South or Central America, or other Spanish culture or origin, regardless of race (United States Department of Health and Human Services 2021; US Census Bureau 2021). The Hispanic/Latino American population is the largest ethnic/racial minority in the United States (U.S.), comprising 18.5% of the nation’s total population (US Census Bureau 2021). With the increase in the Hispanic/Latino population, food insecurity rates; defined as “a household-level economic and social condition of limited or uncertain access to adequate food” (USDA-United States Department of Agriculture 2006 https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/food-nutritionn-assistance/food-security-in-the-us/definitions-of-food-security/) have been reported in higher ranges (15.6–22.4%) as compared to the national average (10.5–14%) (Coleman-Jensen et al. 2019b; Rabbitt, Smith, and Coleman-Jensen 2016).

Prevalence

Food insecurity is prevalent in the Hispanic population across race, ethnicity, heritage, country of origin, and age (Rabbitt, Smith, and Coleman-Jensen 2016). Historically, variable severity in food insecurity, including low food security “reduced quality, variety, or desirability of diet” and very low security “multiple indications of disrupted eating patterns and reduced food intake,” have been reported (USDA-United States Department of Agriculture 2006 https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/food-nutrition-assistance/food-security-in-the-us/definitions-of-food-security/).

The Household Food Security in the United States Study (2019) identified approximately 7.1% (2.7 million) of the U.S. Hispanic/Latino households with children to be food insecure at various times during the year (Coleman-Jensen et al. 2019). Rates of food insecurity higher than the national average (11.1%) were reported for Hispanic/Latino homes with children (13.9%), homes with children under 6 years old (14.3%), homes led by single women (27.8%) or single men (15.9%), and other children (21.1%) (Coleman-Jensen et al. 2019). Households with very low food security reported that based on the availability of money for food, children experienced hunger, skipped meals, and may not have eaten for a whole day.

According to the State of Senior Hunger in America Report (Coleman-Jensen et al. 2019), seniors of racial or ethnic minority status are at higher risk and experience food insecurity at a disproportionately higher rate (Ziliak and Gundersen 2019). In 2018, food insecure senior Hispanics/(14.8%) and very low secure senior Hispanics (4.5%) had twice the rates of food insecurity compared to senior non-Hispanics (6.5% and 2.6%, respectively) (Ziliak and Gundersen 2019). Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, a poll on Healthy Aging conducted by the University of Michigan on a national sample of adults age 50–80 revealed that household food insecurity was higher among Hispanic adults (22%) compared to non-Hispanic White adults (12%), including a higher percentage using nutrition programs such as SNAP, to supplement the food budget (Leung et al. 2020). There are persistent concerns for seniors to receive adequate resources for nutritional needs; however, these concerns are coupled with anti-immigrant policies hindering access to food assistance programs.

Mainland U.S

A report focusing on food insecurity among the Hispanic adult population in the mainland U.S. (2011–2014) identified higher rates in Puerto Ricans (25.3%), followed by individuals identifying themselves as Mexicans (20.8%), Central/South Americans (20.7%), and Cubans (12.1%), as a result of economic variance, immigration status, and extent of time in the U.S. (Rabbitt, Smith, and Coleman-Jensen 2016). A higher prevalence of food insecurity was further described for families led by single Hispanic women with children (30.7%), individuals with incomes below the federal poverty line (37.3%), and individuals living in primary cities of metropolitan areas (21.3%). Data from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES; 1999–2014) revealed higher rates of food insecurity among non-citizen immigrants with longer U.S. residence status in comparison to non-citizen immigrants with shorter U.S. residence status, and naturalized immigrants (Altman, Heflin, and Patnaik 2020).

U.S. Territory of Puerto Rico

Multiple factors place Puerto Rican residents at high vulnerability to food insecurity, including, but not limited to, the geographic location of the island, the economy, and historical circumstances. Roughly 33% of Puerto Rican adults report food insecurity, with disparities predominantly stemming from the social determinants of health, conditions in the environment in which people are born, live, work, play, and age that affect health functioning, health outcomes, and quality of life (Office of Disease Prevention 2021; Santiago-Torres et al. 2019). For instance, Puerto Rican adults between the ages of 25–54 years, with educational level of high school or less, and an annual income of $25,000 or less, are more likely to be food insecure.

The poverty rate for families in Puerto Rico has increased over the years, with a more significant impact on families with children under 18 years. The most recent data portray a poverty rate of 39.5% of Puerto Rican families and in those families with children under 18, the poverty rate is 51.5% (US Census Bureau 2019b). These rates are highly disproportionate compared to the U.S. Mainland population (8.6% and 13.8%, respectively) (US Census Bureau 2019a). Indeed, 43.2% of the PR population (vs. 10.7% in the U.S. Mainland population) receive Food Stamp (SNAP) benefits to help them acquire food for their families (US Census Bureau 2019a). Another program supported by a block grant with federal funding, the Nutrition Assistance Program (NAP, or PAN for Programa de Asistencia Nutricional) provides Puerto Ricans with household food assistance to afford a basic diet (Center on Budget and Policy Priorities 2020). This program is especially important given the high levels of poverty and hardship for over two-fifths of all residents of Puerto Rico (43%) and over half of the children in Puerto Rico (57%) lived in poverty in 2018, according to the most recent Census Bureau data. The program has been of assistance during periods where destruction has been caused by hurricanes, and most recently, the COVID-19 pandemic (Center on Budget and Policy Priorities 2020).

Food insecurity also results from factors including: 1) cost of food in Puerto Rico, which is higher than in the Continental U.S., primarily because 85% of food consumed locally is principally imported by sea (Ramos Segarra 2019); 2) exposure to hurricanes thus increasing the risk that replacement food cannot arrive by ship, resulting in destruction of agriculture (The Associated Press 2015); and 3) the 1920 Jones Act (La Ley de Cabotaje) that establishes that Puerto Rico must use U.S. ships for merchandise transportation (Univision 2015), which limits food supply from other countries (Yglesias 2017). In particular, the Jones Act establishes that transportation of goods by sea must occur on ships that are built in America, American-owned, and crewed by the U.S. citizens or permanent residents, thus limiting food supply from other countries, hence impacting food prices (Yglesias 2017). This was evidenced after the El Faro barge’s sinking in 2015, which caused a delay in supplying the transported products for at least 2 weeks (The Associated Press 2015).

Additionally, Puerto Rico is prone to natural disasters, including hurricanes and earthquakes, and these environmental events severely impact the food supply chain. After Hurricane Maria, nearly half (43.1%) of households in Puerto Rico reported challenges in accessing food for their children and one in five households were unable to supply any of the three daily meals for their children (Yglesias 2017). In Hurricane Maria’s aftermath, low-income families were disproportionately food insecure compared to children from higher-income families. Moreover, food insecurity heightened as the destruction of crops impacted the availability of food in supermarkets (Instituto del Desarrollo de la Juventud 2019). Furthermore, multiple earthquakes of significant magnitude (January 2020) have further re-highlighted inequalities suffered by the population and vulnerability to food insecurity (WIPR 2020).

The COVID-19 epidemic and the Hispanic population

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) weighted population data show that over 26% of U.S. COVID-19 deaths were among Hispanic individuals, who represent only +18% of the total U.S. population (CDC-Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. National Center for Health Statistics-Weekly 2020c). Many Hispanics work frontline jobs in cleaning and sanitation, waste management, food delivery, and grocery stores, which increases exposure to people and materials infected with COVID-19 (CDC-Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Coronavirus Disease 2020a). Furthermore, 25% of Hispanics live in a multigenerational household, thus taking precautionary measures to protect older family members or isolate those who are already sick, especially challenging (CDC-Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Coronavirus Disease 2020a; Cohn and Passel 2018). While most children and teens who acquire COVID-19 recover with minimal symptoms, roughly 45% of COVID-19 deaths in young people are from the Hispanic population (CDC-Centers for Disease Control and Prevention-Coronavirus Disease 2020b; Marchante 2020).

Challenges faced by the Hispanic population during the pandemic

The COVID-19 pandemic intensified challenges, including food insecurity experienced by the Hispanic/Latino population during the pandemic. Further challenges included increased hardship associated with the ability to work and manage finances, difficulty to access food and essential products, issues with the availability of childcare and access to healthcare, and meeting criteria for governmental programs that emerged as a result of COVID-19.

Employment and income

Hispanic adults faced high levels of material hardship pre-pandemic, making it difficult to pay bills and pay for medical costs, and these hardships were magnified during the pandemic, where roughly 68% of Hispanic noncitizens and 47% of Hispanic citizens were not able to work (Gonzalez et al. 2020). Many families were impacted by business closures and job losses, which only increased food insecurity and related health disparities among an already at-risk population (Crosby and Mendez 2017; Wolfson and Leung 2020).

Hourly workers in the Hispanic population have a higher percentage of individuals without sick days or vacation days, thus if they or someone in their family gets sick with COVID-19 they are more likely to lose their job because of missing work. Furthermore, Hispanic adults who are noncitizens or live with noncitizen family members represent 4 in 10 Hispanic adults in the U.S., which makes them ineligible to apply for federal relief efforts, as it would adversely affect their or their family’s immigration status. Roughly 70% of noncitizen Hispanic adults and 50% of Hispanic adult citizens (whose family members were also citizens) lost a job, work hours, or work-related income due to the pandemic (Gonzalez et al. 2020). This is higher than the 38% experienced by non-Hispanic adults and 41% experienced by non-Hispanic black adults (Gonzalez et al. 2020). The COVID-19 pandemic resulted in an economic crisis that exacerbated short- and long-term difficulties and financial insecurity for Hispanic families as a result of unemployment and loss of income (Karpman et al. 2020).

Access to childcare

COVID-19 raised other concerns impacting employment and income, as roughly 6% of very low food secure adults were unable to obtain enough childcare, and a similar number were unable to work due to a lack of childcare (Wolfson and Leung 2020). Prior to the pandemic, childcare deserts, or limited access to areas with quality childcare, were predominantly in Hispanic communities and rural America. A recent analysis suggested that childcare closures due to COVID-19 were concentrated in low-income and middle-income neighborhoods and many families were not able to access childcare services, making it harder for parents to return to work (Malik et al. 2020). This is the case specifically for low-income Hispanic families receiving childcare subsidies funded through the Child Care and Development Fund (CCDF) (Banghart and Bedrick 2020). Mandated closures and space and safety restrictions upon reopening limited the number of childcare facilities. Many of these facilities were concerned about staying open without additional financial assistance (National Association for the Education of Young Children 2020). This is especially important to note as many Hispanic families have a greater need for childcare during the early mornings or late evenings (Crosby and Mendez 2017).

Access to food and other essentials

Several challenges arose during the COVID-19 pandemic including decreased ability to obtain household items (i.e., toilet paper, Clorox wipes, household cleaners, and food), lack of access to healthcare and medications, and furloughs related to business closers and illness that made it difficult to pay bills. Unfortunately, because of racial and ethnic disparities, the Hispanic population was more likely to be food insecure, with lower social standing, less flexible jobs, and more vulnerable to chronic stress and basic need insecurities pre-pandemic that were only amplified during the pandemic (Coleman-Jensen et al. 2019).

After the pandemic hit the U.S. in March 2020 food insecurity dramatically increased well beyond levels seen during the Great Recession, with 31% of Hispanic families reporting very low food security status as compared to 26% for non-Hispanic Whites (Wolfson and Leung 2020). Grocery store shelves were wiped clean, while schools and farmers markets were closed indefinitely. For many, the option of purchasing food and essentials online made it easy to stay-at-home and limit social interaction.

Hispanic families who were responsible for replacing school meals at home while relying on Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Programs (SNAP) during the pandemic experienced various challenges. For Hispanic families, it was nearly impossible to obtain essential items without exposing themselves and family members to crowded grocery stores, putting them at a higher risk of contracting COVID-19, and of greater food insecurity due to the resulting economic effects (McCormack 2020). Furthermore, only 18% of low-income adults with very low food security were able to comply with public health recommendations to purchase 2 weeks of food at a time, and 41% of adults with very low food security reported not having enough food to feed themselves or their family (Wolfson and Leung 2020).

The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated the inequalities suffered by individuals living in Puerto Rico. Thousands of people stopped generating revenue, resulting in 22,000 new SNAP participants (Agencia EFE 2020). The government delayed distributing the federal incentive and had severe difficulties implementing a suitable infrastructure for applying for the Pandemic Unemployment Assistance (Telemundo Puerto Rico 2020). Additionally, school closure limited school-age children receiving lunch for a few months, which, for many, is the only nutritious and balanced meal received daily (Metro Puerto Rico 2020).

Access to healthcare

Cumulative health disparities and increased health risks in racial/ethnic minority groups during the pandemic resulted from the lack of health insurance and inadequate access to health care (Shippee et al. 2020). As data continues to become publicly available from the COVID-19 pandemic, it suggests the virus disproportionately sickened Hispanic communities in the U.S. because of exposure, susceptibility, and access to health care. Two-thirds (65%) of Hispanic families reported COVID-19 was a threat to the health of the U.S. population, while only 47% of the general public reported it was a threat (Krogstad, Gonzalez-Barrera, and Hugo Lopez 2020). This is likely a result of language barriers the Hispanic community faces coupled with limited access to health care and information (Calo et al. 2020). Even before the pandemic, barriers to care led to undiagnosed medical conditions, lower quality of care services, and worse health outcomes for Hispanics. It is postulated that the Hispanic population relies on home and community-based services for food, transportation, and medical assistance, making them more vulnerable to unmet needs and placing them at a greater risk of adverse health outcomes. This is particularly concerning for households with small children, as they are more likely to experience poor health, more hospitalizations in childhood, and develop chronic diseases such as asthma (Gundersen and Ziliak 2015; Shippee et al. 2020).

Inequities in healthcare access are experienced by Puerto Ricans as it relates to benefits, operation, and implementation of healthcare programs. For instance, annual federal funding for Medicaid in Puerto Rico is limited by a statutory cap and fixed matching rate, which limits the number of eligible individuals receiving Medicaid (Kaiser Family Foundation 2019). Long-standing issues such as healthcare provider shortages associated with out-migration, poor infrastructure, and challenges associated with affordability of private health insurance further increased the complexity associated with inequities in healthcare during the pandemic (Kaiser Family Foundation 2019). Although Puerto Rico has received additional federal funds over the statutory caps, assigned funds have a limited period of coverage until September 2021, and without further Congressional action, Medicaid financing will be in jeopardy, potentially impacting long-term health associated with the pandemic (Kaiser Family Foundation 2021).

Government support

Three important acts were passed in the U.S. to support low-income families for direct income assistance and expanded unemployment benefits: the CARES Act, the Families First Coronavirus Response Act, and the Maintaining Essential Access to Lunch for Students Act (McCormack 2020; Wolfson and Leung 2020). The overall goal of the CARES Act (Unidos US 2020) was to provide an economic relief package by the government, to protect the American workers, families, and small businesses, from the public health and economic impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. The CARES Act specifies that a Social Security number is required for a household to receive an economic relief payment, which excludes many U.S. Hispanics. Additionally, the timely receipt of this economic relief is dependent on having a direct deposit to a bank and/or filing taxes, which are often not possible for Hispanics with low incomes, and/or individuals who receive a cash wage instead of a direct deposit to a steady bank account (Unidos US 2020). The Families First Coronavirus Response Act’s goal was to give employers guidance on requirements for providing employees with paid sick leave or expanded family and medical leave in association with COVID-19. The program, however, did not address the situation of many workers, including Hispanics who earn low wages and/or normally receive limited or no benefits (Romig and Bryant 2020). Despite how significant the contributions of some Hispanics in the U.S. may be, inequalities in the distribution of much-needed assistance are challenging for individuals with significant need. The Maintaining Essential Access to Lunch for Students Act came into effect in early April 2020 in mainland U.S. The Act aimed at protecting students access to school meal benefits, while schools are closed because of COVID-19 (USDA-United States Department of Agriculture 2020a). Many Hispanic children had limited access to these meals (McCormack 2020) as their parents worked non-flexible, low-wage, hourly jobs without the option to work remotely and drive to pick up their child’s meals from schools or designated food drop-off locations (Truner and Kamenetz 2020).

Community engagement

Community engagement initiatives involve a “process of working collaboratively with and through groups of people affiliated by geographic proximity, special interest, or similar situations with respect to issues affecting their well-being” (CDC-Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 1997, 9; McCloskey et al. 2011). Several initiatives with a focus on addressing the impact of the pandemic have been established with various goals including 1) identifying the causes of the disproportionate spread of the virus within the Latino community, and 2) taking targeted steps to address them, indirectly (Coronavirus Resources 2020). For instance, the Latino Covid-19 Emergency Task Force in Central Valley, California, aimed at supporting public health and medical efforts, outreach/education, and social services. This support focused on addressing the positivity rate and fatalities associated with COVID-19 among the Hispanic/Latino community, by integrating leaders from health care, government, business, faith, and nonprofit communities. However, the Task Force had the potential to impact personal and family preparedness and finances (e.g., food access), through the dissemination of culturally relevant information, and the integration of trusted members and organizations (e.g., churches and schools) within the Hispanic/Latino communities.

Another initiative included the creation of foundations to support the most vulnerable Latino communities during the COVID-19 pandemic and to serve families (Latino Community Foundation 2021). The Latino Community Foundation, Love not fear fund provided support for immediate and long-term needs focusing on funds distribution to organizations that play a vital role in supporting the Hispanic/Latino communities, and with the building of civic engagement (https://latinocf.org/covid/.

The adaptation of existing programs that aimed at addressing and reducing disparities in the Hispanic/Latino population was instrumental during the pandemic (NRI-Analytics Improving Behavioral Health 2020). One example is The Better Together REACH initiatives, led by the Penn State College of Medicine, with an already-existing infrastructure to address the needs of the Hispanic/Latino community, in providing access to language concordant resources to manage loss of income, emergency lodging, food access, and basic needs during local COVID-19 events (Calo et al. 2020). In addition, free access to the internet during the pandemic and existing infrastructure provided the Better Together REACH team the opportunity to initiate webinars in Spanish to disseminate information about COVID-19 (Murray et al. 2020). Other programs that adapted their initiatives to serve the Hispanic/Latino communities include: 1) AVANCE, centered on parent education programs, adapted the program to assist with basic needs, such as the provision of food; and 2) Identity, focused on programs for Latino youth living in high-poverty areas, made modifications to meet families’ needs for food, housing, and other emergency assistance.

Recommendations

Gaining an understanding of the cultural factors involved in the development of relationships, trust, acceptance of help and support, and removal of barriers that hinder access to community-based programs is recommended to reach individuals experiencing food insecurity (McCloskey et al. 2011). For instance, access to programs such as SNAP may be improved by initiatives that focus on modifying eligibility restrictions, increasing the number of bilingual staff interacting with individuals during the application process, facilitating transportation to sites where application to programs or community services occur, and enhancing understanding about available programs (Unidos US 2018). Considering deterrents, such as limited understanding of the dominant language, is often a first step towards decreasing the challenges experienced in accessing needed assistance.

The implementation of a process that is consistent and lessens uneasiness in accessing needed resources has proven constructive for multiple individuals. A process to minimize barriers to adequate nutrition for low-income patients and individuals with nutrition-related illness has been used successfully by the Preventive Food Pantry at Boston Medical Center, providing food to an average of 6,941 individuals monthly (Boston Medical 2020). Critical components of this process integrate: 1) referral to the Food Pantry by medical providers to receive supplemental foods, 2) families’ consistent access to the Food Pantry every 2 weeks to obtain food for their household, and 3) the provision of perishable goods (fresh fruits, vegetables, and meats) all year round. Considering processes proven effective when planning and integrating community-based interventions is critical to provide direct support to vulnerable individuals, and consequently decrease challenges associated with food insecure periods.

The development of policies that remove barriers for program participation at the local, regional, and federal levels is encouraged. Recommendations with the potential to address food insecurity with populations at risk include: 1) increasing funding and shifting meal assistance programs to a delivery format; 2) launching and/or renewing awareness programs to address informational needs about eligibility; and 3) increasing funding for emergency needs (Goger 2020). The Pandemic Electronic Benefit Transfer (P-EBT) is an USDA initiative that has emerged to work with local and state partners to allow temporary emergency nutrition benefits for children, providing EBT cards for food purchase during the pandemic (USDA-United States Department of Agriculture 2020b). Other strategies that assisted with providing continuity to the provision of meals to students included lifting rules requiring that children gather and eat their meals on site, and modifications in the delivery of meals in a manner that food could be taken home (USDA-United States Department of Agriculture 2020b). Other innovative solutions that emerged during the pandemic included the expansion of meal service to 7 days per week, mobile distribution of meals including the use of school buses and home delivery in rural areas and providing up to a week of meals at once (Kinsey et al. 2020).

Initiatives should also aim at addressing community awareness of available programs, and educational interventions for groups with low participation rates and high vulnerability to food insecurity such as the elderly, the immigrant population, low-income households, and people with literacy issues and/or individuals for whom the first language is not English (Garcia 2011). Community initiatives encompassing learning skills such as those involved in the development of community gardens have been associated with positive outcomes for individuals with limited access to food (CDC- Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Healthy Places 2020d). Training of individuals about the development of home or community gardens provides long-term skills necessary to benefit not only at the individual level but also to contribute to efforts associated with the production and sharing of goods within a community.

Early identification of individuals at risk for food insecurity is critical for prompt intervention and referral to appropriate community services and programs. The integration of standards that support ongoing food insecurity risk assessments at clinics, community sites, schools, and healthcare institutions has been considered by several agencies. Several initiatives that recommend programs and/or define standards to screen for food insecurity in clinical settings include the American Academy of Pediatrics (American Academy of Pediatrics Council on Community Pediatrics 2015), the American Diabetes Association (American Diabetes Association 2016), and the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Innovation Center (Alley et al. 2016). Ongoing assessment has the potential to promote fair access to services by individuals at risk.

Conclusion

Food insecurity is a prevalent and disproportionate challenge experienced by many Hispanics in the US. Hispanic immigrants experience circumstances that increase their risk for food insecurity with low-wages, job insecurity, language, education, and social position as common challenges. The COVID-19 pandemic intensified the challenges and struggles Hispanics across the age continuum experience in gaining access to food. Challenges associated with finding employment and managing finances, access to food and essentials, availability of childcare, access to healthcare, and meeting criteria for governmental programs characterized the experience of many Hispanics as the pandemic evolved. Considering barriers to accessing existing local, regional, and federal programs is of essence to decrease the challenges faced by Hispanics at risk or experiencing food insecurity. Increasing screening efforts in clinical settings, and initiation of appropriate referrals to community service, should be considered as an ongoing approach, due to the magnitude of food insecurity in the Hispanic population, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Funding

This study was funded by NIH-NIMHD 5U54MD007579-35 and R34AT010661-01

Footnotes

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

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