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. Author manuscript; available in PMC: 2024 Feb 1.
Published in final edited form as: Pain. 2022 May 20;164(2):223–229. doi: 10.1097/j.pain.0000000000002698

Understanding the contribution of racially and ethnically discordant interactions to pain disparities: proximal mechanisms and potential solutions

Claire E Ashton-James 1, Steven R Anderson 2, Adam T Hirsh 3
PMCID: PMC9675882  NIHMSID: NIHMS1809334  PMID: 35594518

1. Introduction

The disproportionate impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on racially and ethnically minoritized individuals[40] has led to a renewed sense of urgency in addressing persistent and widespread disparities in healthcare. Within pain medicine, robust evidence indicates that Black patients report higher levels of acute and chronic pain than White patients[13,14,43]. Similarly, results from over 40 experimental studies[43] have consistently demonstrated moderate to large effects of participant race on experimental pain sensitivity across multiple modalities. Despite clinical and experimental evidence for racial and ethnic differences in pain, Black and Hispanic/Latino/a/x1 patients frequently receive less adequate pain care[12,64,80]. For example, a recent meta-analysis of analgesia prescription rates in emergency departments found that Black and Hispanic/Latino/a/x patients were 34% and 13% less likely, respectively, to receive opioid analgesics for acute pain compared to White patients[44].

The factors contributing to racial and ethnic disparities in pain—and disparities in health more broadly—ultimately stem from the historical and ongoing unequal treatment of racially and ethnically minoritized individuals. Systemic racism creates and perpetuates socioeconomic disadvantage among minoritized individuals[42,88], reduces healthcare access and trust in providers[28], and increases exposure to physical, psychological, and social factors that predict worse health outcomes including pain[33,40,69,75]. System-level changes, including parity in the racial and ethnic diversity of healthcare providers, legal reforms to protect minoritized individuals against systemic racism, and social reforms to increase equity of access to healthcare, are essential to mitigate racial and ethnic disparities in pain and pain management. At the same time, it is important to also seek out more immediate solutions that may be useful for minoritized patients experiencing the effects of systemic racism. In fact, a growing body of evidence points to a proximal contributor to pain disparities that may be addressed in the moment of the clinical encounter: intergroup anxiety – experienced by both providers and patients – associated with racial and ethnic discordance.

In this review, we outline evidence for the contribution of racial and ethnic discordance to differences in experimental pain and disparities in clinical outcomes. We propose a framework for understanding the impact of racially and ethnically discordant interactions on the pain experienced by minoritized individuals, focusing on the role of intergroup anxiety experienced by minoritized individuals (Figure 1). We identify factors that may moderate intergroup anxiety and discuss potential ways clinicians can reduce the intergroup anxiety experienced by minoritized individuals in racially and ethnically discordant interactions (Table 1).

Figure 1.

Figure 1.

Relationship between racial and ethnic discordance and pain.

Table 1.

Evidence-based strategies for reducing intergroup anxiety in racially and ethnically discordant clinical interactions.

Patient-focused interventions Interventional targets
Affirmation of core values and beliefs
Reduces perceived interpersonal threat
Reduces social anxiety and discomfort
Explicit commitment to participation in care, collaboration, and shared decision-making
Increases sense of agency and control
Increases certainty with regards to behavioral scripts
Identification of shared beliefs or values Increases perceived familiarity and trustworthiness of the interaction partner
Provider-focused interventions
Explicit commitment to information-giving, listening, patient-engagement, collaboration, and shared decision-making Positive intergroup contact
Reduces perceived risk
Increases sense of agency and control
Increases trust
Perspective taking (“Imagine how patients’ pain affects their lives”) Reduces implicit race bias in treatment decision-making
Increases provider affiliation behavior
Explicit commitment to “being on the same team” Activates common group identity
Improves patient-provider trust

2. The impact of racial and ethnic discordance on experimental and clinical pain outcomes

Recent experimental studies have found that racial and ethnic group differences between experimenter and participant can influence pain, particularly for minoritized participants[3,41,84]. Anderson et al. [3] examined the role of racial and ethnic discordance on pain and its physiological correlates. In simulated clinical interactions, Black patients paired with racially and ethnically discordant doctors had higher pain and pain-related physiological arousal in response to painful heat stimuli. This pattern was not observed in patients who self-identified as Hispanic, who did not perceive discordant doctors as being significantly different from them in ethnicity or appearance. Vigil et al. [84] examined the effect of having a White experimenter on pain sensitivity among participants self-identifying as Hispanic and Non-Hispanic White. Hispanic participants demonstrated higher pain sensitivity after interactions with non-Hispanic White compared to Hispanic experimenters; 0–18% of the variance in pain sensitivity was due to experimenter characteristics.

It is important to note that despite recent evidence for the impact of racial and ethnic discordance on pain sensitivity, experimental findings are mixed. For example, Weisse et al. [85] did not find evidence for a main effect of racial or gender concordance on pain reporting; interestingly, Black participants had higher pain than White participants when reporting to a female experimenter. Evidence for the impact of patient-provider racial and ethnic concordance on health outcomes more broadly is also mixed. A 2009 systematic review indicated that 33% (9/27) of observational studies found evidence for a positive effect of concordance on health outcomes for minoritized U.S. residents, with 30% (8/27) reporting no effect and 37% (10/27) reporting mixed findings[50]. Inconsistent evidence for the impact of racial and ethnic discordance on health outcomes may be partly due to regional differences in race relations and social climate, unmeasured socioeconomic status, variable study quality, and heterogeneous study participants. This inconsistency also suggests that the impact of discordance on health outcomes is context dependent and, thus, potentially modifiable. Given that racially and ethnically discordant medical interactions are the normative experience for minoritized patients[1], and that the underrepresentation of minoritized providers in medicine is actually worsening across most medical specialties[45], it is essential that we take steps to understand the conditions under which racially and ethnically minoritized individuals may be most vulnerable to increased pain in discordant interactions.

3. Understanding the impact of racial/ethnic discordance on pain: The experience of intergroup anxiety among minoritized individuals

Intergroup anxiety is a social dynamic characterized by a trait-level preference for interactions with same-group members, which can in turn influence state-level anxiety and discomfort during interactions with other-group members[32,78]. Intergroup anxiety can be experienced by members of socially dominant groups and by members of minoritized groups[77]. Likewise, it can be experienced by both (White) providers and (minoritized) patients, with implications for health disparities. Regarding the former, in a recent virtual patient study, Grant and colleagues[32] found White physicians with higher trait-level intergroup anxiety experienced more state-level discomfort with Black patients, which subsequently impacted their pain treatment decisions for these patients. This is consistent with findings from the broader healthcare literature. For example, in a survey of over 1,700 physicians, Cunningham and colleagues[21] found a positive association between physicians’ anxiety and their use of patient race in treatment decisions. Providers who experience high intergroup anxiety may adopt a protective self-presentational style and/or otherwise engage with their minoritized patients in an awkward and strained manner[66], thus harming the clinical relationship and provision of care.

Intergroup anxiety is also experienced by minoritized individuals (patients), which is the primary focus of this topical review. It is important to emphasize that intergroup anxiety is not a psychological defect or shortcoming of minoritized individuals. Rather, it is an adaptive response to historical and ongoing examples of societal mistreatment[20]. Experimental research has found that Black individuals, when interacting with White (compared to Black) social partners, perceive the interaction as more stressful[63,70], have heightened physiological arousal and cardiovascular stress responses[55,65], report greater social anxiety[86], and show heightened amygdala activation associated with threat detection[35]. Beyond the lab, studies show that, after adjusting for socioeconomic inequality, Black individuals report higher distrust in White physicians[19,67], likely owing to their experience of racism both within medicine and society at large. This suggests that intergroup anxiety may be a feature of racially and ethnically discordant clinical interactions.

Below, we highlight several social cognitive processes by which intergroup anxiety exacerbates pain among minoritized individuals in racially and ethnically discordant interactions, while acknowledging that a multitude of processes are likely involved[6].

3.1. Intergroup anxiety and the perceived threat of pain

Higher trait intergroup anxiety is associated with greater perceived or experienced threat in racially and ethnically discordant interactions[79]. The exacerbating impact of interpersonal threat on pain sensitivity has long been acknowledged in the chronic pain literature[92,93]. For example, patients with chronic low back pain are more likely to terminate physical activity prematurely after a stressful spousal interaction[68], and increasing the level of perceived social threat increases pain in healthy participants[57]. In clinical settings, Black patients are more likely than White patients to be racially discriminated against in their ability to obtain pain treatment[52], consistent with the well-documented real effects of racial discrimination in healthcare[34]. This suggests that interacting with a racially and ethnically discordant physician is more interpersonally threatening, and consequently pain-evoking, than interacting with a concordant physician.

3.2. Intergroup anxiety and feelings of distrust

Lack of trust is a well-demonstrated consequence of intergroup anxiety[56,89]. Minoritized individuals’ experience of distrust in medical settings, in particular, stems from a history of unequal treatment and documented racial and ethnic discrimination within medical settings[28,42,88]. In turn, lack of trust is associated with higher pain sensitivity in clinical and experimental settings[4,48]. Conversely, people tend to experience less pain in the presence of others who are perceived as trustworthy and empathic sources of social support. For example, exposure to painful stimuli is associated with less pain intensity and unpleasantness when holding the hand (or viewing a photograph) of a trusted other versus a stranger[15,47,49]. Similarly, greater empathy and verbal reassurance from a social partner are associated with lower pain sensitivity[10,31]. To the extent that minoritized patients experience intergroup anxiety in clinical interactions, we expect their level of distrust for healthcare providers to be heightened, and in turn for racial and ethnic differences in pain sensitivity to be exacerbated.

3.3. Intergroup anxiety and the depletion of attentional resources

The magnitude and quality of emotional responses to painful stimuli is in part regulated by cognitive reappraisal, which engages prefrontal cortex regions that inhibit amygdala and medial orbitofrontal cortex activity[53] to generate alternative emotional responses[54]. Critically, the cognitive reappraisal of pain, involving maintaining attention towards or distraction from pain, requires attentional resources[81] which can be consumed by competing cognitive demands[11,76,87]. Research suggests that in response to intergroup anxiety (specifically, responses that involve vigilance against prejudice or discrimination) minoritized group members may experience more stress and engage in more effortful behaviours requiring greater attention, emotion regulation, and self-control. For example, minoritized individuals who were concerned about being the target of prejudice exerted greater effort – verbal and nonverbal – to smooth interactions with White majority-group members[60]. Consequently, to the extent that minoritized individuals seek to reduce intergroup anxiety via impression management, they may have reduced attentional resources to downregulate their experience of pain, potentially exacerbating racial and ethnic differences in pain sensitivity.

4. Factors moderating the experience of intergroup anxiety

The degree to which racially and ethnically minoritized individuals experience intergroup anxiety in interactions with White individuals varies and may be determined by factors related to the individual, context, or behavior of their interaction partner (Figure 1).

4.1. Individual factors

Intergroup anxiety is associated with minoritized individuals’ anticipation of discrimination[65], concerns about being discriminated against[71] and the negative associated repercussions[61], and – relatedly – previous experiences of race-related rejection[51]. Anderson et al. [3] found that the effects of racial and ethnic discordance on pain-related physiological arousal were largest for patients who previously experienced or currently worried about racial discrimination. Importantly, non-white individuals were more likely to fear racial discrimination, particularly if they or their family has experienced discrimination[38]. Hence, while fear of racial discrimination is an individual factor that may contribute to intergroup anxiety and pain in racial an ethnically discordant interactions, it is inextricably linked with individuals’ experience of racial discrimination. Finally, Rahim-Williams et al. [62] measured participants’ degree of ethnic identification using the Multi-group Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) Questionnaire[59] and found that the range (tolerance-threshold) of experimental pain sensitivity was associated with the degree of ethnic identification in Black and Hispanic individuals. Hence, it is possible that degree of ethnic identification also moderates the experience of intergroup anxiety.

4.2. Situational factors

Trait level intergroup anxiety is more likely to evoke discomfort, unease, and feelings of distrust in the context of high-risk or high-stress interactions where one’s health and well-being are perceived to be at stake[8,78]. Patients with chronic pain frequently report that clinical encounters, particularly about opioid prescribing, are stressful and anxiety-provoking[7,27,37]. Intergroup anxiety is also amplified by low familiarity with the outgroup interaction partner or interpersonal situation, and a lack of clear behavioral scripts that embody knowledge of stereotyped event sequences[2,9,30]. In these situations, minoritized individuals may anticipate a difficult interaction, further fuelling anxiety and discomfort.

4.3. Experimenter and provider factors

Intergroup anxiety among minoritized individuals may also be amplified by the implicit attitudes and associated behavior of the experimenter or clinician. Implicit race bias in White individuals is associated with nonverbal expressions of discomfort during interactions with minoritized individuals[24]. The perception of interaction partner anxiety or discomfort reduces liking for and trust in the partner, further escalating intergroup anxiety in racially and ethnically discordant interactions[72]. White experimenters and clinicians may also display less empathy for minoritized participants and patients, further contributing to intergroup anxiety[16,23,29,82]. Indeed, in experimental studies assessing ingroup biases in empathic responding to pain in others (typically measured by viewing painful stimuli applied to racial and ethnic ingroup/outgroup models’ hands), White participants demonstrate reduced emotional reactivity and empathic neural responses to the pain of Black participants[5,90]. Healthcare providers are not immune to this bias, as indicated by findings that nursing professionals exhibit pro-White empathy biases to videos of Black and White patients’ expressing genuine pain[25].

5. Discussion

Racial and ethnic disparities in pain occur against the backdrop of historic and ongoing injustices. In this review, we direct the attention of researchers and clinicians to the potential for racially and ethnically discordant interactions to contribute to differences in experimental pain sensitivity and disparities in clinical pain. We have examined experimental evidence – albeit mixed – for the impact of discordant interactions on pain and proposed several possible mediators and moderators to explain variability in these effects. In the following sections, we discuss evidence-based strategies for mitigating intergroup anxiety and, consequently, reducing racial and ethnic disparities in pain.

5.1. Addressing intergroup anxiety in pain: Potential solutions

Minoritized individuals’ experience of intergroup anxiety is unsurprising in consideration of longstanding racial and ethnic injustices. Nevertheless, evidence-based strategies can facilitate more satisfying and productive racially and ethnically discordant interactions. One involves positive intergroup contact[83]. Positive intergroup contact has four key requirements: the interacting groups must be equal status, work toward common goals, experience intergroup cooperation, and have the support of authorities, laws, and/or customs [91]. In the context of pain management, clinicians can facilitate more positive interactions by validating patients’ experience of pain and beliefs about pain[26,46], by giving informational and emotional reassurance[60], by tailoring treatment advice to the needs and goals of the individual patient, and by respecting patients’ autonomy, concerns, and choice[22]. Concerningly, a recent systematic review indicates that positive intergroup contact is rare for Black patients in healthcare settings, who consistently experience poorer communication quality, information-giving, and participatory decision-making than White patients[73]. Hence, clinicians may need to be more intentional in their communication with minoritized patients.

In a randomized controlled trial (RCT), Hirsh et al. [39] tested a perspective-taking intervention to reduce racial bias in physicians’ pain treatment decision-making. Physicians in the intervention group received personalized feedback about their bias, experienced real-time dynamic interactions with virtual patients, and watched videos depicting how pain impacts the patients’ lives. After completing the intervention, physicians had 86% lower odds of demonstrating pain treatment bias. Similarly, Drwecki et al. [25] found that an empathy-inducing, perspective-taking intervention that instructed participants to “imagine how patients’ pain affected patients’ lives” yielded a 55% reduction in pain treatment biases in undergraduates and nursing professionals who viewed videos of patients expressing pain.

Interventions targeting clinician and patient behavior may also improve patient-centeredness and increase minoritized patients’ trust. Penner et al. [58] assigned White and Asian physicians and Black patients to either a task designed to activate a common group identity or a control group. To create a sense of “being on the same team,” physicians and patients in the intervention group followed explicit communication guidelines during their consultations (e.g., “try to find things you can agree about”). Four and sixteen weeks later, patients in the intervention group had greater trust in their physician and greater medication adherence.

Losin et al. [48] experimentally manipulated perceptions of similarity and shared group membership between participants playing the roles of clinicians and patients in simulated clinical interactions. When patients believed they were partnered with clinicians on the basis of shared core beliefs and values, they had greater feelings of similarity and trust during the interaction. Notably, patients’ feelings of similarity and trust were associated with reduced pain sensitivity in response to heat stimuli, suggesting that clinician or patient-driven efforts to identify common interests may counteract feelings of distrust that often imbue discordant interactions, in turn reducing pain sensitivity.

The burden for reducing minoritized patients’ experience of intergroup anxiety in clinical encounters ultimately lies with healthcare providers. There are also steps that minoritized patients themselves can take that may prove empowering in racially and ethnically discordant medical encounters. These strategies may even help protect minoritized patients in situations where systemic biases are present and active. For example, Havranek et al. [36] investigated the impact of a values-affirmation exercise on minoritized individuals’ experience of racially and ethnically discordant medical encounters. Patients in the intervention group reflected on a list of values, identified the most personally relevant, and contemplated times when these values were important and why. These patients subsequently asked more questions, provided more medically-relevant information, and expressed greater positive and less negative emotional tone. The values-affirmation exercise in this study and others[17] is thought to reduce minoritized patients’ anxiety and fear of discrimination by refocusing attention away from perceived interpersonal threats and increasing one’s experience of self-integrity[74]. Hence, while the onus of responsibility for reducing minoritized patients’ experience of intergroup anxiety sits with the clinician, minoritized patients may experience increased empowerment and self-integrity through values-affirmation strategies that can be used to improve the quality of discordant patient-provider interactions. Increased effort is needed to test the feasibility and generalizability of interventions to improve clinician-patient interactions, with a specific goal of enhancing the experiences of minoritized patients.

5.2. Conclusion

Intergroup anxiety among racially and ethnically minoritized individuals is an adaptive response to historical and ongoing oppression[20]—not a psychological defect or shortcoming. As a result of continued lack of diversity and representation in medicine[18], minoritized individuals are more likely to experience intergroup anxiety, further magnifying discrimination and oppression perpetuated by medical settings by (White) practitioners. To directly address persistent and widespread disparities in pain among racially and ethnically minoritized patients, researchers and providers must seek to understand and address both the system-level and proximal factors contributing to these disparities at the point of care. In this review, we consider the role of intergroup anxiety experienced in the context of racially and ethnically discordant interactions as one key contributor to observed racial differences in pain. An important limitation of the available research and consequently of this review is the focus on certain racial and ethnic identities (primarily Black and Hispanic or Latino/a/x) to the neglect of other minoritized communities (e.g. Indigenous, Muslim). Further research is needed to better understand the experience of minoritized communities in pain medicine more broadly. These limitations notwithstanding, we hope that this review will result in (a) increased awareness of intergroup anxiety in clinical care, (b) the implementation of strategies to reduce minoritized patients’ experience of threat, feelings of distrust, and attentional demands in racially and ethnically discordant interactions, and (c) improved pain care for minoritized patients in the face of ongoing systemic oppression.

Acknowledgements

Claire Ashton-James and Steven Anderson contributed to this manuscript equally. We would like to thank Anna Hush and Nicholas Avery for their contributions to the development of the ideas discussed in this paper.

Footnotes

1

The terms Hispanic and Latina/o/x are not interchangeable. We use the term "Hispanic" to reflect the term used by the authors of the specific studies we reviewed. In cases where participants of specific studies have self-identified as "Hispanic/Latino", we have used the term "Hispanic/Latino/a/x" to be gender inclusive. When referring to non-white populations conceptually, not in relation to a specific research study, we use the term "Hispanic/Latino/a/x" in recognition that there are diverse preferences and perspectives on the terms Hispanic and Latino/a/x within these communities.

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