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. 2022 Oct 7;55(12):1744–1752. doi: 10.1002/eat.23820

Eating to cope: Advancing our understanding of the effects of exposure to racial discrimination on maladaptive eating behaviors

Kristal Lyn Brown 1,2,✉, Andrea K Graham 3, Robert A Perera 4, Jessica Gokee LaRose 1
PMCID: PMC9742121  NIHMSID: NIHMS1838928  PMID: 36205358

Abstract

Objective

Racial discrimination is a stressor for young Black women that leads to poor health outcomes, including maladaptive eating. This study presents findings on racial discrimination and maladaptive eating behaviors (overeating, LOC eating) using ecological momentary assessment (EMA).

Methods

Black emerging adult women (N = 27) with overweight or obesity participated in a 14‐day EMA study examining exposure to racial discrimination, eating behaviors, and racial identity. Frequencies and chi‐square tests were used to characterize the type of racial discrimination experienced and frequency of overeating. Mixed effect ordinal logistic regression models were used to assess the relation between racial discrimination and maladaptive eating. Moderation analysis was conducted by creating interaction terms for discrimination and racial identity variables.

Results

81.5% of participants reported experiencing racial discrimination. Young Black women reporting exposure to racial discrimination were more likely to endorse higher levels of both overeating and LOC eating compared to times when discrimination was not experienced (p < .0001). Racial identity moderated the link between racial discrimination and maladaptive eating (overeating, LOC) such that reporting greater levels of private regard buffered the deleterious effect of racial discrimination. Higher levels of public regard exacerbated the association between racial discrimination and both overeating, and LOC. Higher centrality worsened the relation between racial discrimination and LOC.

Conclusion

Young Black women might use maladaptive eating to cope with exposure to racial discrimination, which underscores the importance of examining the link between racism and disordered eating, particularly among Black women submerged in a society that continuously exposes them to racial discrimination.

Public Significance

Emerging adult Black women are exposed to racial discrimination daily. In theory, exposure to racial discrimination could contribute to overeating and loss of control eating in this population. Using ecological momentary assessment, to capture experiences and eating behaviors in the moment they occur, this project quantified the magnitude of racial discrimination and how it was associated with maladaptive eating behaviors. Further, it examined ways in which racial identity was linked to this association.

Keywords: binge eating, Black women, eating disorders, ecological momentary assessment, emerging adults, loss of control eating, obesity, race/ethnicity, racial discrimination, racism

1. INTRODUCTION

Racial discrimination is a major stressor for Black women—yet, despite the well‐documented association between racial discrimination and poor health outcomes (Paradies et al., 2015; Pieterse et al., 2012; Williams et al., 2019), little work has focused on the potential link between discrimination and maladaptive eating behaviors among Black women during the high‐risk developmental period of emerging adulthood. Emerging adulthood (typically 18–25 years of age) is a unique developmental period, associated with increased stress, pressure to conform to dominant beauty ideals, as well as elevated risk for maladaptive eating, weight gain, and obesity. Black emerging adult women experience a disproportionate risk for overweight/obesity (52% among non‐Hispanic Black emerging adults versus 39% among non‐Hispanic Whites), increasing their risk for cardiometabolic disease. Likewise, the prevalence of binge eating—characterized by overeating and experiencing loss of control (A. B. Goldschmidt, 2017)—is relatively high among Black compared to White women (Goode et al., 2018; Lydecker & Grilo, 2016). Loss of control (LOC) eating is associated with psychological distress, weight gain, and metabolic dysfunction (Conceição et al., 2018; Latner et al., 2014; Tanofsky‐Kraff et al., 2009; Tanofsky‐Kraff et al., 2012). Furthermore, Black women with obesity report greater binge eating behaviors than those without obesity (Mazzeo et al., 2005).

Emerging adulthood also is a time when multiple types of exposure to racial discrimination can occur. Although Black women experience racial discrimination across their life course, those navigating emerging adulthood are at risk for vicarious exposure to racial discrimination at higher rates compared to older adults via increased social media usage (“Social media and technology,” 2019). Like direct exposure, vicarious exposure through outlets like social media can lead to poor health outcomes. For example, recent findings suggest that young women enrolled in a behavioral weight loss trial reported high levels of group‐level/vicarious racial discrimination, which was associated with a lower reduction in waist circumference (K. L. Brown et al., 2021). Exposure to racial discrimination also can be heightened during these years because many emerging adults (>40%) attend postsecondary education (“College enrollment rates,” 2020), and for young Black women, navigating predominately white institutions represents a unique stressor that consistently reminds them of their racial differences (Seanna & Tabbye, 2018). In many situations, campus life is also marked by microaggressions and constant exposure to racism and discriminatory behaviors (Lewis et al., 2016). Additionally, Black women experience elevated stress through other forms of discrimination, such as sexism, classism, and genderism/objectification. Indeed, minority stress theory (Meyer, 1995) and objectification theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997) indicate that experiences of being racially marginalized or female elevate risk for mental health problems such as maladaptive eating; the intersectionality of racism and objectification in young Black women could heighten this risk (L. B. Watson et al., 2019). For example, Black women are inundated with a westernized ideal of what their bodies should look like, and their bodies are hyper‐sexualized, all while experiencing other oppressions (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997).

Thus, it is plausible that racial discrimination might increase risk for maladaptive eating behaviors, such as LOC eating, overeating, and other adverse outcomes among Black women in the United States. In response to exposure to these unique stressors, young Black women could attempt to mask their pain by engaging in problematic eating behaviors (Kelly et al., 2020). This may be particularly salient for those with poor emotion regulation. In fact, data indicate emerging adult Black women exposed to race‐related stress report increased emotional eating (Longmire‐Avital & McQueen, 2019), and racial discrimination is associated with emotional eating among middle‐aged Black women with obesity (Johnson et al., 2012). However, the longitudinal associations between racial discrimination and maladaptive eating have not been examined among young Black women, nor have previous studies examined links with both vicarious and direct personal exposure. Moreover, the buffering role of racial identity on the association between racial discrimination and maladaptive eating has not been explored. Assessing the role of racial identity is important given prior work that shows that identifying more strongly with one's racial identity attenuates some of the negative effects of racial discrimination (Hoggard et al., 2015).

We hypothesize that racial discrimination could lead to additional distress for emerging adult Black women and could encourage passive coping behaviors, like overeating and LOC eating (see Figure 1). Over time, these eating behaviors could place minoritized women at a greater risk for continued weight gain and obesity. As an initial test of our conceptual model (Figure 1), we conducted an ecological momentary assessment (EMA) study of racial discrimination and disordered eating behaviors in emerging adult Black women. EMA is a method of capturing behaviors and reactions in real‐time, in participants' natural environment (Moskowitz & Young, 2006), unlike traditional survey methods. With respect to assessing experiences of racial discrimination, this method has the advantage of minimizing recall bias and capturing in‐the‐moment behavioral and psychological responses. Based on minority stress (Meyer, 1995) and objectification (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997) theories, along with our previous work on racial discrimination and weight outcomes (K. L. Brown et al., 2021), we hypothesized that exposure to racial discrimination would be associated with increased overeating and loss of control eating among young Black women living in larger bodies, and that constructs of racial identity would moderate this association. Specifically, we evaluated three racial identity constructs: public regard (how Black people think other people feel about Black people), private regard (how Black people see themselves and feel about other Black people), and centrality (how important race is to one's sense of self). Based on extant evidence (Hoggard et al., 2015; Robert M. Sellers et al., 2003; Robert M. Sellers et al., 2006; Yip et al., 2022) we hypothesized that higher public regard would strengthen the link between exposures to racial discrimination and maladaptive eating, whereas higher private regard and centrality would weaken this association. Examining the link between racial discrimination and eating behaviors, as well as potential moderators of this association, is an important first step in advancing knowledge in this understudied area. Further, these efforts can inform future work examining whether intersectional stress experiences exacerbate maladaptive eating in this population.

FIGURE 1.

FIGURE 1

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Conceptual model detailing the relationship between racial discrimination, racial identity, and loss of control eating (LOC) eating among young Black women in the United States. Conceptual model is informed by minority stress and objectification theories, the biopsychosocial model of racism and our previous work (Brown et al., 2021); the emotion regulation model, affect regulation model of binge eating and cognitive behavioral theory. Dotted arrows represent potential moderators of the relationships

2. METHODS

2.1. Participants and procedures

Emerging adult women (18–25 years) who self‐identified as Black or African American and with overweight or obesity (BMI 25–45 kg/m2) were recruited to participate in a 14‐day EMA protocol. Participants were recruited using email/listservs, social media (Instagram, Facebook), newspaper advertisements, and recruitment tabling events. Individuals were required to have access to a cell phone they were willing to use for study purposes. The protocol was administered via the Illumivu (mEMA) app which participants downloaded on their personal cell phones. Each day of the 14‐day protocol included three semi‐random prompts. Participants were instructed to report any new information related to experiences of racial discrimination since the last prompt. Prompts were initiated in the morning, afternoon, and evening based on reported wake and sleep times for each participant, with the earliest and latest times being 12 am and 11 pm, respectively. Participants were encouraged to complete the survey at the moment; however, they were allowed to snooze the prompt for up to 10 minutes (5‐minute increments up to 2 times) before the survey period closed. Participants were compensated a maximum of $29 ($1 per day plus a compliance bonus [$10 for ≥70% and $15 for ≥90%]). All participants provided informed consent. All procedures were approved by the Institutional Review Board at Virginia Commonwealth University.

2.1.1. EMA measures

Racial discrimination

Exposure to racial discrimination was assessed at the beginning of each prompt (yes/no). For this study, participants were instructed that racial discrimination included: (1) anything that caused you or someone you personally know (e.g., family, friends) to feel as though you/they were treated unfairly or less than because of their race; (2) something you saw on social media/television that you perceived as unfair treatment or as though someone was treated less than because of their race; (3) something you saw happening to a colleague, classmate or stranger, that was unfair and you felt occurred because of their race. Definitions of discrimination were based on the Index of Race‐Related Stress (Utsey & Ponterotto, 1996), Norman Yetman's definition of ethnic discrimination (Yetman, 1990), and the biopsychosocial model of perceived racial discrimination (Clark et al., 1999). Participants were also asked to provide a brief description of the exposure (e.g., who was involved, where did it take place).

Racial identity

Dimensions of racial identity were assessed using three subscales (private regard, public regard, centrality) from the multidimensional inventory of Black identity. Private regard is the way in which Black people see themselves and feel about other Black people (e.g., I feel good about Black people) (R. M. Sellers et al., 1998). Public regard is how Black people think other people feel about Black people (e.g., Blacks are not respected by the broader society). Centrality is how important race is to one's sense of self (e.g., Overall, being Black has very little to do with how I feel about myself). Responses were rated on a 7‐point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree), and each subscale was scored separately.

Eating behaviors

Loss of control eating, and overeating were assessed during each prompt, regardless of whether exposure to racial discrimination was endorsed, using questions from previous EMA studies (A. B. Goldschmidt et al., 2018; Andrea B. Goldschmidt et al., 2014). Participants were asked if they ate something since the racial discrimination event took place. Participants were then asked, “To what extent do you feel that you overate?” and “While you were eating, to what extent did you feel a sense of loss of control?” Responses were rated on a 5‐point Likert scale ranging from not at all (1) to extremely (5). Responses with a score ≥3 (moderate) on either item were classified as overeating or loss of control eating, respectively.

2.1.2. Statistical analyses

Sources of exposure to racial discrimination were grouped into four categories: personal, friends, social media/television, other (e.g., comments made by professors, situations witnessed at nightclubs or restaurants) based on the description provided by participants. Categorical data were used for descriptive purposes only and included frequencies and chi‐square tests. Mixed effect ordinal logistic regression models were used to assess the relationship between racial discrimination (yes/no) and maladaptive eating behaviors (overeating, loss of control eating). Moderation effects were examined by creating interaction terms for discrimination and grand‐mean centered racial identity (private, public, centrality) variables. Sensitivity analyses were completed to check for multicollinearity; multicollinearity was not observed, so a single model is presented. Data were analyzed using (“IBM SPSS Statistics for Windows,” 2017) and the R statistical software (“R: A language and environment for statistical computing,” 2021) with the ordinal package (“ordinal—Regression Models for Ordinal Data,” 2019). All tests were conducted using an alpha of .05.

3. RESULTS

Participants' mean age was 21.8 ± 2.4 years, and average body mass index was 34.1 ± 5.5 kg/m2. All participants (100%) were students attending a predominantly white institution and 68.4% reported working as well. EMA compliance was 77% (SD 0.32) over the 14‐day period. Most participants (81.5%) were exposed to racial discrimination during the EMA period. The most frequent exposure to racial discrimination was at the group level via social media and television (61.5%). Personal exposure was the least reported experience of racial discrimination (9.4%). More women reported overeating (63%) compared to LOC eating (51.9%).

3.1. Racial discrimination and maladaptive eating

When young Black women reported exposure to racial discrimination, they were 6.01 times (p < .0001) more likely to endorse overeating compared to times when they had not experienced discrimination. Similarly, when participants reported experiencing racial discrimination, they were 5.14 times (p < .0001) more likely to report loss of control eating relative to times when they had not experienced a recent exposure.

3.2. Moderation analysis of racial identity

When accounting for racial identity variables, Black women were 5.66 times (p < .0001) more likely to report overeating relative to periods when they did not report exposure to discrimination. Similarly, when participants endorsed experiencing racial discrimination, they were 4.84 times (p < .0001) more likely to report loss of control eating compared to periods when they had not experienced a recent exposure. Figures 2 and 3 present the odds ratios for racial discrimination at the mean and ±1SD of private and public regard for overeating and loss of control eating respectively.

FIGURE 2.

FIGURE 2

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Odds ratios for the effect of discrimination on overeating at ±1SD of private, public, and central identity

FIGURE 3.

FIGURE 3

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Odds ratios for the effect of discrimination on loss of control eating at ±1SD of private, public, and central identity

Table 1 presents the estimates and odds ratios for the multivariable mixed ordinal logistic regressions.

TABLE 1.

Parameter estimates (b) from the mixed ordinal logistic regression models

Est. SE Z p
Overeating
Experience discrimination 1.73 .28 6.25 <.0001
MIBI private 0.76 .37 2.05 .0400
MIBI public −0.19 .26 −0.72 .4724
MIBI central −0.13 .37 −0.35 .7276
Discrimination × private −1.09 .42 −2.6 .0093
Discrimination × public 0.98 .34 2.86 .0043
Discrimination × central 0.82 .44 1.89 .0590
Loss of control eating
Experience discrimination 1.58 .27 5.77 <.0001
MIBI private 0.75 .37 2.01 .0440
MIBI public −0.18 .27 −0.67 .5047
MIBI central −0.13 .38 −0.34 .7325
Discrimination × private −0.99 .41 −2.44 .0147
Discrimination × public 1.03 .34 2.99 .0028
Discrimination × central 0.99 .43 2.27 .0229
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For overeating, we observed a statistically significant public regard by racial discrimination interaction (p = .0043) such that higher levels of public regard strengthened the association between racial discrimination and overeating. In contrast, private regard was also a statistically significant moderator (p = .0093) but individuals with higher levels of private regard had a weaker association between racial discrimination and overeating. Centrality was not a statistically significant moderator of the association between racial discrimination and overeating (p = .0590).

For loss of control eating, public regard, private regard, and centrality were all statistically significant moderators of the association between racial discrimination and loss of control eating. Public regard (p = .0028) and centrality (p = .0229) were both found to strengthen the relation between racial discrimination and loss of control eating. In contrast and similar to overeating, private regard was found to weaken the association between discrimination and loss of control eating (p = .0147).

4. DISCUSSION

Findings from our EMA study indicate that young Black women are more likely to engage in maladaptive eating following experiences of racial discrimination, which suggests that eating might serve as a coping mechanism for some young Black women. Although preliminary, our findings extend our understanding of the association between racial discrimination and health (Joseph et al., 2021; Paradies et al., 2015; Pieterse et al., 2012; Williams et al., 2019), and support our hypothesized model detailing the relation between racial discrimination, racial identity and increased risk for maladaptive eating behaviors among Black women in the United States (see Figure 1). Rather than studying differences in maladaptive eating based on race, which fails to capture the contributing structural factors that influence racial differences and health outcomes, this study extends the literature by investigating two understudied factors (experiences of racial discrimination and racial identity) in relation to maladaptive eating behaviors. Consequently, this study offers an important step forward for the eating disorders field in understanding individual and structural factors that are associated with maladaptive eating in marginalized populations.

As hypothesized, racial identity moderated the association between racial discrimination and maladaptive eating (overeating, loss of control eating) such that reporting greater levels of private regard buffered the association between racial discrimination and maladaptive eating. Private regard is how positive or negative one feels about being Black and their racial group in general (R. M. Sellers et al., 1998). This finding is consistent with previous research that suggests having a positive view of both Black people and being Black serves as a protector against the harmful effects of racial discrimination (R. M. Sellers et al., 1998). Of note, however, endorsing higher levels of public regard exacerbated the association between exposure to racial discrimination and both overeating and loss of control eating. Unlike private regard, public regard reflects how one thinks other people perceive Black individuals (R. M. Sellers et al., 1998). These findings could mean that experiencing racial discrimination while holding a positive perception of societal views toward Black people could heighten the negative experience of racial discrimination. While the evidence is mixed, some researchers theorize lower public regard could decrease the destructive effects of racial discrimination because one's experiences align with their overall worldview (Hoggard et al., 2015; Seaton & Zeiders, 2021; R. M. Sellers et al., 1998). Essentially, the victim is more prepared to cope with the racially driven discriminatory treatment because it is expected and therefore aligns with their beliefs (Hoggard et al., 2015; R. M. Sellers et al., 1998). The final component of racial identity we examined—centrality—refers to the significance or importance of race to the individual (R. M. Sellers et al., 1998). In our study, centrality moderated the relation between racial discrimination and loss of control eating, such that higher centrality was associated with a stronger relation between these constructs. This finding is consistent with some previous research, in which centrality worsened the relation between discrimination and poor physical or mental health outcomes (Hoggard et al., 2015; Seaton & Zeiders, 2021). However, other research suggests reporting higher levels of centrality could serve as a buffer (K. L. Brown et al., 2021; Robert M. Sellers et al., 2003; Yip et al., 2022).

Our findings underscore the need for researchers to acknowledge and study racial discrimination and its association with maladaptive eating behaviors, and to consider the contexts under which this relationship occurs, such as the moderating role of racial identity. However, additional data are needed to enhance our understanding of these relationships among young Black women, further substantiate our hypothesized model, and inform opportunities for intervention. Findings also suggest researchers should consider the role of racial identity when developing interventions for young Black women, and how strategies to improve reactions to experiencing racial discrimination might look different depending on how one sees themselves, believes others see them, or the overall salience of existing as a Black person to their being. Moreover, future research should consider the underlying mechanisms, such as negative affect that could have the potential to mediate the relation between exposure to racial discrimination and maladaptive eating behaviors among young Black women. To fully reap the advantages of using EMA in this population, it will be important to recruit a larger sample and assess these relationships across the BMI continuum.

Our study is strengthened by good EMA compliance rates (77%) relative to other EMA studies in young adults which have ranged from 42% to 73.4% (Camenga et al., 2021; Cooper et al., 2019; Eysenbach et al., 2018; Nguyen et al., 2018). Our findings also highlight the value of using ecologically valid assessments to capture exposure to racial discrimination and proximal reactions in the moments they occur and over time. We also included a sample of all Black women, which is a strength compared to most previous EMA studies on binge eating or loss of control eating in adults which recruited majority White women, which makes it hard to generalize results to other races and ethnicities (Haedt‐Matt & Keel, 2011).

Findings should be interpreted considering several limitations. First, we only probed on young Black women's experience with racial discrimination, as opposed to assessing their experiences of discrimination more broadly and eliciting their feedback on attributions to gender, body size, and/or race, or the intersection of all these identities, a needed approach called upon by Crenshaw (1989) and other scholars (Beal, 1970; Crenshaw, 1989; Thomas et al., 2011). However, our sample was limited to individuals who self‐identified as Black, female, and who met medical criteria for overweight or obesity. Indeed, their experiences with racial discrimination cannot easily be teased apart from these other identities, and as such, the findings still hold significance for a better understanding of the gendered experiences of racial discrimination faced by Black women during the high‐risk period of emerging adulthood. Of note, recently, Burke et al. (2020) called for an increase in assessing intersectionality in the eating disorders field. Parallel to this, we encourage researchers to leverage novel methodologies along with qualitative approaches to accurately capture and intervene in the nuances associated with being a young Black women submerged in a society that continuously exposes them to race‐related stress, which could contribute to maladaptive eating behaviors. Second, while we captured multiple dimensions of racial identity, we did not measure gendered racial socialization. Evidence suggests gendered racial socialization can play a role in the way an individual experiences racial discrimination, particularly as a Black woman (D. L. Brown et al., 2017; Thomas et al., 2011). In some ways gendered racial socialization is protective in that it uplifts the importance of being culturally proud of who you are (D. L. Brown et al., 2017; Thomas et al., 2011); however, other research suggests this type of messaging could encourage strong Black woman syndrome (Harrington et al., 2010; N. N. Watson & Hunter, 2016). In addition to racial identity, researchers should consider examining the role of gendered racial socialization, eating behaviors, and racial discrimination in young Black women. Third, our study used a binary measure of racial discrimination. However, participants provided details on their experiences in the moment, which allowed for a fuller picture of their lived experiences unlike traditional racial discrimination survey measures that are prone to recall bias and unable to capture the narratives behind the experiences. Of note, we also collapsed all reported types of discrimination in our regression models—indeed, given previous research (K. L. Brown et al., 2021; Chae et al., 2021; Hagiwara et al., 2016; Martz et al., 2019), it is plausible that reactions to personal compared to group level or vicarious exposure could be different, and this represents an important direction for future work. However, given the limited evidence in this area, our goal in the current work was first to understand whether there was a link between experiences of racial discrimination overall and eating behaviors among young Black women.

Fourth, our study did not account for other stressors in addition to racial discrimination, but the goal of this study was to examine daily exposure to racial discrimination specifically, and general measures of stress may not capture these experiences appropriately. Additionally, our study had a small sample size; however, it is consistent with other EMA studies (Bejarano et al., 2019; Garcia et al., 2014; Rose et al., 2017) and benefits from a large number of repeated measurements. Future EMA studies should consider exploring this research question in a larger sample from more than one city. Moreover, overeating and loss of control eating were self‐report and based on 1–2 questions, however, the questions used were previously used in another EMA study with good compliance (Andrea B. Goldschmidt et al., 2014). We also acknowledge maladaptive eating might not be the only form of coping with racial discrimination among young Black women—the field would benefit from mixed methods work to understand the coping mechanisms used by young Black women in response to gendered racism, including which coping strategies might be most helpful to inform asset‐based interventions in this area. Finally, our results may not generalize beyond young Black women in the US South. Experiences of racial discrimination are not limited to Black individuals—researchers should extend our work by examining racial discrimination across different races and ethnicities as effects as well as protective factors could differ in other populations.

5. CONCLUSION

Using EMA, we showed that reports of exposure to racial discrimination were associated with maladaptive eating among young Black women—and that the strength of these associations varies based on racial identity. In addition, data indicate experiencing racial discrimination at the group level or vicariously through social media and television is more prevalent among this population than personal level exposure. Eating disorder interventions might benefit from assessing exposure to racial discrimination and factors like racial identity that may buffer or exacerbate the harms of such exposures, as well as helping individuals develop healthier coping strategies instead of maladaptive eating. Findings also underscore the importance of further work to explicate how exposure to racism influences maladaptive eating behaviors. To that end, researchers are encouraged to use mixed methods and innovative assessment approaches to continue to explore this relationship with the intention of building mechanistic interventions that can operate on both psychological and physiological pathways. Finally, researchers should use extant evidence to inform policy changes that address both interpersonal and structural (systems level) racism with the goal of eliminating the experience of and exposure to racial discrimination.

AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS

Kristal Lyn Brown: Conceptualization; data curation; funding acquisition; investigation; methodology; project administration; writing – original draft; writing – review and editing. Andrea Kass Graham: Conceptualization; writing – review and editing. Robert A Perera: Formal analysis; methodology; writing – review and editing. Jessica G LaRose: Conceptualization; funding acquisition; investigation; methodology; resources; supervision; writing – review and editing.

FUNDING INFORMATION

The support for this study was provided by a dissertation fellowship award from American Association of University Women (AAUW) to KLB. Additional support was provided by the VCU OPT for Health lab (JGL PI), VCU CTSA award (UL1TR002649), and the NHLBI for KLB postdoctoral effort (T32HL007180‐45) and NIDDK for AKG's effort (K01DK116925). These funding agencies had no influence over the design or conduct of this work.

CONFLICT OF INTEREST

The authors have no conflict to declare.

Brown, K. L. , Graham, A. K. , Perera, R. A. , & LaRose, J. G. (2022). Eating to cope: Advancing our understanding of the effects of exposure to racial discrimination on maladaptive eating behaviors. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 55(12), 1744–1752. 10.1002/eat.23820

Action Editor: Natasha L Burke

[Correction added on 10 October 2022, after first online publication: ORCID IDs for the third and fourth authors have been included in this version.]

Funding information American Association of University Women; National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute, Grant/Award Number: T32HL007180‐45; National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Grant/Award Number: K01DK116925; VCU OPT for Health lab; Virginia Commonwealth University Clinical and Translational Science Alliance (CTSA), Grant/Award Number: UL1TR002649

DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT

The data from this study are available from the corresponding author [KLB] upon reasonable request and following the publication of planned primary and secondary outcomes. All requests for data sharing will be reviewed and approved by the PI prior to the release of data. All data‐sharing procedures would follow institutional and IRB policy at Virginia Commonwealth University, NIH policy, HIPAA and other local, state, and Federal laws and regulations.

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Associated Data

This section collects any data citations, data availability statements, or supplementary materials included in this article.

Data Availability Statement

The data from this study are available from the corresponding author [KLB] upon reasonable request and following the publication of planned primary and secondary outcomes. All requests for data sharing will be reviewed and approved by the PI prior to the release of data. All data‐sharing procedures would follow institutional and IRB policy at Virginia Commonwealth University, NIH policy, HIPAA and other local, state, and Federal laws and regulations.

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