Paid Leave for Fathers: Policy, Practice, and Reform

Abstract

Policy Points.

• Government policies that secure paid leave for all parents, regardless of gender, can reduce structural inequalities, while promoting fathers’ engagement in parenting.

• Such policies are likely to be most effective when they secure full, or almost full wage replacement, and when they provide incentives for fathers to take leave.

• Organizations must also participate in the culture shift, providing workplaces that encourage paternity leave rather than reinforcing the “male breadwinner” stigma.

In the united states, paid leave following the birth or adoption of a child is a luxury; only 23% of civilian workers have access to paid family leave. ¹ Rates are even lower for men, given gendered societal norms that have held caregiving to be primarily (if not exclusively) “women's work.” Consequently, only 13% of employers offer paid paternity leave to all male employees. ² While the lack of robust paternity leave policies have been rightly criticized for reinforcing gender inequality, the reliance on employment‐based paternity leave also contributes to broader patterns of inequality, including by race and socioeconomic status. Yet, when available, paid paternity leave has shown clear benefits for families and society, including greater father‐child involvement; improved child language, test scores, and social development; healthier marriages; lessened postpartum demands and improvements in women's career advancements. ³ Furthermore, paid leave approaches that are restricted to birth parents fail to give due recognition to and support of many families, including same‐sex couples and adoptive parents. Policy strategies to promote access to—and use of—paternity leave (and leave for non‐birth parents more broadly) can therefore promote a healthier and more equitable society.

Benefits of Paternity Leave

The majority of evidence on paternity leave relies upon data from countries such as those in Scandinavia, with generous and universalized leave policies. ⁴ Nevertheless, several studies, including those from the U.S. context, have shown clear benefits to offering paternity leave. ⁵ , ⁶ For example, paternity leave is associated with fathers’ involvement in child engagement and caregiving. ⁵ , ⁶ Paid paternity leave is also associated with increased receipt of timely infant vaccines, particularly among low‐income families, providing both individual and public health benefits. ⁷ Furthermore, increasing a father's flexibility to take parental leave during the postpartum period is associated with both a reduced risk of maternal postpartum health complications and with improved maternal mental health. ⁸ Paid paternity leave may also reduce the rate of child maltreatment, with one quasi‐experimental study finding that the introduction of California's family leave policy was associated with a significant decrease in hospital admissions for pediatric abusive head trauma—a leading cause of fatal child maltreatment. ⁹ Even as little as two weeks of leave has been positively associated with children's perceptions of fathers’ involvement, father‐child closeness, and father‐child communication. Taking time off at birth also can facilitate fathers developing confidence in their parenting, supporting higher levels of paternal involvement in their children's lives.

The benefits of paid paternity leave are also felt by the fathers themselves, including higher satisfaction with and increased engagement in caring for children, as well as better mental and physical health. ¹⁰ , ¹¹ , ¹² Studies of paid paternity leave policies suggest that expanding those policies could encourage higher levels of father‐involvement, especially among non‐resident fathers. ¹³

Evidence from Nordic countries suggests that paternity leave‐taking reduces the likelihood of relationship dissolution. ¹⁴ A recent longitudinal study in the United States suggests that leave‐taking by fathers is associated with more stable parental relationships among socioeconomically disadvantaged families. ¹⁵ This is particularly striking, because socioeconomically disadvantaged families are most at risk for relationship dissolution. ¹⁶

Furthermore, offering paid paternity leave has a profound impact on gender equality, both inside and outside the home. ¹⁷ Taking leave—particularly longer than three weeks—can draw fathers into the daily realities of parenting, enabling development of a fuller understanding of parenting that supports self‐directed paternal involvement, rather than reliance on a gendered division in which the mother manages and the father “helps.” ¹⁸ Further, paid paternity leave gives women more opportunity to re‐enter the workforce, which can lessen the “motherhood penalty” and its impact on women's economic and promotion opportunities. For example, an econometric study in Sweden found that for each month of leave a father takes, the mother's earnings increase by 6.7%. ¹⁹

Current Paternity Leave Policies

The United States is one of the few high‐income countries with no legal guarantee to dedicated leave for fathers and the only one not to offer any kind of paid leave to mothers or fathers. Unlike countries that have enacted national paid leave programs for fathers such as Japan (1 year); France (6 months); and Belgium, Sweden, Germany, the United Kingdom, and Mexico (between 1–19 weeks), ²⁰ access in the United States is offered at the discretion of employers, and the only federal offering for civilian workers is unpaid job protection via the Family Medical Leave Act (FMLA). However, only 56% of US employees are eligible for FMLA, given numerous exceptions to the policy, including those for small employers and restrictions on individuals who have not worked for the minimum required hours or weeks. ²¹

Although other government programs exist, they have limited reach. For example, the federal government has expanded paid leave for its employees, offering both 12 weeks of paid parental leave to both mothers and fathers. ²² Efforts to expand the reach of federal programs have faced considerable opposition. President Joe Biden's proposed “Build Back Better” spending bill of 2021 initially provided for 12 weeks of paid parental leave—a duration that was subsequently reduced to 4 weeks as part of negotiations aimed at securing sufficient legislative support for passage. ²³ Even with this proposed reduction, progress on the policy has stalled in Congress, and the future for nationwide paid family leave remains uncertain. ²⁴

In the absence of a universal federal policy, recent policy activity at the state level has nevertheless secured expanded access to parental leave programs for at least some individuals. To date, ten states and the District of Columbia (Table 1) have passed paid family and medical leave programs that include coverage for working people who need time to bond with a new child, to care for a family member with a serious health condition, or to address their own serious medical needs, regardless of gender. ²⁵ While this still represents a small minority of states, it is nevertheless more than twice the number of states with such policies (4) in 2016. The COVID‐19 pandemic may have helped to spur additional attention for paid family leave, suggesting the potential for further state‐level expansions. ²⁵ , ²⁶ , ²⁷

Table 1.

Key Features of State Paid Family Leave Programs ^a (As of April 15, 2022)

			Wage Replacement Rate (Full‐time worker who earns…)
State	Timeline b	Total Paid Leave Available in One Year	Minimum wage	100% of state average weekly wage
California	Enacted 2002, effective 2004	8 weeks	60%	60%
New Jersey	Enacted 2008, effective 2009	12 weeks	85%	70%
Rhode Island	Enacted 2013, effective 2014	5 weeks (6 weeks in 2023)	60%	60%
New York	Enacted 2016, effective 2018	12 weeks	67%	67%
District of Columbia	Enacted 2017, effective 2020	8 weeks c	90%	52%
Washington	Enacted 2017, effective 2019/2020	16 weeks c	90%	90%
Massachusetts	Enacted 2018, effective 2019/2021	26 weeks	80%	57%
Connecticut	Enacted 2019, effective 2021/2022	12 weeks c	95%	52%
Oregon	Enacted 2019, effective 2023	12 weeks c	100%	83%
Colorado	Enacted 2020, effective 2023/2024	12 weeks c	90%	70%
Maryland	Enacted 2022, effective 2023/2025	12‐24 weeks d	90%	70%

^a State‐level paid leave is an individual entitlement offered to all eligible parents, which includes both mothers and fathers.

^b Multiple effective dates denote effective dates for premiums/benefits.

^c Two to fouradditional weeks of prenatal leave are available under some circumstances.

^d Leave‐takers can take up to 24 weeks of leave in one year if they are eligible for both parental and personal medical leave during that year.

Early evidence from state policies is consistent with the argument that paid‐leave policies can support a greater proportion of men taking parental leave. For example, following passage of its respective leave law, California saw profound increases in the proportion of men requesting parental leave, increasing from 17% to 40%. ²⁸ Similarly, in Rhode Island, which implemented paid family leave in 2014, 42% of child bonding claims in 2020 were filed by men—a marked increase over prior years. ²⁹ Yet, awareness of these programs has been inconsistent, which has limited their impact. For example, a study in California surveyed mothers who were eligible for paid leave. ³⁰ Of the respondents, only 49% were aware of the state's paid leave policy, a full five years after it went into effect. Awareness was even lower among low‐wage workers (38%), immigrants (34%), Latinas (34%), and workers with less than a high school diploma (21%)—groups who often lack access to employer‐paid leave, and therefore would arguably be most poised to benefit from the state‐level policy. Notably, other research from California suggests that awareness may also be lower among male residents as compared with their female counterparts. ³¹ Research exploring the awareness of New Jersey and Rhode Island residents about their states’ respective policies found similarly low levels of awareness of state‐sponsored parental leave, suggesting a need for improved public messaging to improve uptake by new parents, particularly fathers and other non‐birth parents. ²⁹

In addition to these state‐level policy efforts, there has also been a notable expansion of parental leave policies at the employer level as paid leave policies are shown to benefit businesses by improving worker retention and productivity without increasing operating costs. ³² A recent report describes new or expanded paid leave policies by nearly 200 brand‐name companies across a range of industries, especially technology, financial services, insurance, and professional services. ³³ According to the report authors, these policies all specifically acknowledge the importance of paid parental leave for all employees, regardless of gender, suggesting growing recognition for the importance of non‐birth parent involvement in childrearing, as well as a recognition of an expanded set of family relationships beyond the heteronormative context, including same‐sex couples. For example, many companies’ policies provide paid leave to primary caregivers, including adoptive or foster parents, rather than restricting paid leave solely to birthing parents. Nevertheless, there are still notable differences in the duration and coverage provided between companies, particularly with respect to paternity leave and other policies offered to non‐birth parents. For example, Netflix provides as much as 52 weeks of paid parental leave, regardless of gender; by contrast, BNP Paribas offered only 6 days paid paternity leave (while offering 14 weeks for those parents who give birth). ³³ Furthermore, disparities in the availability and duration of employer‐sponsored paid leave by birthing status appear to be widespread, as suggested by a 2020 study, which found that while 72% of Fortune 500 companies offer some paid parental leave, the majority of those offering leave provide substantially more leave to mothers than fathers. ³⁴ Such policies not only reinforce problematic gendered assumptions about who bears primary responsibility for childcare, they also greatly disadvantage same‐sex couples. For example, a recent comparative study showing same‐sex male parents get on average 22 fewer weeks of paid parental leave than heterosexual couples. ³⁵

Inequality and Economic Barriers to Leave

While employer‐based programs have enabled expanded access to paid parental leave, regardless of gender, for some parents, reliance on an employment‐based system for parental leave results in substantial shortcomings with respect to both reach and equity. To date, more than 75% of civilian workers continue to lack access to any type of paid family leave. ¹ , ³⁶ For paid paternity leave, this access is even lower, with as few as one in ten employers in the United States offering paid paternity leave to all workers. ³⁷ Furthermore, this access is not evenly distributed, but instead follows broader patterns of racial and socioeconomic inequities.

With respect to economic considerations, fathers with higher incomes are both more likely to have access to paid leave than are lower wage‐workers, and also are more likely to be able to afford leave in cases where wage replacement is less than 100%. ⁶ One study found nearly half of fathers surveyed who chose to take no leave stated economic reasons for their decision, and around 40% of those who took leave stated they would have taken leave for longer duration if they received more pay. ³⁸ Low‐income fathers are even less likely to take time provided, with data showing those who had unpaid or a deeply reduced pay for time off cited that leave would negatively impact their family's financial survival. ⁶ Although some individuals can use accrued vacation or sick leave in the absence of paid parental leave, this practice typically results in fathers taking far less time off than under formal parental leave programs. Further, this again disadvantages low‐income individuals, as individuals with higher incomes often have higher rates of access to and a greater number of paid vacation days.

Access to and use of leave also mirrors broader patterns of racial and social disadvantage. Fathers who take leave are more likely to be non‐Hispanic White, US‐born, and more likely to hold higher‐prestige occupations than those who do not take leave. ⁶ Similar patterns of inequality also persist for length of leave, with longer paternal leave length associated with being U.S.‐born, better educated, and with a middle‐ or high‐prestige job. ³⁹ Notably, racial and ethnic minority fathers are more likely to work in roles that do not provide paternity leave and are more likely to be penalized for requesting leave as compared to White fathers. ³⁹ Some studies suggest that African American fathers “are aware of societal stereotypes that others at work hold about race and fatherhood, so they may forgo parental leave to counteract these stereotypes and conform to the “ideal” worker images.” ⁴⁰ , ⁴³ Reliance on an employment‐based paternity leave system therefore represents structural racism, systematically disfavoring racial and ethnic minority populations, who are less likely to have access to paid leave, less able to take unpaid leave, and more likely to be punished for requesting leave as compared to non‐Hispanic Whites. ³⁹

Deliberate design of paid leave policies can help mitigate these structural inequalities. For example, California's Paid Family Leave program now offers higher wage replacement percentages for lower‐income earners. ⁴⁴ Although most employees in California receive 60% of their wages for 6 weeks up to a statutory maximum ($1,300 in 2020) for 6 weeks—low‐income earners—defined as making one‐third of the state average wage—receive 70% of their wages. ⁴⁵ Notably, offering higher wage replacement to lower income earners is a feature of a number of more recently passed state‐level policies, suggesting potential progress along this dimension (Table 1).

Stigmas and Social Barriers to Leave

Even for those for whom leave is available, psychological and social factors can dissuade fathers from taking leave or limit the length of leave taken. Of those fathers who take any leave, 70% of fathers take ten days or less. ³⁸ Longer periods of absence may restrict career and earning opportunities, with fathers fearing they would be seen as unreliable or not committed to their work. Yet, these are the same issues women face when taking leave, suggesting the persistence of gender stereotypes related to women as caretakers and men as breadwinners.

A 2021 survey conducted by Volvo/Harris Poll of US men who are employed full time and either had a child within the last five years or were planning to have one in the next five found 67% of respondents felt pressure to return from paternity leave as soon as possible, and 62% endorsed that their workplaces had an “unspoken rule” that men should not take the full length of their paternity leave. ⁴⁶ Unfortunately, these fears are not unfounded, with some studies finding a legitimate reduction in earnings or performance following a request for more flexible work hours. ⁴⁷ Following such a request, one controlled study found an average earnings drop of 15.5% and an increase in lower performance reviews and risk of being demoted or laid off. ⁴⁸

Popular culture can also reinforce stigma associated with men taking paternity leave. In 2014, a professional baseball player for the New York Mets was criticized for taking three days of paternity leave during a baseball season. Popular radio hosts ridiculed the player for his decision, with one stating the player and his partner opted for a C‐section before the season started to ensure he could attend opening day, while another said: “You're a Major League Baseball player; you can hire a nurse.” ⁴⁹ More recently in 2021, US Secretary of Transportation Pete Buttigieg, an openly gay father, was mocked for taking four weeks off to be with his newly adopted twin babies. ⁵⁰ This skepticism of public figures for taking paternity leave may reflect the persistence of gendered beliefs about caregiving responsibilities. For example, a recent survey found that almost 25% of respondents thought fathers needed less bonding time with children than mothers, and 33% agreed that fathers are the “ones who pay the bills to support their families.” ⁵¹

Although some antiquated attitudes regarding paternity leave persist, a majority of Americans nevertheless now support paid paternity leave, with a 2017 Pew Research Center poll finding that 69% of respondents supported paid leave for fathers following a child's birth. While somewhat lower than the 82% who supported paid maternity leave, this study nevertheless indicates paid paternity leave enjoys broad public support. ⁵²

Policy Strategies to Promote Leave

How actual leave laws are designed can influence the likelihood that fathers will, in fact, take leave—and take it for longer durations. Studies suggest that wage replacement rates of a minimum of 67% are necessary to achieve even modest paternal take‐up, while 80%–100% is needed to achieve take‐up by a substantial majority of men. ⁵³ , ⁵⁴ , ⁵⁵ , ⁵⁶ , ⁵⁷ , ⁵⁸ , ⁵⁹ Therefore, leave must be compensated fully or close to fully for leave to be a viable option, as financial realities will likely inhibit many men, especially those in low‐income jobs, from taking leave if it is unpaid. Furthermore, providing full compensation may also address some of the gendered fears and stigmas associated with leave‐taking.

By providing paid leave that is broadly accessible, policies can not only have a direct impact on behavior, but can also shape attitudes, policies, and ideals regarding the role of fathers in parenting. For example, a 2011 quasi‐experimental study found evidence that Norway's “daddy quota” use‐it‐or‐lose‐it policy not only increased the proportion of fathers who took leave, it also influenced fathers’ support for increased funding on childcare. ⁶⁰

Finally, leave must be supported by organizations, even when mandated by legislation. When the work culture is supportive, fathers are not only more likely to take leave, but to take it for longer duration. ⁶¹ , ⁶⁴ Here again, the designs of policies and related programs can be instrumental. For example, it is not uncommon for organizations to offer policies to support women's return to work following the birth of a child, including mentoring programs, or flexible return‐to‐work options. While there are some features of the return‐to‐work transition that may pose distinct challenges based on birthing status, such as related to the removal, storage, and transport of breastmilk for lactating mothers, the period following leave is challenging, regardless of gender. Consequently, organizations could consider offering policies to support the transition back to work following leave for all parents, regardless of gender. Furthermore, there are signals that doing so may provide a competitive advantage for employers. In 2014, one survey found that nine out of ten highly educated professional fathers said that paid parental leave is important when looking for a new job, with six out of ten citing it as “very or extremely important.” ⁶⁵ This number is even higher for millennials, the next child‐rearing generation.

Conclusions

Paid parental leave is rare in the United States, and especially so for fathers and other nonbirth parents. Yet, paid parental leave, regardless of gender, has countless benefits for children and their families, while also providing broader societal advantages, including reducing structural inequalities along racial, socioeconomic, and gender lines. These benefits notwithstanding, employer uptake of parental leave policies is low, and government engagement is needed. Federal or state policies that secure paid leave for all parents, regardless of gender, can reduce structural inequalities, while promoting fathers’ engagement in parenting—engagement that has been demonstrated to have widespread and diverse benefits. Such policies are likely to be most effective when they secure full, or almost full wage replacement, and when they provide incentives for fathers to take leave. While the design of government policies can facilitate leave, organizations must also participate in the culture shift, providing workplaces that encourage paternity leave rather than reinforcing the “male breadwinner” stigma. Together, government mandates and organizational culture shifts may incentivize paternity leave to make it the new norm, allowing for healthier and happier children and families.

Conflict of Interest Disclosure: The authors report no competing interests.

Acknowledgments: YTY and SFW were supported by a grant from the Interdisciplinary Research Leaders program of the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (IRL77945).