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. Author manuscript; available in PMC: 2023 Feb 1.
Published in final edited form as: Emerg Adulthood. 2022 Aug 16;11(1):15–31. doi: 10.1177/21676968221121158

Parental Autonomy Restricting Behaviors During Adolescence as Predictors of Dependency on Parents in Emerging Adulthood

Emily N Shah 1, David E Szwedo 1, Joseph P Allen 2
PMCID: PMC9837864  NIHMSID: NIHMS1856077  PMID: 36644228

Abstract

Although one goal of the use of autonomy restricting parenting behavior is to keep teens psychologically dependent on the parent, research has yet to examine whether such behavior actually predicts later parental dependency. Thus, the present longitudinal, multi-method study investigates at which points across adolescence this behavior predicts parental dependency in emerging adulthood, and whether this association differs based on which parent uses psychological control within a non-clinical and racially, ethnically, and socioeconomically diverse sample. Teens’ (N = 184) parents completed measures of perceived parental psychological control exhibited toward their teens during early (age 13) and late adolescence (age 18), as well as their teens’ parental dependency and functional independence during emerging adulthood (age 22). Additionally, interactions between teens and their parents during early and late adolescence were observed and coded to measure autonomy and relatedness restriction. Results indicated that autonomy restricting parenting behaviors were more predictive of parental dependence when used in early adolescence as compared to late adolescence, and revealed several cross-parent effects. Developmental implications for understanding parent-child relationships are discussed.

Keywords: family relationships, parenting, transitions to adulthood, longitudinal, adjustment

Emerging adulthood is a developmental timeframe that encompasses the evolving transition period between adolescence and young adulthood. Traditionally, adolescents were believed to transition into a period of young adulthood, which is often characterized by an individual’s exploration into more serious and stable romantic relationships and career possibilities (Erikson, 1950). Although this pattern reflected the typical sequence of development for individuals in the mid-1900s, it is no longer appropriate to generalize it to 21st century adolescents who tend to spend their late teens and early twenties exploring their identities in a world full of possibility (Arnett, 2007). As such, a theoretical framework for the emerging adulthood developmental period was pioneered by Jeffery Arnett, in which he posited that the transition from adolescence to early adulthood was long enough to necessitate its own period in the developmental lifespan (Arnett, 2004). Arnett characterized this period as being a time of instability, identity exploration, and endless possibilities, and believed that emerging adults may participate in more self-serving behavior resulting from feeling “lost” in the transition between adolescence and young adulthood (Arnett, 2001; 2003).

Further complicating this time period is the developmental task of transitioning from dependency (e.g., on friends and/or parents) to autonomy (e.g., becoming financially independent, making independent decisions) that is thought to occur gradually during the emerging adulthood time frame (Arnett, 2007). In fact, it is not uncommon for emerging adults to maintain some dependency on their parents to be able to cope with and achieve the demands of the developmental time period (e.g., attending higher education, career exploration, and moving out); however, there may be specific circumstances under which this dependence is perceived as dysfunctional rather as than a means to become a more independent and responsible adult in the future (Shulman et al., 2005).

Optimal outcomes of functional independence in emerging adulthood have been found to occur when parents strike the balance of encouraging their child’s autonomy while still providing parental support when appropriate (O’Connor et al., 1996). However, findings related to parents’ perspectives of emerging adulthood have shown that while some parents are able to accept and encourage the autonomy of their children, other parents come to terms with their child’s transition to emerging adulthood by “holding on” and using their behavior to interfere with their child’s autonomy development (Kloep & Hendry, 2010). Parents in this latter category may also tend to use such autonomy restricting behavior earlier on in adolescence as a means of keeping their children dependent on them during this transitional period, which has been shown to lead to many negative outcomes such as increases in internalizing and externalizing behaviors, difficulties forming and maintaining interpersonal relationships, and difficulty achieving developmental milestones in the emerging adulthood period (Pettit et al., 2003; Symeou & Gergiou, 2017; Dykas et al., 2008; Loeb et al., 2020; Allen et al., 2018).

Defining Autonomy Restricting Behaviors

Different types of behavior can be used by parents to restrict their child’s autonomy, and this study aims to examine how several dimensions of autonomy restricting parenting behavior during the adolescent time frame may predict parental dependency in emerging adulthood. According to a self-determination theory (SDT) framework, autonomy, competence, and relatedness across relational contexts are three conditions that underlie a person’s sense of independence and initiative (Ryan, 1995). This framework is especially important to consider during the adolescent and emerging adulthood timeframe, given the increasing importance of identity exploration, personal responsibility, and independence. One relational context that has been studied in accordance with SDT and developmental outcomes is the parent-child relationship. Specifically, different types of autonomy restricting parenting behavior can lead to different developmental outcomes. Soenens and Vanteenkiste (2010) describe these behaviors as occurring on two interrelated continuums: promotion of volitional functioning v. Psychological control (i.e. encouraging children to behave on the basis of their own free will v. Encouraging children to behave on the basis of what the parent would want them to do), and promotion of independence v. Dependence (which can be done in a psychologically controlling or non-controlling way). Indeed, negative outcomes are more likely to occur when parenting behaviors are focused on both psychological control and promotion of dependency, which is why it is important to examine multiple types of autonomy restricting parenting behavior to gain a more well-rounded understanding of their effects.

One type of autonomy restricting behavior found to have long-term implications for later on development is parental psychological control (Barber et al., 1994; Loeb et al., 2020). Parental psychological control occurs when a parent implements manipulative techniques within their relationship in order to interfere with their child’s psychological thoughts, feelings, and behavior, and to fulfill their own psychological needs (Soenens & Vanteenkiste, 2010). Parents who use psychological control may make their approval and affection toward their child contingent on the teen displaying certain behaviors that align with their specific goals and wishes. For example, parents who wish to keep their children close to them may provide love and affection towards their child only after the child has displayed an act of dependency (e.g., asking the parent for help on a project, or asking the parent for money).

A similar type of autonomy restricting behavior that has been found to have negative long-term effects on adult functioning is autonomy and relatedness inhibition, during which parents hinder adolescent strivings for independence and volitional functioning by blurring boundaries with their child, pressuring their child to comply with their own opinions and beliefs, withholding support, or responding to their child in an unempathetic way (Soenens et al., 2007, 2009; Allen, Hauser, Eickholt, et al., 1994). Autonomy restricting parenting behaviors have more typically been studied using self-report, which limits findings from extant research to the perspective of the adolescent. Thus, it is important to study autonomy restricting behaviors by using other perspectives (e.g., parent report, direct observation) to more comprehensively understand how they relate to outcomes in emerging adulthood. Moreover, such behaviors and outcomes related to parental dependency have not been studied in a longitudinal framework during the adolescent and emerging adulthood timeframe to understand the relative importance of autonomy restricting parenting behaviors at different points in adolescence for predicting outcomes in emerging adulthood. Thus, described in more detail below are findings that support the importance of studying autonomy restricting behavior in early and late adolescents as developmental precursors to parental dependence in early adulthood.

Early Adolescent Autonomy Restricting Parenting Behavior as a Developmental Precursor to Parental Dependence in Emerging Adulthood

Adolescence is a period marked by teens’ newfound desire for independence and autonomy from their parents. Despite moves toward greater independence from their parents, however, parents’ behaviors remain highly influential with respect to teens’ abilities to become successful, independent adults. Indeed, while adolescents may begin to focus more of their time and attention on peer relationships as compared to those with their parents as adolescence progresses, parental influence often continues to have a greater long-term impact on development in some domains as compared to peers’ influence (Wang et al., 2008). Autonomy restricting parenting during early adolescence has been associated with a wide range of negative youth outcomes. For example, early adolescents who perceive their parents to be psychologically controlling are less likely to perform well in school, have a romantic relationship, and receive support from peers or romantic partners by mid-adulthood (Loeb et al., 2020). Moreover, maternal psychological control in early adolescence has been linked to lower autonomy levels displayed by the adolescent with both their mother and close peers in mid-adolescence, suggesting the potential development of a style of passivity in close relationships (Hare et al., 2014). Such passivity in relationships in early adolescence may prevent youth from gaining experience in healthy relationships during emerging adulthood that feature appropriate give-and-take, potentially contributing to a continued dependence within relationships.

Thus, when autonomy restriction is exerted by parents in early adolescence, it may create a rippling effect in which adolescents experience a need to be increasingly dependent on their parents in order to make up for a lack of appropriate peer or romantic relationships during adolescence. This possibility is supported by findings that psychological control from parents in early adolescence is predictive of less social acceptance and greater victimization by peers, and that inhibited autonomy and relatedness in early adolescence is predictive of feelings of loneliness (Dykas et al., 2008). Teens who have less involvement in appropriate peer relationships in early adolescence may also lack comparison points of how peers are treated by their parents, and therefore be less able to recognize autonomy restricting behavior as developmentally inappropriate at this age (Brown et al., 1986). Such teens may be less likely to challenge or question such behavior within their own families, setting the stage for continuation and acceptance of the behavior during emerging adulthood when they are challenged to explore their autonomy. In sum, there is evidence to suggest that patterns of early adolescent autonomy restriction from parents may predict outcomes in emerging adulthood in which an individual becomes more dependent on their parents and less able to function independently in the context of peer relationships and their lives more broadly (Kins et al., 2012).

Late Adolescent Autonomy Restricting Parenting Behavior as a Developmental Precursor to Parental Dependence in Emerging Adulthood

Autonomy restricting parenting behavior may also have distinct, sustained effects on dependence when it occurs in later adolescence. However, findings from the literature have been mixed in regard to whether autonomy restricting parenting behavior experienced in late adolescence will serve to increase or decrease parental dependence in adulthood. One key developmental task of late adolescence and emerging adulthood is increased identity exploration and formation (Klimstra & van Doeselaar, 2017). Studies have shown that individuals who have parents who use autonomy restricting behavior during late adolescence are less likely to make commitments in emerging adulthood (e.g., to peer and romantic relationships, and to career choices), and are less likely to explore previously established commitments to the self (Luyckx et al., 2007). In other words, late adolescents who have experienced autonomy restricting parenting in later adolescence may experience difficulty taking actions that will allow them to explore and commit to an identity that is true to who they want to be. Instead, these individuals may make commitments regarding their identity that are largely influenced by their parents’ behavior, either by making commitments that are in contrast to their parents’ influence as an act of rebellion towards the parenting behavior or by making commitments that fall in-line with the influence of their parents. Kins et al. (2012) found that when parental psychological control is oriented on dependency (e.g., when a parent uses manipulation to keep their child close to them), the emerging adult may fear abandonment, and either display inappropriate dependence on others in their lives or end up avoiding others so that they do not risk getting hurt.

It is also possible that late adolescents have had more life experiences that allow them to recognize that these types of parenting behaviors are inappropriate, leading them to rebel against the parents’ desired effect of the behaviors. They may further strive to seek out independence by means of new peer and romantic relationships at school or work or by seeking out novel life experiences, particularly as they reach and move beyond the age of maturity. Experimentation via minor acts of rebellion and delinquency are all characteristics of late adolescence, and several studies have provided evidence that parental psychological control used in late adolescence may lead to certain deviant behaviors in emerging adulthood which may be considered as expressions of individuals’ desire for autonomy and independence (Sherrod et al., 1993; Hoeve et al., 2009). As teens approach the age at which they are no longer required to subject to their parents’ expectations, individuals who have experienced autonomy restricting behavior may be more inclined to establish independence from their parents by acting in opposition to their wishes or turning more exclusively to peers for help (Fleming, 2005). However, a possible consequence of such parental behavior may be that teens are less prepared and able to support themselves in emerging adulthood or form relationships with others who can help them, necessitating that they return to parents for help when needed despite desires to the contrary.

Parent Gender, Autonomy Restriction, and Dependence

Previous research suggests that the ways parenting behaviors may predict dependency in emerging adulthood may also be related to gender differences in parents, which parent is using the autonomy restricting parenting behavior, or a combination of the two. Although the literature examining gender differences in parenting behavior largely focuses on the mother-child dyad without specifically examining parenting behavior used by fathers, there is research to suggest that adolescents generally feel closer to their mothers than their fathers. This may suggest that emerging adults are more likely to become dependent on their mothers after experiencing autonomy restriction whether it comes from mothers or fathers (Hosley & Montemayor, 1997). However, there is also research to suggest that mothers are more likely to use autonomy restricting parenting behavior than fathers, and that emerging adults perceive parents who use such behaviors more negatively, leading them to feel less comfortable around that parent (Barber & Harmon, 2002). These findings are consistent with relational turbulence theory (RTT), which provides a framework to discuss transitions within the parent-child relationship (Scheinfeld & Worley, 2018; Solomon et al., 2016). Under the framework of RTT, relationships may become turbulent when a member of a relationship interferes with the other person’s plans or routines, leading them to be perceived in a negative way (Solomon et al., 2016). Research has shown that children who perceive a parent as inhibiting their autonomy are more likely to have more turbulent relationships with that parent. Moreover, researchers have found a positive association between relational turbulence in the parent-child dyad and negative appraisals of the parent who is perceived to be interfering with the child’s autonomy (Scheinfeld & Worley, 2018).

Thus, to the extent that mothers exhibit autonomy restricting behavior more frequently, emerging adults may actually be less likely to become dependent on them as compared to fathers. Importantly then, this theory suggests that parent gender may matter less in predicting future dependency than simply which parent exhibits the restricting behavior. That is, youth may be more likely to turn away from the parent who uses the autonomy restricting behavior and toward the one who does not use it or uses it less. This possibility is supported by research that has found that the quality of parent-child relationships and cooperation within parent-child relationships increase with greater autonomy and decreased psychological control (Karabanova & Poskrebysheva, 2013). Thus, it may be that regardless of parent gender, emerging adults subjected to parental autonomy restriction by one parent tends to become more dependent on the other parent, though this remains to be investigated empirically.

The Present Study

Although previous findings from the literature have indicated links between autonomy restricting parenting behavior and negative outcomes, research has yet to examine long term effects of this parenting behavior occurring at different points of adolescence on emerging adults’ dependency on their parents. Furthermore, this study aims to strengthen previous research in this domain by using both observational and parent-report measures of parenting behavior to assess potential effects on dependency. Observational measures of inhibited autonomy and relatedness in parenting behavior helps to remove potential reporting biases of negative behavior, and parents’ perceptions of their own behavior may provide stronger evidence relative to teen reports that the behavior in question is actually occurring (if parents are willing to report it), and is not an exaggerated or misinterpreted representation of the adolescent’s own perception of their parents. Moreover, many of the studies that examine autonomy restricting parenting behavior look at it through the lens of the adolescent’s perception, rather than the parents’ (Soenens et al., 2007; Hare et al., 2014). Finally, there are no studies that have investigated the how one parent’s use of autonomy restricting parenting behaviors may predict later dependency on that parent or the other parent during emerging adulthood.

The aim of the present study is thus to determine the long-term predictive links of parents’ perceived and observed autonomy restricting behaviors toward teens during early versus late adolescence to markers of youth dependency on their parents as perceived by mothers and fathers in emerging adulthood. Moreover, it seeks to understand if these associations might differ depending on which parent is more strongly reporting/observed to have used autonomy restricting parenting behavior. The present study thus hypothesizes that, (1) Autonomy restricting behaviors from parents in early adolescence will predict greater levels of parental dependency in emerging adulthood, (2) Autonomy restricting behaviors in late adolescence will be less strongly linked to parental dependence in emerging adulthood, and (3) When autonomy restricting behavior is predictive of dependency, the dependency in emerging adulthood will more often be on the other parent.

Methods

Participants and Procedure

The sample for this study included 184 young adult participants (86 male, 98 female) who were part of a larger longitudinal study of adolescent/young adult social and emotional development. The sample was racially, ethnically, and socioeconomically diverse (107 Caucasian, 53 African American, 2 Hispanic/Latino, 2 Asian American, 1 American Indian, 15 mixed ethnicities, and 4 “other”). The median socioeconomic annual income for the families of the participants was between $40,000 and $59,000. Participants were recruited though an initial mailing to all parents of students in the 7th and 8th grades who attended a public middle school in the Southeastern United States. Through this mailing, parents were given the opportunity to opt out of any further participation in the study (N = 298). Only 2% of parents opted out of participation. Of the remaining families were then contacted by phone, 63% were both eligible and willing to participate in the study. The sample used in the study appeared to reflect the overall population of the school in terms of racial and ethnic makeup (42% non-white in sample and 40% non-white in school) and socio-economic status (mean household income of $43,618 in sample compared to $48,000 in the school community). The current study used three waves of measurement, interviewing adolescent participants about parental psychological control at 13 (Mage = 13.35) and 18 (Mage = 18.38) to predict outcomes of parental dependence at age 22 (Mage = 22.80). The parents of adolescents were also interviewed at adolescent ages 13 (Nfather = 109, Nmother = 175), 18 (Nfather = 86, Nmother = 140), and 22 (Nfather = 78, Nmother = 149).

Measures

Autonomy Restricting Parenting Behavior (ages 13, 18).

The Childhood Report of Parenting Behavior (CRPBI) is a parent-report measure that quantifies parent behavior in three domains: psychological control versus psychological autonomy, parental acceptance versus rejection, and firm versus lax control (Schaefer, 1965). Only the subscale of psychological control versus psychological autonomy, which indicates the perception of the degree to which the parent uses guilt, love withdrawal, or other psychological methods to control the teen’s behavior and inhibit the development of the child apart from the parent, was used in this study (Schludermann & Schludermann, 1970). The CRPBI was given to parents when their children were 13 years old, and again when their children were 18 years old. Items were scored on a three-point scale; parents were asked to rate the similarity of each statement to their behavior. Higher scores indicated a higher level of psychological control. In the domain of psychological control versus autonomy, parents reported responses about their own behavior to items such as: “I tell my daughter all the things I have done for her,” and “I am always trying to change my daughter”. The CRPBI has been found to possess good test-retest reliability, in addition to its significant relationship with various aspects of family functioning and adolescent outcomes (Collins, 1990; Schaefer, 1965; Schludermann & Schludermann, 1970; Steinberg et al., 1989). At ages 13 and 18, respectively, Cronbach’s αs were .79, .75 for maternal psychological control and .74, .79 for paternal psychological control in the present sample.

Autonomy restricting parenting behavior was also measured using the Autonomy and Relatedness Observational Coding Scheme (AR) (Allen et al., 1996). Parents and teens participated in an eight-minute videotaped revealed differences task, discussing a family issue on which they rated disagreement (e.g., money, grades, household rules, and friends/siblings). Two trained coders used both transcripts and videotapes to code interactions, rating each member of the dyad on each of the following subscales: behaviors promoting autonomy, behaviors inhibiting autonomy, behaviors promoting relatedness, and behaviors inhibiting relatedness. Only the behaviors inhibiting autonomy and relatedness subscales were used in the present study. Examples of behaviors indicative of inhibited autonomy and relatedness included pretending to agree or changing one’s position as a form of placation, treating the disagreement as a fault of the person with whom one is disagreeing, making it uncomfortable for the other person not to change their mind, distracting, ignoring or cutting the person off, communicating a lack of interest in the other’s statements, and making statements that are likely to leave the other person feeling annoyed, hurt, or worse about themselves. Higher scores are indicative of a greater frequency and/or intensity of the observed behavior. Parent/teen dyads were observed when the teen was 13 years old, and again when the teen was 18 years old. The AR system is a reliable predictor of both family and adolescent functioning, in addition to its significant relationship with various aspects of family functioning and identity development and adolescent outcomes (Allen, Hauser, Bell, & O’Connor, 1994; Cooper et al., 1983; Grotevant & Cooper, 1985). At ages 13 and 18, respectively, intraclass correlations were .69 and .57 for maternal inhibited autonomy and relatedness and .76 and .59 for paternal inhibited autonomy and relatedness in the sample.

Parental Dependence (age 22).

The Parental Dependence Questionnaire (PDQ) (Allen, 2009) is a twenty-seven-item parent-report questionnaire that is designed to assess how dependent the participant is on their parents. Parental dependence was assessed with single items across three main areas of: financial dependence (e.g., “Do you provide any financial support for your child?”) practical dependence (e.g., and “Do you feel like your child depends on you for practical support with their day to day needs”), and emotional dependence (e.g., “Do you feel like your child turns to you for emotional support?”). Parents were asked to what extent their teens were dependent on them in the three areas of dependence, such that higher scores indicated a higher level of the participants’ dependence on the parent (from 1 = never to 5 = always).

The Young Adult Adjustment Scale (YAAS/YY) is a 52-item parent-report questionnaire that is used to measure various domains of youths’ functioning (Capaldi et al., 1992). Only the Youth Positive Functional Independence subscale of the YAAS was used in this study, and was given to parents when their children were 22 years old. Higher scores on the subscale were indicative of higher levels of youth functional independence. Parents were asked to respond on a likert scale to statements about their children such as: “Is a responsible adult.”, “Is able to take care of himself/herself”, and “Is financially independent.“. Alphas for the YAAS have indicated good to excellent reliability (Capaldi et al., 2006) and were .85 for maternal ratings of youth functional independence and .83 for paternal ratings of youth functional independence in the present sample.

Attrition Analyses

Attrition analyses examined potential differences on study variables for participants who did versus did not complete all assessments across each study time point. Of the 184 participants who began age 13, data were available from parents of 140 participants at age 18 and 148 parents of participants at age 22. There were no observed differences on age 13 study variables for participants who did not versus did not have follow up data at age 18. There were also no observed differences on age 13 or age 18 variables for participants who did versus did not have follow up data at age 22.

To best address potential biases due to missing data within waves, Full Information Maximum Likelihood (FIML) methods were utilized for all analyses, including all variables that were linked to future missing data (i.e., where data were not completely missing at random). These procedures have been found to provide the least biased estimates when all available data are used for longitudinal analyses (Arbuckle, 1996). No data is estimated or imputed in this procedure; rather, it simply accounts and corrects for biases due to missing data. As a result, all analyses reflect the entire sample of 184 participants. Alternative longitudinal analyses without any missing data yielded results that were substantially identical to those reported below.

Results

Preliminary Analyses

Univariate and correlational analyses.

Means, standard deviations, and correlations for all primary variables are presented in Tables 1 and 2. These analyses showed that while gender did not have any significant correlations with any of the primary predictor variables, there were several significant negative associations between income and the primary predictor variables. Higher income was negatively associated with maternal inhibited A/R at ages 13 (r = −.26, p < .001) and 18, (r = −.24, p < .05), maternal psychological control at ages 13 (r = −.41, p < .001) and 18 (r = −.33, p < .001), and paternal psychological control at age 18 (r = −.23, p < .05). Both demographic variables were included as in all regression analyses to account for any effects that may not have reached conventional levels of statistical significance in correlational analyses.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics for Study Variables.

Variable N Mean SD Min Max
Gender (86 male, 98 female) 184 — — — —
Income 184 40–60 K/year — <$5 K/yr >$60 K/yr
Mother psychological control (13) 175 14.14 3.54 10 29
Father psychological control (13) 109 13.67 3.11 10 25
Mother inhibited A/R (13) 166 .71 .38 0 2.20
Father inhibited A/R (13) 97 .49 .33 0 1.50
Mother psychological control (18) 140 13.19 3.04 10 25
Father psychological control (18) 86 12.70 2.97 10 30
Mother negative A/R (18) 104 .48 .38 0 1.7
Father negative A/R (18) 66 .40 .27 0 1.2
Financial help from mother (22) 148 .64 .48 0 1
Practical help from mother (22) 149 1.98 1.03 1 5
Emotional help from mother (22) 149 3.25 .93 1 5
Mother reported functional independence (22) 149 19.36 4.30 5 25
Financial help from father (22) 76 .76 .42 0 1
Practical help from father (22) 77 1.87 1.10 1 5
Emotional help from father (22) 77 3.06 .99 1 5
Father reported functional independence (22) 78 19.77 4.01 5 25
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Table 2.

Correlations Among Study Variables.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
1. Father inhibited A/R (13) —
2. Mother inhibited A/R (13) .14 —
3. Father inhibited A/R (18) .18 .01 —
4. Mother inhibited A/R (18) .21 .39*** .18 —
5. Father psychological control (13) .29** .17 .09 .31** —
6. Mother psychological control (13) .23* .08 −.03 −.04 .16 —
7. Father psychological control (18) .21 .06 .20 .11 .32** .04 —
8. Mother psychological control (18) .17 .05 .09 .04 .06 .62*** .02 —
9. Financial dependence on father (22) .05 .07 .18 .00 .19 −.01 .16 .00 —
10. Practical dependence on father (22) .36** .36** −.12 .29* .27* .14 .06 .08 .18 —
11. Emotional dependence on father (22) .11 .08 .03 .32* .15 .45*** .05 .31** .05 −.01 —
12. Father report of func independence (22) −.32* −.25* .13 −.35** −.30* −.03 −.03 .02 −.11 _.57*** −.03 —
13. Financial dependence on mother (22) .10 .04 −.05 −.15 .07 .05 −.08 .02 .42*** .17 −.17 −.26* —
14. Practical dependence on mother (22) .24* .00 .08 .00 .24* .14 −.11 .06 .18 .29* .11 −.21 .20* —
15. Emotional dependence on mother (22) .31** .01 .06 .18 .26** .11 .05 .14 −.03 .29* .31** −.18 .05 .07 —
16. Mother report of func independence (22) −.26 −.03 .01* −.07 −.13 −.05 .01 .02 −.02 −.20 −.03 .63*** _.32*** −.30*** .01
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Note.

*

p < .05,

**

p < .01,

***

p < .001.

Primary Analyses

Hypotheses were examined using hierarchical regression models. Gender and income were entered in the step 1 of models as control variables. In step 2, maternal and paternal psychological control at age 13 were entered. At step 3, maternal and paternal psychological control at age 18 were entered in order to examine whether or not parental psychological control at age 18 can predict later parental dependency independently of whether or not psychological control was used at age 13. Results were then interpreted to examine the effects of parental psychological control at age 13 on later parental dependence compared to the effects of parental psychological control at age 18 on later parental dependence. These predictors were entered into models predicting dependency behaviors separately from the perspective of mothers (see Table 3) and fathers (see Table 4). The same method was used to test the effects of maternal and paternal inhibited autonomy and relatedness at ages 13 and 18 on dependency behaviors from the perspective of mothers (see Table 5) and fathers (see Table 6). Tables 3–6 include the regression coefficients of variables at both entry to the model and in a final model that considers all variables together. Beta entry values represent regression coefficients of variables in a model with only those variables and those entered before them. In the present study, this permits initial examination of the effects of age 13 autonomy restriction behaviors independently of age 18 values. Final models allow for the examination of effects of age 18 autonomy restriction values beyond what is accounted for by age 13 values. It also permits examination of whether or not age 13 values may still be predictive after considering age 18 values or vice versa, allowing for interpretations about the relative developmental importance of variables at specific ages.

Table 3.

The Effect of Parental Psychological Control at Age 18 on Parental Dependence at Age 22 as Reported by Mothers After Controlling for Parent Psychological Control at Age 13.

Financial help from mother (22) Practical help from mother (22) Emotional help from mother (22) Mother report of functional independence (22)
β Entry β Final 95% CI ΔR2 β Entry β Final 95% CI ΔR2 β Entry β Final 95% CI ΔR2 β Entry β Fina 95% CI ΔR2
Step I .00 .01 .08*** .04*
Gender (1 = male, 2 = female) −.03 −.04 −.20, .13 .05 .05 −.12, .21 .27*** .27*** .11, .42 .18* .15 −.01, .31
Income .05 .03 −.16, .22 .07 .09 −.10, .29 .09 .19* .01, .37 .12 .11 −.07, .30
Step II .01 .08*** .08*** .02
Mother psychological control (age 13) .07 .05 −.21, .30 .15 .12 −.12, .37 .08 −.07 −.31, .17 −.03 −.10 −.35, .14
Father psychological control (age 13) .06 .11 −.14, .37 .25* .30** .09, .52 .30** .36** .14, .58 −.13 −.08 −.35, .19
Step III .03 .03 .04* .00
Mother psychological control (age 18) .02 .02 −.26, .30 .00 .00 −.26, .26 .20 .20 −.07, .47 .14 .14 −.14, .41
Father psychological control (age 18) −.18 −.18 −.45, .09 −.20 −.20 −.45, .06 −.02 −.02 −.27, .23 −.01 −.01 −.30, .29
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Note.

*

p < .05,

**

p < .01,

***

p < .001.

Table 4.

The Effect of Parental Psychological Control at Age 18 on Parental Dependence at Age 22 as Reported by Fathers After Controlling for Parent Psychological Control at Age 13.

Financial help from father (22) Practical help from father (22) Emotional help from father (22) Father report of functional independence (22)
β Entry β Final 95% CI ΔR2 β Entry β Final 95% CI ΔR2 β Entry β Final 95% CI ΔR2 β Entry β Final 95% CI ΔR2
Step I .02 .04* .08*** .04*
Gender (1 = male, 2 = female) −.10 −.08 −.32, .16 −.11 −.15 −.37, .07 .17 .23* .04, .41 .19 .16 −.06, .38
Income .08 .08 −.20, .35 −.17 −.18 −.43, .08 −.20 −.07 −.28, .15 .07 .07 −.19, .33
Step II .04* .05** .24*** .06**
Mother psychological control (age 13) −.03 −.04 −.42, .33 −.02 −.25 −.60, .10 .43*** .45** .15, .74 .01 .06 −.30, .41
Father psychological control (age 13) .21 .24 −.10, .58 .25* .41*** .16, .67 .11 .03 −.27, .32 −.27* −.35* −.65, −.06
Step III .01 .14*** .05** .05**
Mother psychological control (age 18) .00 .00 −.41, .41 .29 .29 −.07, .65 −.02 −.02 −.35, .30 −.04 −.04 −.41, .33
Father psychological control (age 18) −.13 −.13 −.66, .40 −.42* − .42* −.80, −.03 .22 .22 −.15, .58 .22 .22 −.28, .73
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Note.

*

p < .05,

**

p < .01,

***

p < .001.

Table 5.

The Effect of Negative Autonomy and Relatedness at Age 18 on Parental Dependence at Age 22 as Reported by Mothers After Controlling for Negative Autonomy and Relatedness at Age 13.

Financial help from mother (22) Practical help from mother (22) Emotional help from mother (22) Mother report of functional independence (22)
β Entry β Final 95% CI ΔR2 β Entry β Final 95% CI ΔR2 β Entry β Final 95% CI ΔR2 β Entry β Final 95% CI ΔR2
.00 .01 .08*** .04*
−.03 −.07 −.24, .10 .05 .01 −.16, .18 .27*** .24** .08, .40 .18* .26* .09, .42
.05 .01 −.17, .20 .07 .07 −.12, .25 .09 .15 −.02, .32 .12 .11 −.08, .29
.02 .05** .07** .10***
.04 .15 −.03, .33 −.01 .02 −.16, .21 .01 −.06 −.23, .12 .04 .06 −.11, .24
.12 .19 −.03, .42 .24* .25* .04, .46 .27** .22 −.001, .44 −.33*** −.25** −.57, −.12
.08*** .01 .02 .02
−.30* −.30* −.55, −.05 −.10 −.10 −.33, .13 .17 .17 −.05, .40 −.06 −.06 −.30, .18
−.05 −.05 −.31, .22 .03 .03 −.24, .30 .01 .01 −.24, .27 .14 .14 −.15, .43
Open in a new tab

Note.

*

p < .05,

**

p < .01,

***

p < .001.

Table 6.

The Effect of Negative Autonomy and Relatedness at age 18 on Parental Dependence at Age 22 as Reported by Fathers After Controlling for Negative Autonomy and Relatedness at Age 13.

Financial help from father (22) Practical help from father (22) Emotional help from father (22) Father report of functional independence (22)
β entry β final 95% CI ΔR2 β entry β final 95% CI ΔR2 β entry β final 95% CI ΔR2 β entry β final 95% CI ΔR2
Step I .02 .04* .08*** .07**
Gender (1 = male, 2 = female) −.10 −.07 −.30, .17 −.11 −.13 −.34, .08 .17 .26** .07, .46 .19 .20 −.02, .40
Income .08 .10 −.18, .38 −.17 −.01 −.26, .27 −.20 .01 −.26, .27 .07 −.10 −.36, .16
Step II .01 .18*** .00 .10***
Mother inhibited A/R (age 13) .09 .09 −.16, .33 .28** .27* .05, .49 .02 −.11 −.31, .10 −.18 −.11 −.34, .11
Father inhibited A/R (age 13) .03 .01 −.28, .30 .34** .34** .10, .58 .05 − .07 −.32, .18 −.31** −.30* −.53, −.05
Step III .04* .04* .26*** .11***
Mother inhibited A/R (age 18) −.07 −.07 −.42, .28 .11 .11 −.21, .44 57*** 57*** .29, .85 −.33* −.33* −.63, −.03
Father inhibited A/R (age 18) .23 .23 −.10, .57 −.19 −.19 −.47, .08 − .07 − .07 −.38, .24 .29* .29* .02, .55
Open in a new tab

Note.

*

p < .05,

**

p < .01,

***

p < .001.

Hypothesis 1. Autonomy restricting behaviors from parents in early adolescence will predict greater levels of parental dependency in emerging adulthood.

High maternal psychological control at age 13 predicted higher emotional dependency on the father at age 22 (see Table 4). High paternal psychological control at age 13 predicted higher practical dependency on both the mother and the father at age 22, and higher emotional dependency on the mother at age 22 (see Tables 3 and 4). Further, high maternal inhibited A/R at age 13 predicted higher practical dependency on the father at age 22 (see Table 6). High paternal inhibited A/R at age 13 predicted higher practical dependency on the father and mother at age 22, as well as both the mother’s and father’s report of lower functional independence at age 22 (see Tables 5 and 6).

Hypothesis 2. Autonomy restricting behaviors in late adolescence will be less strongly linked to parental dependence in emerging adulthood.

High paternal psychological control at age 18 predicted lower practical dependency on the father at age 22 at entry to the model (see Table 4). Further, high paternal inhibited A/R at age 18 predicted higher functional independence as rated by the father at age 22 (see Table 6). High maternal inhibited A/R at age 18 predicted lower financial dependency on the mother, but higher emotional dependency on the father, and lower functional independence as reported by the father at age 22 (see Tables 5 and 6).

Hypothesis 3. When autonomy restricting behavior is predictive of dependency, the dependency in emerging adulthood will more often be on the other parent.

Results were indicative of several cross-parent effects. High psychological control from the mother at age 13 predicted higher emotional dependence on the father at age 22 (see Table 4), whereas high psychological control from the father at age 13 predicted both higher practical and emotional dependence on the mother at age 22 (see Table 3). Furthermore, high maternal inhibited A/R at age 13 predicted higher practical dependence on the father at age 22, whereas high maternal inhibited A/R at age 18 predicted both higher emotional dependence on the father at age 22, and lower functional independence as reported by the father at age 22 (see Table 6). High paternal inhibited A/R at age 13 predicted both higher practical dependence on the mother at age 22, and lower functional independence as reported by the mother at age 22 (see Table 5). High paternal inhibited A/R at age 13 predicted higher emotional dependency on the mother at entry into the model, but was no longer significant in the final model (see Table 5).

Discussion

This study hypothesized long-term associations between observed and parent reported autonomy restricting parenting behavior and future parental dependence. Hypotheses were based on previous research and theory suggesting that autonomy restriction in adolescence is predictive of many negative outcomes, specifically during the emerging adulthood developmental period characterized by instability, exploration, and possibility (Kins et al., 2012; Arnett, 2001). Results from this study provide support for hypotheses about associations between autonomy restricting parenting behavior experienced during adolescence (both reported by parents and observed) and the development of parental dependence in emerging adulthood as reported by parents. Moreover, this study provides evidence for the hypothesis that the age at which these behaviors are experienced, and which parent uses the behavior, may have specific and different effects on these links. Findings associated with each of these hypotheses are discussed in turn below.

As noted above, Self Determination Theory (SDT) posits that autonomy, competence, and relatedness are key developmental conditions that promote motivation and engagement in life, and that when these conditions are deliberately restricted there are likely to be significant negative consequences (Ryan, 1995). Indeed, this study found many long-term associations between parent-reported and observed autonomy restricting parenting behaviors and greater future financial, practical, and emotional dependency as reported by parents. More specifically, there was support for the hypothesis that autonomy restricting parental behaviors experienced in early adolescence (as compared to late adolescence) would predict youths’ greater dependency on parents during emerging adulthood. Both parent reported maternal and paternal psychological control and observed inhibited autonomy/relatedness behaviors at age 13 predicted greater dependency on parents at age 22, whereas these autonomy restricting behaviors used at age 18 were associated with less dependency on parents in several cases. These results are consistent with previous research suggesting autonomy restricting parenting behavior used in early adolescence in particular may lead to decreased functioning and adjustment in emerging adulthood (Loeb et al., 2020; Hare et al., 2014; Dykas et al., 2008). One possible theoretical explanation for these findings could be that teens in early adolescence may be more impressionable because they are at the earlier stages of identity exploration. Early adolescence is often a time of questioning and of instability of the self and identity, which may lead individuals to be more impressionable in terms of how they respond to the behavior of their parents (Brinthaupt & Lipka, 2002). Further, parental influences may have more of an effect on early adolescents who have not yet begun to experience the full power of peer influences, which tend to accelerate autonomy seeking from parents but are just starting to become more salient during this time (Steinberg & Silverberg, 1986). Identity seeking and peer influence are thus two processes that coincide with autonomy seeking during early adolescence, and when autonomy is stifled by parents during a time at which it is critical to development, individuals may have difficulty developing a sense of identity or peer relationships over time which could lead to greater dependency on parents later on.

Interestingly, there also appeared to be cross-parent effects in many of the age 13 predictions of parent reported parental dependence, such that early adolescents who experienced both parent reported and observed autonomy restricting behavior from one parent became more dependent on the other parent during emerging adulthood. This may indicate that parents who use this behavior during early adolescence in an effort to keep their children close to them may experience an effect in which, although the child does become dependent on their parents, they become more dependent on the other parent. Although it cannot be determined whether or not this dependency is dysfunctional, this cross-parent effect may be an adaptive response to the adolescent’s environment if they are becoming dependent on the other parent in an effort to disengage from the first parent’s maladaptive parenting behavior. These findings might be explained, in part, by relational turbulence theory, suggesting that individuals regard their parents more negatively when they use autonomy restricting behaviors (Scheinfeld & Worley, 2018; Solomon et al., 2016). This may influence the individual becoming dependent on the other parent during a time of emerging adulthood when the individual is not yet fully independent or able to cope with novel developmental tasks (e.g., becoming financially responsible, making independent decisions), potentially due to their autonomy development being stifled by the other parent. Indeed, it is notable that maternal and paternal behaviors in this study were not strongly correlated, suggesting that if one parent tended to use more autonomy restricting behaviors the other may not have, and therefore could possibly be seen as a more reliable source of support. Thus, future research should consider how the findings of this study may be different for youth who experience autonomy restricting behavior from both parents. Finally, it is important to consider that although most of the significant predictive effects between autonomy restricting parenting behavior and later dependency were from the mother’s use of autonomy restricting behavior, definitive conclusions regarding the possible effects of mother’s versus fathers behaviors cannot be made based on the analyses of this study.

The hypothesis that both observed and parent reported autonomy restricting parenting behavior in late adolescence would be less strongly linked with parent reported parental dependence during emerging adulthood was based on research suggesting that teens who experience psychologically controlling parenting behavior during late adolescence may respond in ways that promote independence rather than dependency on the parent (Sherrod et al., 1993; Hoeve et al., 2009). Data from the present study also supported this hypothesis. After examining the unique effect of the observed and parent reported parenting behavior used at age 18 on parent reported parental dependence variables at age 22 after controlling for the use of the parenting behavior at age 13, many of the instances in which parental psychological control at age 13 was found to predict parental dependency at age 22 became nonsignificant. Moreover, in all of the cases in which there was still a significant effect of the parenting behavior on later dependence at age 18, the direction of the later association was reversed. For example, while parent reported paternal psychological control at age 13 was predictive of greater practical dependence as reported by the father, the direction of the association reversed when parent reported paternal psychological control was entered at age 18. These findings may be explained by the theoretical perspective that teens may become less susceptible to the influences of their parents’ over time, which may allow them to overcome the negative effects of parental psychological control and achieve independence in emerging adulthood. The late adolescent time period is characterized as a time in which peer relationships and acceptance become increasingly important parts of the identity formation process; in fact, separation-individuation theories posit that a second individuation process occurs during adolescence in which individuals become more distant from their parents to begin the identity formation process (Zarrett & Eccles, 2006). This suggests that this gradual process throughout adolescence may protect later adolescents at peak separation from the effects of autonomy restricting parenting behavior. Moreover, one study found that peer attachment held more influence on late adolescent career exploration than maternal attachment, which emphasizes the shift of importance on peers during this time in development (Felsman & Blustein, 1999). The shift in importance from parent influence in emerging adulthood to peer influence in late adulthood may help explain the distinct differences in the ways in which parental psychological control can affect the development of parental dependency. A large possibility for this type of rebellion may be because late adolescents are able to recognize that the behavior of their parents is inappropriate, and they may seek out autonomy regardless of the wishes of their parents based off of other influences in their lives such as peers. Additionally, if in fact teens become more rebellious during late adulthood as suggested by the literature, they might be more inclined to “act out” against such parenting behaviors and seek out more independence and freedom as they transition into emerging adulthood (e.g., picking a college that is far from home, moving out at an early age, increasing dependency on friends and romantic partners; Sherrod et al., 1993; Hoeve et al., 2009).

The findings from this study are also consistent with previous research that distinguished differences within the construct of psychological control. Researchers have identified two different domains of psychological control: achievement-oriented psychological control, in which parental warmth is contingent upon excellent performance, and dependency-oriented psychological control, in which parental warmth is contingent upon how close and dependent the child is towards the parent (Soenens et al., 2010). Further, previous research has found that dependency-oriented psychological control is predictive of dysfunctional parental dependence (Kins et al., 2012). In order the further examine dysfunctional dependency, parent reported functional independence was measured in this study, and it may be interpreted that in instances where functional independence decreased as a result of both observed and parent reported autonomy restricting parenting behavior, dysfunctional dependence, in turn, increased.

The results from the present study have important implications for developmental theory as it pertains to the use of parenting behaviors in early adolescence and emerging adulthood. Parents who use behaviors to restrict their child’s autonomy during early adolescence may negatively impact the long-term development of their children. Throughout development into emerging adulthood, individuals may become overly dependent on their parents, which may make it difficult to explore other friend and romantic relationships or careers and achieve developmental tasks related to independence across several domains of life (e.g., finances, career, relationships, decision-making) (Loeb et al., 2020; Arnett, 2001). Further, emerging adults who do not engage in exploration processes may experience negative outcomes in terms of their well-being (Luyckx & Robitschek, 2014). In order to prevent this trajectory, certain parenting behaviors can be used to promote optimal development. Parental support has been found to lead to outcomes that directly contrast outcomes of parental psychological control (Barber et al., 2005; Szwedo et al., 2017). Although there is some research to support that parental monitoring may be beneficial, it is important to strike an appropriate balance between monitoring and support in order to yield the best results (Véronneau & Dishion, 2010). One way of doing this is by making sure parental monitoring is used in conjunction with open parent-child communication, parental support, supervision, parent-child connectedness, and an authoritative parenting style (DeVore & Ginsburg, 2005; Litovsky & Dusek, 1985).

Implications of this study also extend to the area of psychological practice. Therapists should be aware of the effects that autonomy restricting parenting can have when used in adolescence. When counseling adolescents, it will be important for therapists to pay attention to any signs that the adolescent’s parent is using autonomy restricting parenting behaviors that would denote importance to the use of preventative intervention. It would be beneficial to involve the parents in treatment (via either consulting or family therapy) to both inform them about the possible negative effects of the use of autonomy restricting behavior as they pertain to well-being and adjustment in the emerging adulthood period, and to provide suggestions to more effective parenting techniques such as the ones mentioned above. Moreover, given that “emerging adulthood” is a relatively new term used to describe the transition period between adolescence and adulthood typically experienced by 21st century individuals in industrialized societies, it would be beneficial for therapists to provide psychoeducation to both parents and adolescents about the changes and transitions that they will be going through during the late teens and early twenties (Arnett, 2007). Psychoeducation should focus on developmental milestones related to the emerging adulthood time period, expected challenges, and how the achievement of milestones and overcoming of challenges may be either supported or strained by the quality of the parent-child relationship. Such strategies could also be implemented during the emerging adulthood timeframe, with more emphasis on repairing and strengthening the parent-child relationship to promote achievement of developmental milestones.

This study included several strengths, most importantly its multi-method and longitudinal design, which aided in providing unique information about the effects of autonomy restricting behavior at different stages in development. This study also examined several different domains of dependency (i.e., financial, practical, and emotional dependency), as well as a measure of independence, which provides further insight to exactly how autonomy restricting parental behaviors affect later adolescent dependency. Finally, the study used both parent report and observational measurement to examine whether autonomy restricting parenting behaviors could predict emerging adult parent reported dependence. Not only can this be considered a strength in that extant literature has yet to examine parent perceptions of parenting behavior, but similar findings were obtained using both parent-report and observational measures. This suggests that parents’ perception of their own behavior is similar to less subjective observations of such behavior, lending value to the use of parent report in both this study and future studies. However, there were several limitations of the study that are important to note. First, it is important to note that though longitudinal in nature, the correlational nature of the study prevents drawing causal conclusions from the data. Furthermore, the use of a measure that distinguished between achievement-oriented and dependency-oriented psychological control may have strengthened the study. As seen in prior research, these two types of psychological control may be related to different types of outcomes, where achievement-oriented psychological control predicts outcomes of self-doubt and perfectionism, and dependency-oriented psychological control predicts separation anxiety and dysfunctional dependency (Soenens et al., 2010). Parental dependency variables were also not specified as measuring dysfunctional dependence, per se. Thus, although there were associations with greater dependency behaviors in many instances, they may not necessarily be considered dysfunctional. A final limitation to the present study was the differences in parent gender participation for measures that utilized parent-report. The sample size of fathers who completed these measures were, on average, about half the size of mothers who completed them. As such, conclusions regarding the relative importance of mother versus father autonomy restricting behavior in predicting parental dependency cannot be drawn from this study. Greater participation of fathers would help to increase confidence in such interpretations.

Future research may consider other possible mediating factors that could play a role in the relationships between autonomy restricting parenting behaviors and parental dependency (e.g., other mental health issues, emotion regulation, attachment relationships). This could provide more insight to any risk and protective factors that may act as a buffer between the connection of autonomy restricting parenting behaviors and parental dependency. Future research may also consider further investigating outcomes that are related to parental dependency. It may be important to know if parents who use these autonomy restricting parenting behaviors are possibly setting their teens up for adjustment and interpersonal difficulties beyond the development of dependence. Finally, future research should continue to look at the role of both parent and child gender in the relationship between autonomy restricting parenting behavior and parental dependence, as the results from this study and the results from previous research are mixed. A study that solely focuses on understanding these relationships might provide future researchers with important insight as to whether or not parent/child gender should be considered in studies regarding these behaviors. In conclusion, this study identified the effects that autonomy restricting parenting behavior across different adolescent time periods may have on the development of parental dependence in emerging adulthood. This study thus highlights the importance of appropriately supportive parenting behaviors in early and late adolescence in order to allow individuals to become more independent during as emerging adults, which may result in more satisfying identity development and positive outcomes.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, National Institute of Mental Health.

Biographies

Emily N. Shah is a doctoral candidate in Clinical Psychology at the University of Arkansas. Emily is interested in examining intervention strategies and outcomes that are related to the reduction of co-occurring mental health problems that may impact individuals with autism (e.g., anxiety and depressive symptoms).

David E. Szwedo is an Associate Professor at James Madison University. His major research interests include adolescent and young adult social development and online social networking behavior.

Joseph P. Allen is a Professor at the University of Virginia. His major research interests include the development of autonomy & relatedness in adolescence and adolescent attachment organization.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Transparency and Openness Statement

The raw data, analysis code, and materials used in this study are not openly available. This study was not pre-registered.

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