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Published in final edited form as: Cult Health Sex. 2022 Jul 21;25(6):762–775. doi: 10.1080/13691058.2022.2097740

Gender, romantic relationships and sexual health in Mexico: Parents' experiences of discussion with their children

Megan K Maas a, Catherine A LaBrenz b, Kyla M Cary a, Nancy Amador Buenabad c, José Rubén Parra-Cardona d
PMCID: PMC9859938  NIHMSID: NIHMS1837599  PMID: 35862272

Abstract

A focus on promoting sexual health and preventing sexual violence remains largely unaddressed in most evidence-based parenting prevention programmes, despite the promise of success in addressing these topics after foundational parenting practices have been strengthened. The primary objective of this study was to understand how Mexican family and gender values shape the way families in Mexico City approach discussion of sexual health and violence with their adolescent children. The goal was to inform the development of a culturally relevant sexual health promotion and violence prevention module to add to an existing parenting intervention. During focus groups with 17 mothers and 3 fathers who had recently completed a parenting intervention, five major themes were identified: mediating messages from the outside world; dads are not part of sex education; romantic relationships spell trouble; gender differences in responsibility and fear; and comfort talking about condoms. Findings indicate that caregivers adopt different approaches to education about sexual health and the prevention of sexual violence according to whether the young person is a boy or a girl. These differential approaches were primarily informed by cultural and contextual influences. Strategies for more overtly addressing gender relations in parenting interventions for sexual health promotion and violence prevention are discussed.

Keywords: parenting, education, sexual violence, gender, Mexico

Extensive research has linked parent–adolescent communication of sexual health to a number of positive outcomes for youth, such as an older age at sexual debut, fewer sexual partners and more consistent condom use (Widman et al. 2016). Young people with parents who discuss sexual health, provide support, are responsive to emotions and monitor their activity engage in less sexual risk-taking (Widman et al. 2016). However, there is evidence that communication can vary greatly between daughters and sons, especially among Mexican parents (Moncloa, Wilkinson-Lee and Russell 2010). Although many studies reveal gender differences in the processes by which mothers and fathers discuss sexuality with their daughters and sons, few have considered how Mexican cultural values shape those differences, and even fewer studies have asked participants to reflect on their own perceptions of why they approach sex communication differently with their daughters and sons. In this study, we sought to elucidate Mexican parents’ perceptions of gendered experiences engaging in sexual health and violence discussions with their adolescent children. We hope to provide a better understanding of these differential socialisation processes to strengthen parenting interventions’ efficacy in promoting sexual health and preventing sexual violence among adolescents.

Mexican Culture and Traditional Family Gender Roles

Parents, peers and media are generally thought of as the primary agents of sexual socialisation, providing us with “sexual scripts” or internalised messages that shape our behaviour. Due to the cultural values associated with sense of family and the critical role of caregivers in the lives of youth, parents are usually identified as important sexual educators in Mexican families (Chávez and Álvarez 2012). Research has identified several cultural values that play a role in the sexual experiences of Mexican adolescents. For instance, familismo emphasises the importance of family in life (Bermúdez et al. 2010) and acting for the benefit of the family instead of the benefit of self (Ayón and Aisenberg 2010). Familismo has been found to be a protective factor against negative outcomes and behaviours among youth. For example, adolescents in Mexican-origin families high in paternal familismo have been found to be less likely to engage in externalising behaviours (Germán, Gonzales and Dumka 2009). Additionally, culturally specific values of respect (respeto) influence young people’s behaviour, with evidence to support the view that Mexican adolescents who endorse the value of respeto are more receptive to parents’ - specifically mothers’ - input concerning romantic relationships (Espinosa-Hernández et al. 2017).

Although the family values of familismo and respeto can be thought of as protective factors that encourage safe sexual practices among Mexican and Mexican-origin adolescents, outcomes differ by gender (Espinosa-Hernández et al. 2017; Germán, Gonzales and Dumka 2009). Indeed, prior research in Mexico (Espinosa-Hernández et al. 2016) and among Latinos in the USA (Guilamo-Ramos et al. 2009) has found that adolescent Latina girls with a higher endorsement of familismo were less likely to engage in a variety of sexual behaviours, whereas Latino/Mexican boys were not. Another study has shown that adolescent girls in Mexico who gave greater importance to female virginity were less likely to engage in oral and vaginal sex, and older adolescent Mexican girls who had more sexual guilt reported less oral or vaginal sex (Espinosa-Hernández, Vasilenko and Bámaca-Colbert 2016). The extent to which cultural values both positively and negatively impact parent-adolescent communication about sexuality requires further investigation. Understanding how parents perceive their role in socialising their daughters and sons differently when it comes to sexual health promotion and violence prevention will provide useful information for family, sexual health and violence interventions.

The Sexual Double Standard and Catholicism

Historically, Mexican families have tended to uphold traditional gender role values (Espinosa-Hernández, Bissell-Havran and Nunn 2015) whereby men are socialised to be aggressive and protective, and women are socialised to be submissive and nurturing. In Latino culture, these socialised norms are referred to as machismo and marianismo, respectively. Interactions with children may vary based on gendered norms. McHale and colleagues (2005) found that among Mexican American families that reported stronger ties to Mexican culture, boys had fewer responsibilities than girls, whereas among families with stronger ties to US culture had more egalitarian family responsibilities.

Mexican families are often influenced by traditional Catholic-- values, as over 83% of Mexicans identify as Catholic (Espinosa-Hernández, Bissell-Havran and Nunn 2015). Thus, religious messaging is intertwined with sexual socialisation for families in Mexico. Traditional Catholic-Mexican gender norms dictate that girls will remain virgins until they marry, while boys need to prove their virility (Espinosa-Hernández, Bissell-Havran and Nunn 2015). These traditional gender roles encourage parents to treat their sons and daughters differently in both explicit and implicit ways. In a study of Mexican and other Latino children in the USA, Deutsch and Crockett (2016) found that boys received more permissive messaging compared to girls who received more cautionary messaging. In other research, Latinas in the USA who are thought to be too knowledgeable about sex are considered “improper” or “undignified” (Ravelo et al. 2019). This may explain why parent-adolescent communication about sex has a stronger impact on daughters than it does on sons (Widman et al. 2016). Although some studies have explored conversations about sexuality among Mexican American and other Latino families in the US (Ahrold and Meston 2010; Hernandez et al., 2012; Parra-Cardona et al. 2019), there is less literature about these processes among families in Mexico. Thus, understanding the nuance in Mexican parents’ perceptions of gender and culture in the sexual socialisation of their own children can help provide specific information for the development of culturally relevant forms of parenting education that can better promote sexual health and prevent sexual violence among adolescents.

The Present Study

The purpose of this exploratory study was to examine Mexican parents’ perceptions of gendered sexual socialisation of their adolescent children to inform the development of a culturally relevant module to help parents discuss sexual health and violence. To investigate this aim, we held focus group interviews with parents in Mexico City who had recently completed an evidence-based parenting programme but felt that the intervention lacked guidance on how to address their children’s sexual experiences. Given the extant literature that demonstrates cultural values shape gendered sexual socialisation within Latino families, we were interested to learn how Mexican parents perceive the need (if any) to approach sexual communication differently with their daughters compared to their sons. By so doing, we hoped to provide guidance on how to address parenting practices in a way that maintains cultural pride and strong family relationships while also promoting sexual health and preventing sexual violence among adolescents.

Method

Participants

Participants (N = 20; 17 mothers and 3 fathers) were recruited from a group of parents who had completed a culturally adapted parenting programme known as Parent Management Training Intervention-Oregon Model (GenerationPMTO). The Spanish title of the intervention is Criando con Amor Promoviendo Armonía y Superación en Mexico para Adolescentes (CAPAS-MxA). The programme was implemented in schools in the southeast zone of Mexico City, which is characterised by polarised zones of extreme wealth and poverty (INEGI 2020). Participants were specifically recruited from three public schools within a county that featured both middle-class families and poor families. All three public schools were located within three kilometres from each other in the same neighbourhood of Mexico City. Participants were recruited based on the following criteria: 1) being a father, mother or legal guardian of a teenager who was enrolled in one of the three selected schools; 2) having completed the CAPAS-MxA parenting programme; and 3) having expressed interest in participating in an additional focus group.

74.2% of the participants reported being married, 19.4% were divorced or separated, and 6.5% were single. Most parents (56.7%) had completed a high school education, 23.3% had completed a university degree, and 12.3% had not finished high school. The average age of caregivers was 41.64 (SD = 8.06) years. The children of the families that participated in the pilot study were mainly boys (71%) and 29% girls with an average age of 13. All participants provided signed consent to participate. This study was conducted in line with the requirements of Michigan State University, which acted as the primary institutional review board for the study.

Data Collection

Data were collected via focus groups, as this methodology is particularly useful to explore sensitive phenomena in a group setting (Braun and Clarke 2006; 2012). Focus groups included parents from three different schools: School A (n = 6), School B (n = 7) and School C (n = 7). The Parent Management Training Oregon Model facilitators conducted the additional focus groups; however, to reduce potential social desirability bias, focus group facilitators were assigned to groups with whom they had not had prior contact in their role as a parent educator. Each of the focus group facilitators had extensive clinical experience in groupwork and was briefed to ensure consistent exploration of themes for this study. The facilitators then used a semi-structured interview guide to explore topics related to sexuality and prompt participants for additional information. This included the following three ‘grand tour’ questions: 1) do parents talk about sex with daughters in the same way they talk to their sons, if not, why is there a difference; 2) in relation to sex, which topics would be useful to learn about to help you talk to your children (e.g. birth control, puberty, virginity, pornography, abstinence, etc); and 3) who do you think is responsible for talking to children about sex and healthy relationships? A copy of the interview guide is available from the corresponding author upon request.

Data Analysis

The research team consisted of five members: a Mexican-born, dual citizen of Mexico and the USA, with Spanish as his native language (RPC); a Mexican citizen and experienced Parent Management Training Oregon Model practitioner, with Spanish as her native language (NAB); a Spanish-speaking US citizen with a master’s degree in social work from Latin America (CL), and two non-Spanish-speaking US citizens (MM, KMC).

As a first step, a team member (CL) translated the transcripts from the focus groups from Spanish to English. Then, four researchers (KMC, MM, CL, RPC) coded the transcripts using thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke 2012; 2006) (Braun and Clarke 2006). In the first stage of coding, two team members coded the data independently for initial themes and then discussed discrepancies. At the second stage of coding, initial themes were collapsed using an iterative process moving between the data and existing literature to understand emergent themes and important issues (Guest, MacQueen and Namey 2012). The team as a whole met to discuss codes and themes, using a consensus process to ensure reliable interpretations (Harry, Sturges and Klingner 2005).

Findings

Five main themes were identified, as detailed below.

Mediating Messages from the Outside World

Parents described school-based sexuality education as a catalyst to initiate conversations about sex because their children were already knowledgeable about it. For example, one mother whose daughter attended School A expressed, ‘[my daughter] has had this topic openly since elementary school, since 4th grade they have brought it up.’ A father whose son attended School C spoke about his son’s school’s role in teaching about contraception, ‘[The school] talked to them about sex, how to protect themselves…he is 18, and obviously he already started having sex.’ One mother whose daughter attended School B commented on her daughter’s school-based sexuality-education having sparked discussion of unplanned pregnancy:

I started reading to her, “based on statistics this happens, pregnancies, diseases, because a pregnancy, well there is the day-after pill or an abortion, but sexually-transmitted diseases can be very strong.” So, I start giving her the information that they have given to us parents and covered the basics.

Parents also believed that the education their children received in elementary school provides a foundation for them to build on when encountering new information from sources with low credibility.

You might be a little embarrassed, but [the elementary school] gave you a bit of a kick too, so you feel freer. And now with so much information that they [our children] really do have, sometimes we might think it is bad for them to watch certain videos, but in one way or another they do it to orient themselves, so it is okay, because they see the good and the bad. (Mother with son attending School C)

Parents expressed concern about messages that their children received from other sources, particularly male friends. For example, there were concerns about boys talking about pornography at school without teachers reprimanding them. One mother whose daughter attended school C said:

My daughter talks to me about how the boys there behave, “they are really curious about sex because they already saw some on the Internet, so then they all bring it up here and start to show it…. but where are the teachers?”

Parents also expressed concern about messages at home being usurped by messages from male peers. One father whose son attended School A said:

We can educate our kids in a certain way, but when they go to a place where they share with cousins, other children, friends, and more, they might have ideas that are very different. So, a boy, you educate him to not be machista, but he ends up getting contaminated with all of… “no man, you have to be good, you have to be a womaniser” and everything.

Dads are not Part of Sex Education

Mothers agreed that fathers were simply not physically present enough to be a source of sex education to their children. One mother whose son attended School A said, ‘But since he is working and we were at home, well, he didn’t have a chance to participate.’ Another mother whose son attended School A stated, ‘… well, my son wasn’t living with his dad [at the time], so they didn’t have the sort of relationship where he could contact him and tell him, “Look, you are going to get hair there.”‘ Other mothers separated from the fathers for periods of time, as one mother whose son and daughter attended School A affirmed:

I was separated from the father of my kids and when we got back together again, one day he told me, “Oh! We should talk to the kids.” [I said], “sorry? I went over that topic years ago with them.”

Overall, there was agreement that fathers were incapable of talking with their children about sexuality by virtue of ‘being male’, being absent or due to embarrassment. For example, one mother whose son attended School B affirmed, ‘My husband gets embarrassed, and he tells me, “My son came up to me and told me you were talking about this.” I told him, “Yes.”‘ Finally, a mother whose son attended School B told a story of her son asking about her pregnancy:

He said, “why did you get pregnant with me?” Even his dad got really red [blushed]. “What, did your condom break?” And his dad, like that (puts her hands on her face, laughing). We didn’t use one, if you only knew… (laughter). Those sorts of things embarrass his dad, but not me.

Other mothers expressed their openness as the reason why they held the majority of conversations about sex and sexuality compared to fathers. One mother whose son attended School B said:

I am really open with my son. In contrast, it is his father who should talk to him about sexuality, and it is the one thing he doesn’t like [to do]. He’s scared to… It’s not the same, I talk with my kids in a certain way, but he is really quiet.

Another mother whose son attended School B stated that her son thinks his dad does not want to discuss feelings at all, ‘No, I’m not ashamed. I’m very open in this way with him, but not his dad. He tells me, no my dad doesn’t talk to me about how I feel.’

Romantic Relationships spell Trouble

Romantic Relationships Are Not Compatible with Education and/or Success in Life

Parents saw young people’s engagement in romantic relationships as a sign of distraction from school. One mother whose daughter attended School C said, ‘My daughter has focused more on studying than having a boyfriend.’ Another mother whose son attended School B stated, ‘I told him, “You are here to learn in preparation for university.” Start working on it, your university, your career.’ Parents conflated romantic relationships with unplanned pregnancy, driving their fear of interference with educational success. One mother whose daughter attended School A said:

For example, I’ll ask them, “What do you prefer, carrying a backpack or a diaper bag? What do you prefer, staying up late because you’re going to another party or staying up late because you have to prepare bottles, to take care of a baby?”

Parents also spoke about warning their children against dating. For example, one mother whose son attended School A stated, ‘I went ahead and told him, “Now you are in school you are going to study…nothing to do with dating.”‘ Another mother whose son attended School B discussed her son’s internalisation of this value:

He tells me “Mom, don’t worry. I know what you are trying to do, and I know in advance that these types of things can be counterproductive - even for me because I want to study, I want to do that.”

Too Many Emotions During Sex/relationships

Parents expressed concern about the emotional toll that sexual and romantic experiences can take on both sons and daughters. One mother whose son attended School C reflected:

He finished with a girlfriend, an “ex” … Well, he never saw her again. And now he [has] just finished with another girlfriend, and he is suffering! And he tells me, “I love her a lot and I feel really bad,” and I’m like “Son, well, just as she came, another girl will come [along] and you will love her too.”

Parents expressed feelings of helplessness watching their children experience pain over their romantic relationships. One mother whose daughter attended School C said:

There was a stage where she just was head-over-heels … and we can’t, we just can’t do anything because she keeps on suffering, and with all those emotions they just have to pass. I mean, you can’t do much for her.

Another mother whose sons attended School C affirmed:

My sons are very young still, but they have suffered from these situations with their girlfriends. With my sons, well, I give them a hug, and that’s it. Then suddenly, out of nowhere, another girlfriend comes, and they forget all about the other one.

Another mother whose son attended School C reflected about being afraid of how her son might handle the suffering, ‘They cut their veins and you don’t even really realise…. Your son at the dinner table is one way but [your son] in his bedroom is another.’ Another mother whose son attended School C described the importance of guiding and supporting children through their experiences of pain and sadness:

How can you tell the kid not to cry when he wants to cry? And if he is saying, “Mom, I just feel bad, I’m sad because my girlfriend left me, we broke up.” … I can’t tell him, “Don’t cry, hold un, just don’t!” He’ll say, “mom, I just want to cry.”

Despite expressing concern and fears, parents also recognised the positive emotional experiences that come from romantic relationships. One mother whose daughter attended School A and had a son at a different school reflected on the need to normalise the emotions that are experienced in a relationship, ‘I chat with him a lot about what sexual relationships are, that they should be good, pleasurable … Because if they cause harm, or aren’t affectionate and emotional, then it’s bad, okay?’

Gender Differences in Responsibility and Fear

Girls Will Be Ruined by Pregnancy

When discussing how they approached discussion of sexuality differently with sons compared to daughters, there was consistent mention of pregnancy harming daughters more than sons. For example, one mother whose daughter attended School A discussed the financial strain of an unwanted pregnancy as falling on the mother, ‘…but now with the responsibility of raising a child…or being able to afford it, right? Because in the end sometimes the boys do not even take responsibility for them, right? For their babies.’ Another mother whose daughter attended School B described the importance of timing a pregnancy:

My daughter tells me, “If one of my classmates got pregnant, what would you say?” That she should get an abortion (silence). I’ll tell you why. A child is a blessing at a certain age, but a child at an early age is a nuisance because you don’t know, you are going to become mothers, yet you still play with dolls. Then she says, “oh mom!”

Boys Should Take Responsibility for Pregnancy

Although parents described more concern over a pregnancy ruining a daughter’s life than a son’s, they also discussed the importance of warning boys about the realities of unwanted pregnancy. As one mother whose son attended School A reflected:

[I told my son], “How sad would it be if you liked a girl and got her pregnant and then you didn’t want to be responsible? We wouldn’t allow it, son, because if you were…if you had a relationship and…from that, this girl, she got pregnant, then you would have to be responsible so think about it and the consequences that it will bring.”

Another mother whose son attended School C said, ‘I told him that he should take certain precautions [to not get her pregnant], take care of her, and take care of yourself.’ The importance of including boys in the conversation was also mentioned by the mother of a daughter who attended School C. She stated, ‘well, in cany case you would have to talk with the guy that helped you make the baby because you didn’t do that on your own. Therefore, although traditionally much of the stigma of adolescent pregnancy has been placed on girls, some parents in the sample did highlight the need to extend responsibilities to boys.

Girls Will Be Sexually Violated

Parents described the likelihood that their daughters would be sexually violated in some way. For example, one mother whose daughter attended School A described how she warned her daughter of the dangers of sexual assault, ‘Take care of yourself and don’t let anyone touch you.’ Another mother whose daughter attended School A warned her daughter to distrust expressions of affection from boys:

I tell her, “Be careful, daughter, and don’t let just any boy say, ‘hey, I want you to me my girlfriend, come on.’ Just, no. Boys are going to like all girls, they’ll like [you] one today and then tomorrow, next week, they’ll like another, right?” I tell her, “You know what, honey? You should say ‘no’, or ‘I don’t want to’ okay?”

Other parents encouraged their daughters to be clear about boundaries. As one mother whose daughter attended School A affirmed ‘[I say to my daughter] no, don’t feel pressured, honey. If you…well, if you don’t want to or you don’t like him, feel free to say ‘no’ and always remember that.’

Parents also expressed concern about sexual harassment and how their daughters might be treated by male peers. As one mother whose daughter attended School C reflected:

There are kids who start sort of harassing girls, they start saying, “Hey look, she is starting to develop, so of course we can look, right?” So, they start there, like, “hey, look, how great you have boobies.” There is a point where they [boys] start disrespecting girls, and that is where I feel we need more guidance about how we can guide our kids. Yes, just to tell them about the changes they are having, but also about having respect.

Girls Menstruate, Boys Masturbate

Parents described menstruation and masturbation as impetus for “the talk,” the content of which differed according to their child’s gender. For daughters, menstruation tended to instigate conversation, as daughters need to be prepared for pregnancy prevention. However, one mother whose daughters attended School C shared the importance of also discussing menstruation with sons:

[He may be] like, “What is happening with my sister?” In the end, over the course of their lives they are going to get together or marry a woman and of course they are going to have to…be on par, to continue growing as a couple. I mean, there are times when she might menstruate and there are times that [she might say] “Hey, bring me the pads” or you know, “I bled through.”

In contrast, parents discussed boys as more focused on pleasure than girls. As one father whose son attended School A said, ‘[sons and daughters are] focused on two different things.’ Thus, for sons, masturbation often caused parents to start a conversation about sex. But this could be difficult. One mother whose son attended School B and had a son at a different school stated:

As a mom of boys, I don’t know how to address this topic, for example, like masturbation and everything, I haven’t walked in on them, but I don’t doubt they are doing it. So how to address that situation, you know? It’s important.

Comfort Talking about Condoms

Parents emphasised the need to discuss condoms and their comfort doing so. One mother whose daughter attended School C recounted a story about her daughter’s reluctance to learn about condom use, ‘The last thing my daughter said to me was, “so they are going to make us put a condom on a cucumber”. Aaah that is okay, sweetie (laughs), that’s good, because it is good for you to know how.’ Another mother whose son attended School B spoke about reminding her son to take a condom to a party, ‘I tell him “Remember to take balloons, remember that it’s not a party without balloons, but be careful.”‘ Another mother whose son attended School A described telling both her son and daughter to carry condoms:

And yes, I have seen condoms in his drawers because I told him “You should always take one with you, if not…” And the same with my daughter, “If the boy doesn’t bring one, you should take out a condom; you know, there’s no party if you don’t.”

Finally, a mother whose son attended School C described showing condoms to her children in the store, ‘I want [my child] to see all the anti-conceptive methods, and I want [them] to know how to use them.’

Discussion

This study examined how Mexican parents of adolescents differentially engage in discussion with their daughters and sons about sexual health and violence following an evidence-based parenting intervention. Results from this study have the potential to inform the development of a culturally relevant module on sexuality to include in existing evidence-based parenting programmes. Although prior studies have examined the role of machismo or other cultural values in Latino families (Deutsch and Crockett 2016; Hernandez et al. 2012), many have focused on US samples, which are likely to have important differences from Mexican cultural norms, beliefs and values. The themes identified in this study offer a contribution to the literature as they are grounded in the experiences of parents who reside in Mexico City; engage with discourse on parent-based sexual violence prevention; and share the perspective of parents who have recently improved their parenting knowledge and practices (e.g. warmth and consistency), making them better situated to move on to engage with the more taboo topics of sexuality and violence.

The first two themes of ‘mediating messages from the outside’ world and ‘dads are not a part of sex education’ describe how messages from outside the home prompt conversations and impact perceptions of how mothers and fathers differentially sexually socialise their children. In essence, mothers see themselves as having a salient role in educating their children about sexual health and violence. In contrast, we found a substantial lack of father participation in discussion about sex and relationships. In contrast to the USA, where sex education curriculum is decided at district level, in Mexico, the sexual education curriculum is a federally determined and regulated effort (Chandra-Mouli et al. 2018). While some school-based efforts in Mexico may include information on the use of contraception (Chandra-Mouli et al. 2018), traditional religious values may limit the information provided to adolescents at school (Rodríguez 2011). Given that parent participation in sexual education improves sexual health outcomes for adolescents (Cabrera-García et al. 2018; Campero et al. 2017), parenting interventions should include advice on how to initiate conversations about school-based sex education and the messages they teach at home.

Another key takeaway from the themes is that, although parents in the sample tended to focus on negative consequences of pregnancy for girls compared to boys, parents recognised the importance of actively educating all young people about sex, sexuality and relationships, including topics such as masturbation and menstruation that may have been more taboo in past generations. These findings represent positive change in the light of a prior study of premenarcheal Mexican girls where they reported sad feelings and negative attitudes toward menstruation and thoughts that boys should not know about it (Marvan et al. 2007). Thus, health educators and programme developers may want to use menstruation as a talking point for promoting gender egalitarian norms within the home that adolescents can incorporate into their own relationships, as Mexican parents are very likely to openly embrace it.

More open parental conversations about sexuality could also be a strategy to help reduce gender-based violence and dating violence victimisation (Kast, Eisenberg and Sieving 2016). Findings from our study suggest that there may be generational differences in adherence to marianismo and machismo among families in Mexico, and that the younger generations may be more open to critiquing traditional gender norms. In the focus groups, some parents mentioned the importance of teaching their sons that it was okay to cry, while others mentioned actively trying to change machista attitudes they had been raised with. As gender-based violence remains a rampant issue in Mexico (WHO, 2021), it is important to recognise potential generational differences within families and ensure that community-based programmes and initiatives reflect changing attitudes toward traditional gender norms.

Limitations

Several study limitations must be noted. First, all participants lived in the same geographical zone of Mexico City. Therefore, the study findings do not necessarily represent the experiences of parents elsewhere in Mexico. Second, focus groups took place after completion of a parenting intervention that was specifically directed to the parents of adolescents. Thus, participants were already sensitised to the importance of addressing sexuality more holistically with their children. Third, while participants were likely already comfortable discussing parenting with the focus group leader, it is possible that social desirability may have influenced some participants’ remarks. Fourth, the coding and analysis of the transcripts was completed in the English language and hence some nuance may have been lost. To reduce the risk of this happening, one of the authors who is bilingual and has worked as a practitioner in Latin America translated the original transcripts from Spanish to English and served as a second coder. However, it is possible that some of the idioms or other cultural forms of expression may have been lost. Finally, only parents or caregivers were eligible to participate in the focus groups; therefore, what is missing from this study are young people’s own perspectives on the discussions that were said by parents to have taken place.

Conclusion

The findings from this study constitute first-person accounts of how Mexican parents approach communication about sexual health and violence differently with their sons compared to daughters. As sex becomes less taboo and stigmatised in Mexico, there are growing opportunities to provide guidance and comprehensive sexuality education to help reduce risky sexual behaviours. Importantly, findings reveal the strong commitment of parents to engage in open and positive parent-child communication, creating opportunities for the prevention of sexual or other types of dating violence. In fact, participants contradicted stereotypes of parents’ unwillingness to acknowledge their developing children as sexual beings and demonstrated how important this area of parenting is to them. In essence, therefore, the research findings documented here are highly relevant to the development of future parenting interventions. Ultimately, although barriers to sex and relationship education continue to exist, as well as contextual challenges such as the limited rule of law regarding women’s rights, study participants highlighted their willingness to challenge damaging societal norms as they engage in efforts to be the best parents and educators they can be for their adolescent children.

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