Abstract
Two-spirit, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, questioning, plus additional sexual and gender diverse (2SLGBTQ+) youth are overrepresented among youth experiencing homelessness. 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness are an understudied population, which has resulted in gaps in knowledge about youths’ needs and experiences. The purpose of this scoping review was to synthesize what is currently known about 2SLGBTQ+ youth and young adult homelessness internationally, using a search strategy that included both reviews and grey literature. This review was guided by the five-stage scoping review framework developed by Arksey & O’Malley. We followed the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses Extension for Scoping Review checklist in the reporting of the methodology of this scoping review. The search strategy utilized a three-concept approach to capture research on 2SLGBTQ+ populations, homelessness, and adolescents/youth. Study selection and data extraction was conducted using Covidence Systematic Review Software. A total of 112 sources—including original research articles and review articles—met eligibility criteria and were included in the review. A majority of the articles focused on youths’ experiences with homelessness, highlighting issues such as family violence, conflict, and rejection; physical and sexual victimization; stigma and discrimination in housing programs; mental health and substance use challenges; engagement in survival sex; difficulties accessing and securing employment and education; and exclusion from community and social supports. Articles also discussed the barriers that youth face in trying to access shelter services, including homophobic, biphobic, and transphobic discrimination, and policies and regulations—such as gender-segregated housing—that make services non-gender-affirming. The reviewed articles highlighted strategies for services and programs to effectively address 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness, including training staff to be gender-affirming and inclusive, updating policies and data collection practices to be more transgender-inclusive, facilitating community connections, and adapting services to an intersectional framework. The most effective programs were characterized by five novel components: reliance on clinical evidence; trauma-informed approach; provision of safe, stable, and supportive housing; 2SLGBTQ+ peer providers; and opportunities for mutual learning between 2SLGBTQ+ youth and cisgender and heterosexual youth. As a comprehensive review of the existing literature, this scoping review can be leveraged to inform the development and implementation of targeted interventions for 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness across various care settings. The insights presented offer critical information for policymakers, researchers, and professionals seeking to understand and address the unique needs and challenges faced by 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness.
Keywords: 2SLGBTQ+, Youth, Homelessness, Scoping review, Housing programs
Introduction
To date, there is no internationally standardized definition or method for enumerating people experiencing homelessness. Understandings of what constitutes homelessness vary across countries and regions, and are shaped by local social, cultural, and policy contexts. Some definitions include individuals in insecure or temporary housing (e.g., couch surfing, transitional housing), while others count only those who are unsheltered or residing in emergency shelters. Reporting practices also differ internationally. Consequently, both the conceptualization and the measurement of homelessness vary across contexts; however, government reports estimate that young people experiencing homelessness make up approximately 20–33% of the homeless population in the United States, Canada, Ireland, and most European countries [1–4].
Homelessness encompasses a variety of living situations, such as living without shelter, staying in emergency shelters, being temporarily housed, or facing the risk of losing housing. A young person is considered to be experiencing homelessness when they are living independently of parents/caregivers, but are unable to secure stable, safe, or consistent housing [5, 6]. Similarly, a young person is considered to be at risk of homelessness when their housing situation is dangerously lacking security or stability, for example, a young person living in an unsafe home environment experiencing family conflict and rejection [7]. For the purposes of this scoping review, youth and young adults are defined as individuals between the ages of 13 and 29, consistent with definitions used by various services and government bodies, including the Government of Canada and the European Commission [8, 9].
Two-spirit, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, questioning, plus additional sexual and gender diverse (2SLGBTQ+) youth experiencing homelessness are an understudied population, which has resulted in gaps in knowledge about youths’ needs and experiences globally. Information pertaining to youths’ sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) is seldom collected outside of North America, making it especially challenging to identify 2SLGBTQ+ individuals in housing and support programs, and through local and national homeless counts, resulting in significant gaps in the literature. In contexts where SOGI data are collected, 2SLGBTQ+ youth are overrepresented among those youth experiencing homelessness, comprising an estimated 25–40% of the youth homelessness population despite only making up 5–10% of the general youth population [5, 10–12]. Although SOGI data are not routinely collected in a standardized way across Europe, existing research and literature on youth homelessness have similarly highlighted the disproportionate representation of LGBTQ+1 youth and the multiple barriers and challenges they face, including identity-based family rejection, discrimination in housing programs, and limited access to LGBTQ+ inclusive and affirming services [13–15]. In addition to limited large-scale data collection and the exclusion of SOGI questions on surveys and questionnaires, 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness has been difficult to study due to the hard-to-reach nature of this population—particularly those living outside of urban settings [12]. Identity-based family conflict resulting from a young person coming out as 2SLGBTQ+ is the most frequently cited cause of homelessness among 2SLGBTQ+ youth [12, 16–19]. 2SLGBTQ+ youth face an increased risk of homelessness, experience homelessness at younger ages, and endure longer episodes compared to heterosexual and cisgender youth [12, 18, 20]. Indigenous and racialized 2SLGBTQ+ youth experience increased risks of homelessness, discrimination, stigma, and violence [17, 21]. 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness often encounter high rates of stigma and identity-based violence in housing and support programs, and on the streets [12, 16, 22]. Compared to heterosexual and cisgender youth, 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness face an increased risk of physical and sexual exploitation, and experience significantly higher rates of mental health issues, due to stigma, discrimination, and identity-based rejection [17, 23]. 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness also face a greater risk of involvement in the criminal justice system and child protection services compared to cisgender and heterosexual youth, and youth who are securely housed [24]. Preventing, reducing, and ending 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness requires targeted strategies and prevention tactics that focus on the unique challenges and needs experienced by 2SLGBTQ+ youth, including population-based programs and services. For example, specialized 2SLGBTQ+ housing programs have found success internationally, and show promise in meeting the needs of 2SLGBTQ+ youth [15, 25–28].
The purpose of this scoping review is to synthesize existing knowledge on 2SLGBTQ+ youth and young adult homelessness internationally, identify evidence of the barriers and facilitators 2SLGBTQ+ youth face when trying to access services, and understand where there are knowledge gaps in implementing interventions [29, 30]. Guided by indicators for conducting a scoping review [29, 30], this review aims to identify the types of evidence available and map the key factors and gaps in existing knowledge. Although several studies have explored these topics, the evidence remains inconsistent and fragmented across disciplines and geographic contexts, underscoring the need for a comprehensive synthesis. To date, no review has consolidated international evidence on 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness, or included research on interventions, and only one recent scoping review [31] has examined related issues with a narrower scope focused on life course transitions in North American contexts. This review employs a search strategy that includes a wide variety of peer-reviewed literature, including empirical studies and review articles, as well as grey literature. Although grey literature is a valuable and frequently used source of information, recommendations, and resources, it has not been examined in previous reviews. Including grey literature enables the integration of knowledge generated by governments, communities, and organizations, extending beyond purely academic perspectives that may not be informed by hands-on experience. By incorporating an extensive range of search topics, this review captures an inclusive and diverse representation of homelessness experiences (e.g., hidden homelessness, at-risk of homelessness), and synthesizes a breadth of evidence-informed recommendations for programs, policies, and evaluations aimed at improving responses to 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness.
Research questions
What is currently known about the experiences of homelessness among 2SLGBTQ+ youth and young adults globally?
What are the barriers and facilitators to accessing housing and support services among 2SLGBTQ+ youth and young adults experiencing homelessness?
What interventions have been developed to support 2SLGBTQ+ youth and young adults in exiting homelessness?
Materials and methods
This scoping review was guided by the five-stage scoping review framework developed by Arksey & O’Malley [29]. We followed the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses Extension for Scoping Review (PRISMA-ScR) checklist in the reporting of the methodology of this scoping review. The final study protocol was registered in the Open Science Framework (10.17605/OSF.IO/NPZG9) (protocol registration accessible via https://osf.io/npzg9).
Search strategy
The following databases were searched to identify the published literature: Medline, EMBASE, CINAHL, LGBTQ+ Source, PsycINFO, Scopus, and Web of Science. The search strategy utilized a three-concept approach to capture research on 2SLGBTQ+ populations, homelessness, and adolescents/youth. The Medline search was developed first, and the MeSH headings and keywords from the Medline search were individually adapted to match the search syntax of the other databases (e.g., gender$ fluid$.mp., (couch$ adj3 surf$).mp.). The original search was conducted in November 2021; all of the database searches were re-run before the final analysis, in order to capture the most recently published literature, as of May 2023. Grey literature sources were searched to supplement the research identified by the bibliographic database searches. Several data sources provide information on homelessness, each capturing distinct aspects of the issue. To more comprehensively capture research on 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness, the evidence base was expanded to include grey literature sources. The grey literature search was limited to dissertations, preprints, reports, and statistical data. To ensure a clearly defined scope, the reports/statistical data component of the grey literature search was restricted to governmental agencies and not-for-profit organizations from the following geographical locations: Canada-nationally available data, all Canadian provinces/territories, municipal information from the five largest municipal population centres in Canada (Toronto, Vancouver, Montreal, Calgary, Edmonton), United States-nationally available data, District of Columbia, New York-state data, municipal information from NYC, Hawaii-state data, municipal information from Honolulu, California-state data, and municipal information from Los Angeles and San Francisco. We focused on the selected regions, as they all have a higher-than-average rate of homelessness—either per capita or overall—and have had local municipal/not-for-profit agencies attempt to calculate the size and demographics of their homeless populations [32, 33]. The grey literature search methods included searching databases/servers/portals with grey literature content, structured Google searching, use of custom Google Search engines, searching Google Scholar, and searching the websites of relevant governmental agencies and not-for-profit organizations. Employing multiple search methods aided in identifying information from diverse sources, achieving more data saturation [29].
Study selection
Study selection was conducted using Covidence Systematic Review Software [34]. The study selection process included two levels of screening: a title and abstract review, and a full-text review. Both stages were completed by research team members independently (AA, NE, NP, RS). Conflicts in the article selection process were resolved by the principal investigator (AA). Studies that met the following criteria were included: (1) Focused on 2SLGBTQ+ youth/young adults experiencing homelessness, and explicitly mentioned examining the 2SLGBTQ+ population in the context of homelessness and/or housing; (2) Full-text quantitative, qualitative, or mixed-methods study or review (evidence syntheses, systematic reviews, meta-analyses, scoping reviews, narrative reviews, rapid reviews, and realist reviews); (3) Published in English. Studies that did not focus on 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness, and/or were not available in full-text were excluded.
Data extraction and synthesis
Data extraction was conducted using Covidence Systematic Review Software [34]. The following information was extracted from each included source and entered into a data extraction table: title, lead author, country of study, study aim, study design, description of population and inclusion/exclusion criteria, recruitment method, number of participants, outcome measure(s), focus of study, and relevant findings [29]. Research team members conducted data extraction for each article (MM, NE, NP, RS); extraction was then reviewed by the principal investigator (AA). A narrative synthesis approach was selected to describe, summarize, and interpret the findings, as the included studies varied in design and methods (i.e., qualitative, quantitative, mixed methods). This approach enabled the systematic organization, comparison, and interpretation of findings across diverse study types. The synthesis was conducted in several stages. First, extracted data were entered into a table summarizing study characteristics and key findings (see Table 1). Next, results were examined across studies to identify commonalities and differences. Quantitative findings were described in narrative form and combined with qualitative insights to provide a comprehensive understanding of 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness. Article findings were assessed for relevance to the three research questions. Due to the volume of sources relevant to research question #1, these findings were further grouped into themes using thematic analysis as a guide [138, 139]. Two team members independently reviewed the data, and seven themes emerged. These themes were subsequently reviewed and refined to ensure consistency and consensus among team members.
Table 1.
Reviewed articles (year range: 2002 – 2023)
| Author | Year | Title | Study Country | Study Design | Themes | Age Range |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Abramovich [35] | 2012 | No safe place to go LGBTQ youth homelessness in Canada: reviewing the literature | Canada | Literature review | Service delivery, housing programs, lack of services, discrimination | 16–26 |
| Abramovich [16] | 2016 | Preventing, reducing and ending LGBTQ2S youth homelessness: the need for targeted strategies | Canada | Policy/issue brief | Policy change, social inclusion, service delivery improvement, intersectionality | 16–29 |
| Abramovich [36] | 2017 | Understanding h ow policy and culture create oppressive conditions for LGBTQ2S youth in the shelter system | Canada | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Service delivery, housing programs, policy, critical action research, service access/barriers | 16–21 |
| Abramovich & Kimura [25] | 2021 | Outcomes for youth living in Canada’s first LGBTQ2S transitional housing program | Canada | Mixed-methods, longitudinal | Housing program evaluation, population-based housing, mental health, well-being | 16–24 |
| Abramovich & Pang [22] | 2020 | Understanding LGBTQ2S youth homelessness in York Region | Canada | Mixed-methods, cross-sectional | Service delivery, pathways into homelessness, lack of services, family connectedness, community, mental health, substance use | 13–26 |
| Abramovich et al. [37] | 2020 | A transgender refugee woman experiencing posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms and homelessness | Canada | Case study, longitudinal | Service delivery, discrimination, mental health | 23 |
| Abramovich et al. [38] | 2021 | Investigating the impacts of COVID-19 among LGBTQ2S youth experiencing homelessness | Canada | Mixed-methods, cross-sectional | Mental health, substance use, health service use, lack of access to services | 14–29 |
| Abramovich et al. [39] | 2022 | Experiences of family violence among 2SLGBTQ + youth at risk of, and experiencing, homelessness before and during the COVID-19 pandemic | Canada | Mixed-methods, cross-sectional | Identity-based rejection, family violence | 14–29 |
| Aguirre Montes [40] | 2021 | Analysis of LGBTQ homeless youth in Los Angeles County | United States | Literature review | Mental health, substance use, victimization, discrimination, HIV, survival sex | 10–24 |
| Alessi et al. [41] | 2021 | Victimization and resilience among sexual and gender minority homeless youth engaging in survival sex | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Service delivery, victimization, resilience, lack of resources, lack of protection, employment | 13–21 |
| Bowers et al. [42] | 2022 | Homeless youth shelters and services for transgender and gender non-conforming (TGNC) clients: results from a nationwide survey | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Service delivery, policy | N/A |
| Burwick et al. [43] | 2014 | Identifying and serving LGBTQ youth: case studies of runaway and homeless youth program | United States | Mixed-methods, cross-sectional | Service delivery, housing programs, risk and protective factors | Up to 24 |
| Cochran et al. [44] | 2002 | Challenges faced by homeless sexual minorities: comparison of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender homeless adolescents with their heterosexual counterparts | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Pathways into homelessness, victimization, mental health, substance use, sexual behaviour | 13–21 |
| Coolhart & Brown [45] | 2017 | The need for safe spaces: exploring the experiences of homeless LGBTQ youth in shelters | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Service delivery, pathways into homelessness, lack of services, substance use, source of support/resilience, survival sex | 14–21 |
| Côté & Blais [46] | 2019 | Between resignation, resistance and recognition: a qualitative analysis of LGBTQ+ youth profiles of homelessness agencies utilization | Canada | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Housing programs, service use, cisheteronormativity | 16–25 |
| Côté & Blais [47] | 2020 | “The least loved, that’s what I was”: a qualitative analysis of the pathways to homelessness by LGBTQ+ youth | Canada | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Pathways into homelessness | 17–25 |
| Côté et al. [48] | 2023 | I didn’t want to be noticed: discrimination and violence among LGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness | Canada | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Discrimination, intersectionality, violence, racialized youth | 17–25 |
| Cray et al. [18] | 2013 | Seeking shelter: the experiences and unmet needs of LGBT homeless youth | United States | Literature review | Policy, lack of 2LSGBTQ+ supports | 12–25 |
| Daniel & Cukier [49] | 2014 | The 360 project: addressing the discrimination experienced by Somali Canadians & racialized LGBTQ homeless youth in Toronto. | Canada | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Discrimination, intersectionality, racialized youth | 14–29 |
| DeChants [50] | 2022 | “I just want to move forward”: themes of resilience among LGBTQ young adults experiencing family rejection and housing insecurity | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Family rejection, coping, connection | 18–26 |
| DeChants et al. [51] | 2021 | Homelessness and housing instability among LGBTQ youth | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Family rejection, mental health, victimization | 13–24 |
| Dempsey et al. [52] | 2020 | Family relationships and LGB first homelessness in Australia: what do we know and where should we go? | Australia | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Family violence, family conflict | N/A |
| Dettlaff et al. [53] | 2017 | 3/40 blueprint: needs assessment | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Safety, service provision | N/A |
| Dettlaff et al. [54] | 2017 | Factors contributing to outcomes of stable housing, permanent connections, education, employment, and well-being for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning youth experiencing homelessness: a systematic review | United States | Systematic/scoping review | Housing programs, factors impacting likelihood of experiencing homelessness, well-being, education, employment | Up to 24 |
| DiGuiseppi et al. [55] | 2022 | Perceived safety in community and service settings among young adults experiencing homelessness: differences by sexual and gender identity | United States | Mixed-methods, cross-sectional | Service delivery, ecological momentary assessment, perceived safety | 18–25 |
| Dolamore & Naylor [56] | 2018 | Providing solutions to LGBT homeless youth: lessons from Baltimore’s Youth Empowered Society | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional, records data | Service delivery, housing programs | 14–25 |
| Dunne et al. [57] | 2002 | Young, gay, homeless and invisible: a growing population? | UK | Mixed-methods, cross-sectional, records data | Housing programs | 16–25 |
| Ferguson & Maccio [26] | 2015 | Promising programs for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer/questioning runaway and homeless youth | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Service delivery, housing programs | N/A |
| Flatley et al. [58] | 2022 | Adolescent homelessness: evaluating victimization risk based on LGBT identity and sleeping location | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Victimization | Grades 9–12 |
| Forge et al. [59] | 2018 | Out of the system and onto the streets: LGBTQ-identified youth experiencing homelessness with past child welfare system involvement | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Child welfare, mental health, sexual health | 14–25 |
| Fraser et al. [60] | 2019 | LGBTIQ+ homelessness: a review of the literature | New Zealand | Literature review | Service delivery, intersectionality, discrimination, pathways into homelessness, racialized youth | N/A |
| Frederick et al. [61] | 2011 | Exploring gender and sexual minority status among street-involved youth | Canada | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Mental health, substance use, victimization | 16–21 |
| Gangamma et al. [62] | 2008 | Comparison of HIV risks among gay, lesbian, bisexual and heterosexual homeless youth | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | HIV, mental health, sexual health | 14–22 |
| Gattis [63] | 2009 | Psychosocial problems associated with homelessness in sexual minority youths | United States | Literature review | Policy, mental health, substance use, sexual behaviour | N/A |
| Gattis [64] | 2013 | An ecological systems comparison between homeless sexual minority youths and homeless heterosexual youths | Canada | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Substance use, mental health, sexual behaviour, discrimination, stigma | 16–24 |
| Grafsky et al. [65] | 2011 | Comparison of treatment response among GLB and non-GLB street living youth | United States | Quantitative, longitudinal | Service delivery, mental health, substance use | 14–22 |
| Greenfield et al. [66] | 2021 | Learning to endure: a qualitative examination of the protective factors of homeless transgender and gender expansive youth engaged in survival sex | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Protective factors, resilience, survival sex | 17–26 |
| Hackett et al. [67] | 2022 | Safe, stable, long-term: supporting 2SLGBTQ+ youth along the housing continuum | Canada | Mixed-methods, cross-sectional | Service delivery, policy | Under 30 |
| Hail-Jares et al. [68] | 2021 | Queer homelessness: the distinct experiences of sexuality and trans-gender diverse youth | Australia | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Family violence, intimate partner violence, mental health, substance use | 12–25 |
| Hao et al. [69] | 2021 | Comparing substance use and mental health among sexual and gender minority and heterosexual cisgender youth experiencing homelessness | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Mental health, substance use | 18–24 |
| Hein [70] | 2010 | Where did you sleep last night? Homeless male adolescents: gay, bisexual, transgender and heterosexual compared | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Pathways into homelessness | 14–20 |
| Hill et al. [71] | 2021 | An examination of housing interventions among youth experiencing homelessness: an investigation into racial/ethnic and sexual minority status | United States | Quantitative, longitudinal, records data | Housing stability, intersectionality, racism | 15–24 |
| Hussey [72] | 2015 | Beyond 4 walls and a roof: addressing homelessness among transgender youth | United States | Literature review | Housing programs, policy, risk behaviours | N/A |
| Hussey [73] | 2015 | Expanding ID card access for LGBT homeless youth | United States | Literature review | Policy | N/A |
| Hyatt [74] | 2011 | Struggling to survive: lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer/questioning homeless youth on the streets of California | United States | Policy/issue brief | Policy | N/A |
| Kattari et al. [75] | 2017 | Social networks and sexual risk factor differences between cisgender heterosexual and cisgender LGBQ homeless youths | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Sexual risk factors, substance use, protective factors | 14–24 |
| Keuroghlian et al. [76] | 2014 | Out on the street: a public health and policy agenda for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender youth who are homeless | United States | Literature review | Policy, mental health, substance use, HIV | 10–28 |
| Kidd et al. [77] | 2017 | The 2015 national Canadian homeless youth survey: mental health and addiction findings | Canada | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Mental health, substance use | 12–27 |
| Kidd et al. [78] | 2019 | A national study of Indigenous youth homelessness in Canada | Canada | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Indigenous youth, substance use, mental health, violence, pathways into homelessness | 12–26 |
| Lykes et al. [79] | 2017 | Assessing the needs of transgender and gender expansive (TGE) runaway and homeless youth (RHY): supplemental report on recommended responses and strategies for providing affirming supportive services | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Service delivery, housing programs, healthcare, education, employment | N/A |
| Maccio & Ferguson [80] | 2016 | Services to LGBTQ runaway and homeless youth: gaps and recommendations | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Service delivery, housing programs | N/A |
| Marshall et al. [81] | 2010 | Survival sex work and increased HIV risk among sexual minority street-involved youth | Canada | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Survival sex, HIV | 14–26 |
| McCann & Brown [82] | 2019 | Homelessness among youth who identify as LGBTQ+: a systematic review | UK | Systematic/scoping review | Stigma, discrimination, mental health, substance use, sexual behaviour, social exclusion | 13–24 |
| McCarthy & Parr [83] | 2022 | Is LGBT homelessness different? Reviewing the relationship between LGBT identity and homelessness | UK | Literature review | Pathways into homelessness | N/A |
| Milburn et al. [84] | 2006 | Discrimination and exiting homelessness among homeless adolescents | United States | Quantitative, longitudinal | Discrimination, intersectionality, mental health, HIV | 12–20 |
| Mirza & Baker [85] | 2016 | The impact of the Affordable Care Act on LGBTQ youth experiencing homelessness | United States | Policy/issue brief | Policy, healthcare access | Up to 26 |
| Morrow & McGuire [86] | 2023 | A qualitative inquiry of associations between family environment and suicidality for transgender youth experiencing homelessness | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Mental health, coping, community | 15–26 |
| Mottet & Ohle [87] | 2006 | Transitioning our shelters: making homeless shelters safe for transgender people | United States | Literature review | Housing programs, inclusive policy | N/A |
| National LGBTQIA+ Health Education Center [88] | 2020 | Supportive housing and health services for LGBTQIA+ youth experiencing homelessness: promising practices | United States | Review of promising practices | Service delivery | Up to 25 |
| Norman-Major [89] | 2018 | Thinking outside the box: using multisector approaches to address the wicked problem of homelessness among LGBTQ youth | United States | Literature review | Service delivery, housing programs | Up to 24 |
| Norris & Quilty [90] | 2021 | Unreal, unsheltered, unseen, unrecorded: the multiple invisibilities of LGBTQI+ homeless youth | UK | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Lack of population-specific programs, safety, exclusion | 18–30 |
| Oakley & Bletsas [91] | 2017 | The experiences of being a young LGBTIQ and homeless in Australia: re-thinking policy and practice | Australia | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Service delivery, policies, healthcare, discrimination | 16–25 |
| Oliveira & Mulligrav [92] | 2010 | All our children: strategies to prevent homelessness, strengthen services and build support for LGBTQ youth | United States | Review of promising practices | Service delivery, policies | 13–24 |
| Ormiston [93] | 2022 | LGBTQ youth homelessness: why we need to protect our LGBTQ youth | United States | Literature review, policy review | Policy, health disparities | Up to 24 |
| Pannella Winn et al. [94] | 2011 | Learning from the field: programs serving youth who are LGBTQI2-S and experiencing homelessness | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Service delivery, housing programs | 12–25 |
| Pearson et al. [95] | 2017 | Consequences of runaway and thrownaway experiences for sexual minority health during the transition to adulthood | United States | Quantitative, longitudinal | Mental health, substance use, transition to adulthood, long-term health outcomes | 12–21, 25–34a |
| Poirier & Rummell [96] | 2016 | Review of the LGBTQ youth homelessness prevention initiative planning phase | United States | Mixed-methods, cross-sectional | Service delivery, housing programs, policy, community, family, education, employment, child welfare, juvenile justice, healthcare | N/A |
| Powell et al. [97] | 2016 | iTEAM: outcomes of an affirming system of care serving LGBTQ youth experiencing homelessness | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Service delivery, mental health, substance use, HIV, life skills | 15–24 |
| Price et al. [98] | 2019 | At the intersections: a collaborative resource on LGBTQ youth homelessness | United States | Literature review | Child welfare, family, violence, survival sex, substance use, intersectionality | 12–24 |
| Prock & Kennedy [28] | 2017 | Federally-funded transitional living programs and services for LGBTQ-identified homeless youth: a profile in unmet need | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Service delivery, housing programs | N/A |
| Prock & Kennedy [99] | 2020 | Characteristics, experiences, and service utilization patterns of homeless youth in a transitional living program: differences by LGBQ identity | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional, records data | Housing programs, victimization, mental health | 16–21 |
| QSAPP (Queer Students of Architecture, Planning, and Preservation) [100] | 2019 | Safe space: housing LGBTQ youth experiencing homelessness | United States | Review of promising practices | Housing programs, service delivery | N/A |
| Quilty & Norris [101] | 2022 | Queer/y/ing pathways through youth homelessness: becoming, being and leaving LGBTQI+ youth homelessness | Ireland | Qualitative, cross-section | Pathways into/out of homelessness, family, friendships, education | 19–30 |
| Quintana et al. [11] | 2010 | On the streets: the federal response to gay and transgender homeless youth | United States | Literature review | Policy | 12–24 |
| Ray [20] | 2006 | An epidemic of homelessness | United States | Literature review | Policy, family conflict, mental health, substance use, sexual behaviour, victimization | N/A |
| Ream & Forge [102] | 2014 | Homeless lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) youth in New York City: insights from the field | United States | Literature review | Service delivery, pathways into homelessness, survival sex, HIV, substance use, intersectionality | N/A |
| Reck [103] | 2009 | Homeless gay and transgender youth of color in San Francisco: “no one likes street kids”—even in the Castro | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Safety, family rejection, sexualization, discrimination | 15–23 |
| Rew et al. [104] | 2005 | Sexual health risks and protective resources in gay, lesbian, bisexual, and heterosexual homeless youth | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Family conflict, sexual health, sexual behaviours, HIV, STIs, access to healthcare | 16–20 |
| Rhoades et al. [105] | 2018 | Homelessness, mental health and suicidality among LGBTQ youth accessing crisis services | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Service access, mental health | 12–24 |
| Rice et al. [106] | 2013 | Homelessness experiences, sexual orientation, and sexual risk taking among high school students in Los Angeles | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Sexual behaviour, risk taking, STIs | Grades 9–12, excluding > 18 |
| Rice et al. [107] | 2015 | Homelessness and sexual identity among middle school students | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Shelter-seeking, risky behaviours | 10–15 |
| Robinson [19] | 2018 | Conditional families and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer youth homelessness: gender, sexuality, family instability, and rejection | United States | Qualitative, longitudinal | Family conflict, family rejection, discrimination | 13–25 |
| Rosario et al. [108] | 2012 | Homelessness among lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth: Implications for subsequent internalizing and externalizing symptoms | United States | Quantitative, longitudinal | Mental health, interpersonal relationships, stress | 14–21 |
| Rosario et al. [109] | 2012 | Risk factors for homelessness among lesbian, gay, and bisexual youths: a developmental milestone approach | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Risk factors, childhood sexual abuse, substance use | 14–21 |
| Rosenberg [110] | 2019 | Young, queer, and on the streets: homeless LGBTQ2 youth in Toronto’s gay village | Canada | Qualitative, longitudinal | Community, discrimination, survival | 18–28 |
| Saewyc et al. [111] | 2008 | Moving upstream: aboriginal marginalized and street-involved youth in B.C. | Canada | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Indigenous youth, racial discrimination | 12–18 |
| Schmitz & Tyler [112] | 2018 | The complexity of family reactions to identity among homeless and college lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer young adults | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Family rejection, family acceptance, pathways into homelessness | 19–26 |
| Schmitz & Tyler [113] | 2018 | LGBTQ+ young adults on the street and on campus: identity as a product of social context | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Identity development, social environment navigation | 19–26 |
| Schmitz et al. [114] | 2022 | “Companion, friend, four-legged fluff ball”: the power of pets in the lives of LGBTQ+ young people experiencing homelessness | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Mental health, companion animals | 18–25 |
| Sellers [115] | 2018 | Absent inclusion policies: problems facing homeless transgender youth | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional, policy review | Policy | N/A |
| Semborski et al. [116] | 2021 | Burden, belonging, and homelessness: disclosure and social network differences among LGBTQ youth recruited from a suicide crisis service provider | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Family relationships, romantic relationships, social support, social networks | 12–24 |
| Shelton [117] | 2015 | Transgender youth homelessness: understanding programmatic barriers through the lens of cisgenderism | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Service access, cisgenderism, barriers to access | 18–25 |
| Shelton [118] | 2016 | Reframing risk for transgender and gender-expansive young people experiencing homelessness | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Identity affirmation, victimization | 18–25 |
| Shelton & Bond [119] | 2017 | “It just never worked out”: how transgender and gender expansive youth understand their pathways into homelessness | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Pathways into homelessness, family conflict, child welfare | 18–25 |
| Shelton et al. [120] | 2018 | I’m more driven now: resilience and resistance among transgender and gender expansive youth and young adults experiencing homelessness | United States | Qualitative, cross-sectional | Resilience, discrimination | 18–25 |
| Shelton et al. [121] | 2018 | Reversing erasure of youth and young adults who are LGBTQ and access homelessness services: asking about sexual orientation, gender identity, and pronouns | United States | Mixed-methods, cross-sectional | Service delivery | 18–26 |
| Shelton et al. [122] | 2018 | Homelessness and housing experiences among LGBTQ young adults in seven U.S. cities | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Pathways into homelessness, family rejection | 18–26 |
| Siconolfi et al. [123] | 2020 | Health, homelessness severity, and substance use among sexual minority youth experiencing homelessness: a comparison of bisexual versus gay and lesbian youth | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Health, substance use, mental health | 13–25 |
| Srivastava et al. [124] | 2019 | Exchange and survival sex, dating apps, gender identity, and sexual orientation among homeless youth in Los Angeles | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Survival sex, HIV | 14–24 |
| Stablein [125] | 2017 | Estimating the status and needs of homeless LGBT adolescents: advocacy, identity, and the dialectics of support | United States | Literature review | Pathways into homelessness, risk factors | N/A |
| T et al. [126] | 2005 | Findings and recommendations from the Youth Empowerment Team (YET) | United States | Mixed-methods, cross-sectional | Youth engagement, needs assessment, education, employment, substance use, healthcare | 13–26 |
| Tierney & Ward [127] | 2017 | Coming out and leaving home: a policy and research agenda for LGBT homeless students | United States | Literature review | Policy | N/A |
| Tyler [128] | 2008 | A comparison of risk factors for sexual victimization among gay, lesbian, bisexual, and heterosexual homeless young adults | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Childhood sexual abuse, sexual victimization, trading sex | 19–26 |
| Tyler & Ray [129] | 2019 | Risk and protective factors for substance use among youth experiencing homelessness | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Substance use, childhood sexual abuse, sexual victimization, trading sex | 16–26 |
| Tyler & Schmitz [130] | 2018 | A comparison of risk factors for various forms of trauma in the lives of lesbian, gay, bisexual and heterosexual homeless youth | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Trading sex, sexual victimization, | 19–26 |
| Van Leeuwen [131] | 2006 | Lesbian, gay, and bisexual homeless youth: an eight-city public health perspective | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Substance use, mental health, survival sex, risk behaviours, HIV | 14–24 |
| Walls & Bell [132] | 2011 | Correlates of engaging in survival sex among homeless youth and young adults | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Survival sex | 10–25 |
| Walls et al. [133] | 2007 | Differentiating the social service needs of homeless sexual minority youths from those of non-homeless sexual minority youths | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Mental health, substance use, service use, victimization, abuse | 12–21 |
| Walls et al. [134] | 2009 | Where risks and protective factors operate differently: homeless sexual minority youth and suicide attempts | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Child welfare, survival sex, mental health | Up to 25 |
| Whitbeck et al. [135] | 2004 | Mental disorder, subsistence strategies, and victimization among gay, lesbian, and bisexual homeless and runaway adolescents | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional | Mental health, victimization, survival strategies | 16–19 |
| Youngbloom et al. [136] | 2021 | Characteristics associated with housing loss among youth in a rapid rehousing program | United States | Quantitative, cross-sectional, records data | Child welfare, mental health, housing loss | 18–24 |
| Yu [137] | 2010 | Shelter and transitional housing for transgender youth | United States | Literature review | Policy, violence, victimization | N/A |
a This study was longitudinal and followed the same group of youth (ages 12–21) into adulthood (ages 25–34)
The language used when describing a given study or finding reflects the terminology used in the original articles. For example, when describing studies that focused on sexual orientation, we use acronyms such as GLB (gay, lesbian, bisexual) or LGB (lesbian, gay, bisexual) depending on the terminology used in the original article.
Results
Article selection and characteristics
A total of 112 articles were reviewed, 74.1% of the studies were conducted in the United States, 18.8% in Canada, 3.6% in the United Kingdom, 2.7% in Australia, and 0.8% in Ireland. The majority of articles were cross-sectional (n = 76), and used either quantitative (n = 42), or qualitative (n = 31) approaches. All the articles are summarized in Table 1. Many articles did use multiple methodologies, such that an article and/or report may fit more than one of the aforementioned categories. Notably, the term “article” is used throughout the review as a general term to describe the material reviewed, including grey literature (See Fig. 1).
Fig. 1.
PRISMA-ScR flow chart
Experiences of 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness
A total of 85 articles focused on the experiences of 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness. Among those articles, several key themes emerged, which have been broken down, and described in detail below.
Family environments
Most of the articles in our review addressed the influence of family dynamics on 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness, and over 30 explicitly discussed how family conflict contributes to homelessness among 2SLGBTQ+ youth. Some of the most common findings across articles included family conflict and low satisfaction with family communication [20, 63, 64, 86], experiences of homophobia and transphobia from family members [19, 41, 103], a history of physical, sexual, and emotional abuse by caretakers [19, 39, 52, 68, 135], being kicked out of the family home [47, 59, 112, 119, 121], and leaving home due to identity-based rejection [86, 101, 112]. One study reported that family dynamics and conflict—as opposed to housing status—predicted risk of suicidality among transgender youth [86]—emphasizing the impact of family dynamics on 2SLGBTQ+ youths’ mental health and well-being. Optimistically, one study did report that grandparents often exceeded youths’ expectations for acceptance [112].
Peer and community connections
Several studies emphasized the critical role of peer support in empowering 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness to safely express and explore their identities [54, 103]. However, these youth often struggled to maintain supportive relationships due to housing insecurity, which regularly forced them to relocate based on shelter availability [54]. Identity-based discrimination also results in higher rates of negative peer relationships among LGB youth experiencing homelessness compared to their heterosexual counterparts [64]. Further, youth experiencing homelessness report feeling excluded within 2SLGBTQ+ communities, noting that the needs of affluent gay white men are often prioritized over those with marginalized identities by services, events, and commercial spaces [103, 110]. Youth noted that most community gathering spaces are commercial, and thus, those who are unable to afford to participate in commerce are excluded [103]. Additionally, many of these spaces—such as clubs, bars, and events—are marketed through imagery that centers predominantly white, cisgender, and physically fit men, contributing to feelings of invisibility and exclusion among youth who do not fit these archetypes, particularly transfeminine youth [110].
Employment and education
Significant barriers to obtaining and maintaining employment were highlighted by numerous studies. Homophobia and transphobia were reported as major barriers to securing employment, whereas recognition/acknowledgment and use of TGD youths’ self-identified gender was emphasized as a key factor in supporting their access to employment [48, 53]. Additionally, studies found that youth anticipated negative judgments from potential employers, which impacted the types of jobs they sought and/or accepted [41, 53]. Lastly, T et al. [126] found that for many 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness, their work availability was often dictated and constrained by the fixed schedules of food banks and shelter services; the need to secure food and shelter each day left limited time for job applications, interviews, or educational pursuits. As emphasized by Dettlaff et al., research on education and positive outcomes for 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness is scarce [53].
Shelter experiences
2SLGBTQ+ youth report experiencing victimization, stigma, and discrimination in housing programs, including emergency shelters [20, 22, 45, 53, 101, 102, 125, 137]. Unsafe and discriminatory experiences in shelters often cause 2SLGBTQ+ youth to avoid using these services, leading to experiences of hidden homelessness [140]—such as sleeping in public spaces, parks, vehicles, motels/hotels, or staying with friends or romantic partners. Some articles found that population-based housing programs provide a safer and more inclusive environment for 2SLGBTQ+ youth compared to mainstream programs [137] and are often better at meeting their basic needs [117]; however, shelter experiences and needs among 2SLGBTQ+ youth vary. Transgender and gender diverse (TGD) youth tend to experience greater barriers when accessing services compared to cisgender youth [117], including misgendering, and gender/sex segregation within shelters. TGD youth report transphobia, verbal harassment, and physical and sexual violence while staying at shelters [36, 45, 120, 121].
Victimization
Within the reviewed articles, victimization was broadly understood as the process of becoming a victim of mistreatment, whether it be physical, sexual, or psychological in nature [41, 58, 59, 135]. While one article found that 2SLGBTQ+ youth were at no greater risk for victimization compared to their heterosexual and cisgender counterparts [75], the majority of literature reviewed reported that 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness are at a unique and increased risk for victimization [20, 39, 48, 51, 99, 132, 135]. Articles described a wide range of ways that 2SLGBTQ+ youth experience victimization. Some articles broadly referred to victimization as experiences of homophobia, transphobia, and/or fetishization (the dehumanizing sexual objectification of a person for a given mundane trait) [110], while other articles categorized victimization into specific experiences of physical, psychological, and/or sexual violence/harassment [41, 101, 128]. Moreover, the perpetrators of harassment and violence were commonly discussed, which helped to contextualize the severity of the victimization. 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness are subjected to victimization that is instigated by school bullies, staff, and residents at shelter programs, and for those engaging in survival sex, by the individual’s providing food, a place to sleep, etc. in exchange for sex [20, 41, 48, 101]. In an attempt to evade victimization, 2SLGBTQ+ youth may avoid accessing housing and support programs, conceal their 2SLGBTQ+ identity, and in some cases, do not report their experiences to police, as a means of protecting themselves from further victimization, violence, and harassment [48, 66].
Mental health and substance use
Numerous articles reported that 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness are disproportionately impacted by poor mental health outcomes, including anxiety, depression, substance use, self-harm, and suicidality [59, 68, 77, 125]. Namely, Dettlaff et al. [53] reported higher rates of depression, self-harm, and suicidality among 2SLGBTQ+ youth compared to heterosexual youth experiencing homelessness. Another article reported that depression, anxiety, self-harm, and suicidality were two-to-four times higher among 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness than their stably housed counterparts [51]. Additionally, 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness experience reduced quality of life, are more likely to engage in substance use, and to attempt suicide compared to cisgender and heterosexual youth [78]. Further, an article by Abramovich et al. [38] reported that 2SLGBTQ+ youths’ mental health concerns worsened during the COVID-19 pandemic, with additional restrictions to health and social support services. These articles serve as a prime example of how the intersection between one’s socioeconomic status, sexual orientation, and gender identity are social determinants of their mental health.
Substance use was commonly described as a coping mechanism for 2SLGBTQ+ youth who have experienced high levels of stress, emotional distress, and trauma [54]. While tobacco and alcohol use were similar across unhoused and stably housed 2SLGBTQ+ youth, unhoused 2SLGBTQ+ youth were more likely to have used cocaine and methamphetamines [133]. Moreover, studies reported that 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness face greater challenges with substance use—both in the past month and in their lifetime—than non-2SLGBTQ+ youth [64, 131]. Notably, the distinction between problematic and non-problematic substance use was not clearly defined in the articles reviewed.
Sexual health and behaviour
2SLGBTQ+ youth are more likely than cisgender and heterosexual youth to engage in sexual risk taking behaviours—sexual behaviours which make youth susceptible to harm (e.g., substance use during sex, unprotected sex, sex with strangers, high number of sexual partners)—and quasi-legal or illegal activities to survive, including sex work—exchanging sexual services for money or goods—and/or survival sex—a form of sex work done by someone in extreme need of basic necessities (e.g., exchanging sex for shelter, food, transportation, etc.) [49, 64, 75, 81, 104, 126, 130, 132]. Engaging in higher levels of sexual risk-taking behaviours increases the likelihood of contracting HIV and/or other sexually transmitted infections (STIs) [53]. Additionally, an article by Walls et al. [133] reported that engaging in survival sex was associated with an increased risk of attempted suicide. Much of the literature regarding sexual health and behaviours among 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness has focused on the negative outcomes of engaging in survival sex; however, there were a few articles that highlighted the protective factors for sexual health that are unique to 2SLGBTQ+ individuals. Specifically, LGB youth got tested for STIs more frequently than non-LGB youth, and 2SLGBTQ+ youth had a greater number of people in their social network who talked openly about safe sex [75, 131].
Barriers for 2SLGBTQ+ youth accessing support services
A total of 17 articles discussed barriers that 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness face when trying to access support services. The main barriers to accessing services reported by 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness are summarized in Fig. 2. On a structural level, there is a lack of population-based services for 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness [35, 67]. Additionally, 2SLGBTQ+ youth underutilize existing services for a variety of reasons—including a lack of awareness and/or intentional avoidance—and may conceal their 2SLGBTQ+ identities when accessing services, resulting in what Dunne et al. [57] called the “invisibilization” of 2SLGBTQ+ youth in service provision [22, 46, 67, 99].
Fig. 2.
Barriers to accessing services for 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness
The most commonly reported barrier to accessing services was the experience and/or expectation of homo/bi/trans-phobic discrimination and harassment from staff or fellow service users [20, 36, 45, 46, 53, 57, 67, 91, 101, 102, 110, 125]. Quilty and Norris [101] additionally identified a lack of privacy as a barrier to safely accessing services. TGD youth reported a lower sense of safety when accessing services compared to both cisgender heterosexual and cisgender LGB youth [55]. Most articles on services focused on housing and related social services; however, Rosenberg [110] reported that mainstream 2SLGBTQ+ organizations may be unwelcoming to youth experiencing homelessness and/or TGD youth.
Policies, eligibility criteria, and institutional regulations present substantial barriers for 2SLGBTQ+ youth accessing services. The most frequently cited barriers include gender-segregated housing programs—such as sleeping corridors and washrooms—and unclear service processes that are rooted in transphobic practices [20, 36, 45, 91, 125]. In numerous articles, youth reported experiencing confusion and aversion towards programs with unclear and/or strict rules regarding length of stay and eligibility requirements, including age, substance use, employment status, and school involvement [36, 45, 53, 67]. Accessibility of services for 2SLGBTQ+ youth were also impacted by service location, hours, and application processes [67, 110]. Rosenberg [110] observed in real time how organizational changes at programs serving 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness impacted youth. Youths’ service use decreased markedly following a combination of changes to service location, restrictions on drop-in program access, and staff education requirements that decreased the number of racialized and TGD program staff. Abramovich [36] outlined how services are often negatively impacted by both excessive regulation and a lack of regulation, for example, the overwhelming amount of bureaucratic paperwork for service users, alongside an absence of monitoring status of staff training.
Facilitators for 2SLGBTQ+ youth accessing support services
A total of 35 articles discussed ways to improve access to services for 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness—often by providing evidence-based recommendations. This section includes articles and reports that focused on identifying facilitators of service access, and/or provided recommendations on how to improve service access facilitation. A summary of recommendations for services is provided in Fig. 3.
Fig. 3.
Recommendations to improve service access for 2SLGBTQ+ youth
Frameworks and approaches
The included articles identified several frameworks and approaches to service provision, which both youth and providers emphasized as being important for providing affirming and effective support. Empowering, strengths-based, and trauma-informed approaches—which focused on youths’ skills and abilities, while acknowledging the prevalence and impact of trauma in their lives—fostered trust and mutual respect between youth and providers [67, 76, 88, 91, 94]. Relatedly, engaging youth service users as experts and stakeholders when designing programs, and making service decisions, contributed to the creation and delivery of effective services [53, 74, 88, 94]. Numerous sources identified a clear need for services to take an intersectional approach to address the distinct needs of subgroups of 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness, including TGD youth, racialized youth, and Indigenous youth [16, 42, 76, 79, 83, 92, 111, 132]. Recommended approaches also included holistic care that addressed youths’ diverse needs as interconnected [37, 67], low barrier services, such as drop-in and/or mobile programs [88], and evidence-informed practices and programs [67].
Service integration
Many articles advocated for the integrated delivery of services through co-location and/or community partnerships; recommendations included co-locating housing services, physical and mental health care, substance use services, employment/education supports, and legal assistance [56, 67, 76, 79, 80, 88, 92, 100]. Key recommendations included that all programs serving 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness provide basic essentials for service users, such as food, hygiene supplies, and transit fare [53, 88]. Additional recommendations included co-located initiatives such as public education and awareness strategies [80], community partnerships with 2SLGBTQ+ organizations and 2SLGBTQ+ mentors [45, 67, 74, 92], and family support programs aimed at preventing or shortening the duration of 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness [11, 18, 67, 74, 80, 92].
Staff and training
The most commonly cited recommendation across studies was the implementation of 2SLGBTQ+ inclusion training for all staff, with an emphasis on 2SLGBTQ+ identities, and their intersections with marginalization and stigma [16, 20, 45, 56, 63, 80, 91, 94, 127]. The importance of adequately training and supporting youth peer workers was also emphasized [88]. Another frequently cited recommendation was to hire staff with lived experience, particularly individuals who identify as 2SLGBTQ+ and/or have experienced homelessness, to help foster relatable service provision [45, 56, 67, 79].
Rules and policies
Organizational rules and policies were frequently discussed, especially for housing programs and shelters. Youth expressed a need for clear, transparent, and universally enforced rules [53]. The reviewed articles and reports recommended that organizations serving 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness establish policies addressing gendered language, confidentiality, harassment, and accountability [63, 79, 87, 91]. Of particular importance were the implementation of transgender-affirming policies in binary, gender-segregated housing programs, which would allow TGD youth to be housed with youth of the same gender identity, or to be provided the choice of being housed with the gender that they are most comfortable [80].
Structural Considerations
Several articles noted considerations for the physical design and usage of 2SLGBTQ+ youth housing programs. The need for privacy was paramount, as demonstrated by recommendations for gender-inclusive bathrooms, private shower facilities, and private, locked bedrooms and/or lockers for personal belongings [63, 87, 100]. Queer Students of Architecture, Planning, and Preservation (QSAPP) [100] also noted the importance of communal spaces for socializing, private and soundproof spaces for counselling, kitchen facilities, computer access, and discreet entrances.
Intake and administration
The need for accurate collection of sexual orientation and gender identity data during intake processes also emerged as an important service consideration [79, 87, 91, 121]. Lykes et al. [79] and Shelton et al. [121] emphasized that for the disclosure of personal information to be affirming, 2SLGBTQ+ must feel safe, trust staff, and not perceive risk associated with disclosing their identity. Confidentiality, privacy, and transparency about how personal information is used were also identified as important considerations [67, 79].
Research and policy
In addition to providing recommendations for services and programs, a number of articles outlined recommendations for research and policy. Numerous sources called for increased research on 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness overall [11, 16, 18], and noted priorities for future research, including further exploration of family conflict and other pathways into and out of homelessness, and intersectional research that attends to the diversity among 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness [74, 76, 83, 93]. Tierney and Ward [93] identified theoretical frameworks—such as critical theory and participatory action—and methodological approaches—such as critical geography and critical quantitative methods—that are promising for further research on 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness.
Policy recommendations aimed to reduce homelessness rates and/or increase support for 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness. High-level recommendations included anti-discrimination laws specifically addressing sexual orientation and gender identity and creating or amending legislation—such as the US Runaway and Homeless Youth Act—to specifically address 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness [18, 93]. Funding priorities broadly included youth emergency shelters, 2SLGBTQ+ population-based youth housing programs, and family-based interventions [11, 16, 18, 92, 93]. Family-based interventions are increasingly recognized as promising approaches for addressing and preventing youth homelessness [141]. These interventions aim to engage youth and their families in services that intervene in a family crisis to prevent youth from becoming homeless, strengthen family relationships, and promote stability [142]. Such interventions may include family mediation, support with financial literacy, and access to counselling or therapy when appropriate and safe to do so. For 2SLGBTQ+ youth, these interventions are particularly impactful when they acknowledge and address identity-based rejection, offering families tools to rebuild trust, improve communication, and foster acceptance.
A key recommendation repeated throughout the literature was the need for consistent standards across organizations serving youth experiencing homelessness, including requirements for 2SLGBTQ+ inclusion training and anti-discrimination policies [16, 20, 63, 92, 93]. The need for schools, and physical and mental health services to be well-funded, coordinated, and affirming for 2SLGBTQ+ youth was also highlighted [11, 18, 92, 93, 127]. Other articles addressed topics such as the need to improve access to legal ID cards [73], the need for multi-sectoral private, public, and non-profit contributions [89], and specific legislation, such as the US Affordable Care Act, or piecemeal policies that have potential to benefit 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness [43, 115].
Interventions targeting 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness
Of the included articles, 15 addressed and described service interventions that target 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness, 10 described specific programs (via case studies, model programs, program evaluations) [20, 25, 43, 56, 65, 88, 89, 97, 100, 136], and 6 reviewed programs to characterize services and service gaps [26, 28, 67, 80, 100, 137]. All but two of the 15 articles on interventions were US-based, with the exception coming from Canada [25, 67].
QSAPP identified shelter typologies present in New York City, including emergency shelters, supportive housing, and transitional housing [100]. Other articles reported additional categories of interventions for 2SLGBTQ+ individuals experiencing homelessness, namely different types of housing programs (e.g., Housing First, rapid re-housing) [20, 25, 136, 137], and non-housing supports (e.g., drop-in centers, mental health supports, homelessness prevention) [65, 89]. Youth-serving organizations often offer several types of interventions that are co-located and integrated. The case studies and model programs described in articles were a combination of 2SLGBTQ+ population-based programs [20, 25], broader programs with some 2SLGBTQ+ services [26, 28, 43, 80, 100], and programs that do not have 2SLGBTQ+ specific services but serve 2SLGBTQ+ youth and/or can be used as models to integrate 2SLGBTQ±inclusive practices into programs that are not population-based [56, 67, 88, 97, 100, 136]. Table 2 provides examples of each type of intervention.
Table 2.
Examples of interventions targeting 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness
| Type of Intervention | Program | Location | Target Population | Program Description |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Drop-in center |
Ruth Ellis Center [88] |
Detroit, Michigan, USA | 2SLGBTQ+ youth of colour at risk of, or experiencing, homelessness | Drop-in center co-located with a health & wellness center (primary care, gender-affirming healthcare, substance use and mental health services) and a residential foster care program. The Family Preservation Program aims to prevent homelessness by supporting families. |
| Emergency shelter |
Sylvia’s Place [100] |
New York City, New York, USA | 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness | Drop-in services, including meals, medical support, and legal aid, and emergency overnight housing (10+ beds, maximum stay 90 days). |
| Supportive or transitional housing |
YMCA Sprott House [25] |
Toronto, Ontario, Canada | 2SLGBTQ+ youth (aged 16–24) experiencing homelessness and/or living in unsafe situations | Transitional housing (25 beds, maximum stay 2 years), residents have access to case manager, outreach counselor, and youth workers and participate in house activities. |
| Other housing |
LifeWorks rapid rehousing program [136] |
Austin, Texas, USA | Youth (aged 18–24) experiencing literal homelessness | Scattered-site, independent living program providing rental assistance and case management (for maximum 36 months), optional additional supports include mental health services and education/employment support. |
| Other non-housing |
iTEAM (My Treatment Empowerment for Adolescents on the Move) [97] |
Tucson, Arizona, USA | 2SLGBTQ+ youth near or experiencing homelessness or near homelessness 2SLGBTQ+ youth and straight/heterosexual allies | Comprehensive systems approach for alcohol and substance use, and mental health treatment (6–12+ months). Five community-based agencies provided the following services: 2SLGBTQ+ youth drop-in center, mental health services, housing-focused intensive case management, sexual health education and testing. |
Four articles focused on program evaluations, including one transitional housing program [25], one rapid re-housing program [136], and two mental health and substance use programs [65, 97]. There were no published evaluations of drop-in centers or emergency shelters. All program evaluations emphasized the centrality of mental health concerns for 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness. While interventions generally improved youths’ mental health, youth staying in housing programs continuously reported unmet mental health needs, and that their poor mental health was associated with their loss of housing [25, 136]. Two program evaluations compared 2SLGBTQ+ youth with cisgender and heterosexual youth: Grafsky et al. [65] found that GLB youth experienced greater improvements in a mental health and substance use program compared to heterosexual youth, while Youngbloom et al. [136] reported that 2SLGBTQ+ identity was a risk factor for loss of housing in a rapid re-housing program.
Articles that reviewed larger numbers of interventions targeting 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness identified types of services and common characteristics, as well as gaps in services. Ferguson and Maccio [26] identified programs for 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness that spanned the areas of health, mental health and substance use, case management, education and employment, family, legal, and housing. These programs were characterized by five novel components: reliance on clinical evidence; trauma-informed approach; provision of safe, stable, and supportive housing; 2SLGBTQ+ peer providers; and opportunities for mutual learning between 2SLGBTQ+ youth and cisgender and heterosexual youth. Yu [137] additionally noted that emergency shelters and transitional housing programs often incorporate mental health and medical services—specifically regarding education and employment, trauma, substance abuse, and sexual health. Service gaps included an overall insufficient number of beds—despite the high rate of 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness—and lacking or limited services in the areas of education and employment support, family services, 2SLGBTQ±affirming medical/mental health/case management services, 2SLGBTQ+ inclusion training, and advocacy in smaller and rural communities [80, 137]. Consistent with these findings, Prock and Kennedy [99] reviewed federally-funded transitional housing programs across the US, and found that fewer than half of the participating programs offered 2SLGBTQ±based services. Both Prock and Kennedy [99] and Hackett et al. [67] noted the inequitable distribution of services, with most 2SLGBTQ+ youth services located in major cities and/or particular regions in the US and Canada.
Discussion
This scoping review synthesized data from 112 articles to advance understanding of 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness internationally. While the results provide a rich description of the lived experiences of youth—illustrating how identity-based marginalization, structural barriers, and service inequities intersect to shape both the pathways into, and experiences of homelessness—this section provides a critical reflection on the literature, highlighting the dominant theoretical perspectives informing this work, key gaps in existing research, and the implications for policy, practice, and future research.
The literature on 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness has largely been grounded in public health frameworks, emphasizing risk factors, health outcomes, and service utilization. Many of the reviewed articles conceptualize homelessness primarily as a health risk, focusing on individual outcomes such as mental health, substance use, and sexual health [47, 54, 143, 144]. While this framework has generated valuable insights into the health-related risks and consequences of homelessness, it often overlooks the structural factors—such as the lack of affordable housing, systemic discrimination, and socioeconomic exclusion—that perpetuate homelessness among 2SLGBTQ+ youth. Applying an intersectional framework provides a more comprehensive understanding of homelessness, which is experienced differently across social identities, including race, ethnicity, gender identity, sexual orientation, and socioeconomic status. However, few studies explicitly integrate intersectionality as a guiding framework. Research that does, demonstrates how TGD, Indigenous, and racialized youth face multiple barriers across housing, healthcare, and justice systems [17, 21]. Future studies should move beyond categorical comparisons (e.g., between 2SLGBTQ+ and non-2SLGBTQ+ youth) to examine how structural oppression functions within these intersecting systems.
Another critical gap is the geographical distribution of knowledge. The majority of research—and nearly all of the program evaluations—originate from North America, particularly Canada and the United States [22, 25, 28]. While this mainly reflects where 2SLGBTQ±specific programming has been most developed, it limits the global applicability of these findings. Expanding research across different countries can provide deeper insights into how varying sociocultural and policy environments shape both the vulnerabilities and resilience among 2SLGBTQ+ youth.
Across the reviewed articles, experiences of family rejection and identity-based victimization were consistently reported as contributing factors to homelessness among 2SLGBTQ+ youth. These same factors were also reported as barriers within service systems, suggesting that the pathways into homelessness are often replicated within the programs meant to support youth [36, 37, 91]. For example, identity-based stigma, rejection, and violence encountered within housing and support programs can resemble the exclusion youth experience in their families and communities. Consequently, 2SLGBTQ+ youth often avoid formal services altogether, and describe feeling as though they have nowhere to turn, instead relying on informal, unsafe, and hidden living arrangements—such as couch surfing or survival sex—where their safety may depend on concealing their identity [140].
A key implication of these findings is that effective responses must move beyond surface-level inclusion. While 2SLGBTQ+ inclusion and cultural competency training for staff in housing and support programs are essential, they remain insufficient if organizational policies, intake processes, and program environments continue to perpetuate exclusion (e.g., binary gender options on intake forms, assigning rooms by sex assigned at birth). Meaningful inclusion requires the integration of affirming and intersectional practices throughout all aspects of service delivery. Frequent reports of discrimination and victimization from peers and staff, along with exclusionary institutional practices [36, 37, 91], highlight the urgent need for population-based housing programs that are inclusive, affirming, and tailored to the unique needs of 2SLGBTQ+ youth [35, 67]. To reduce barriers and improve access to services, institutional rules and policies—such as those related to staff recruitment and hiring, intake, and administrative processes—should be critically reassessed to ensure they do not perpetuate homophobic or transphobic discrimination [16, 36].
There is extensive evidence on the value of peer-based interventions for youth experiencing homelessness, with studies linking peer involvement to improved engagement, housing stability, and mental health outcomes [145–148]. Strong peer and community connections also act as protective factors, suggesting that programs fostering supportive social networks—both within shelters and through community-based initiatives—may reduce the negative impacts of homelessness [53, 103].
While family rejection is widely recognized as a key determinant of poor mental health and housing instability among youth [121], few services currently offer family-based interventions designed to support reunification or reconciliation for 2SLGBTQ+ youth. Developing and expanding programs that foster safe family reconnection—when desired and appropriate—could play an important role in strengthening youths’ social support networks and facilitating pathways out of homelessness. Even when full reintegration is not possible or desired, interventions aimed at improving communication, repairing strained relationships, or reducing family conflict may help to mitigate isolation, and enhance stability. Given the well-established relationship between family conflict and youth homelessness—among 2SLGBTQ+ youth as well as their heterosexual and cisgender peers—it is imperative that governments, education systems, and service providers adopt preventative, upstream approaches. Such efforts should include early identification of risk factors, and the provision of accessible resources (e.g., family counselling, rent subsidies, food vouchers), information (e.g., where to find services, how to access them), case management, and system navigation support for both youth and their families. Promising models—such as family acceptance programs and family mediation interventions tailored to 2SLGBTQ+ youth—have shown potential to reduce conflict and improve communication when implemented early, particularly before housing loss occurs [39, 118]
Limitations
This review offers a comprehensive overview of the existing research and evidence on 2SLGBTQ+ youth and young adult homelessness globally, incorporating a systematic search of both published and grey literature. However, several limitations should be noted. First, our search strategy captured studies that included youth-related terms in the searchable database fields (e.g., title, abstract, subject headings); consequently, studies that only discussed youth populations in the full text of the article would not have been captured. Second, in an effort to provide a comprehensive understanding of the experiences of 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness—and acknowledging that research on this topic is relatively recent—we did not establish a specific start date for the review. While this is not uncommon, and highlights the prolonged persecution, discrimination, and victimization that 2SLGBTQ+ youth have endured while unhoused, it had other implications. Specifically, some of the articles included are outdated. Third, although this review synthesized international evidence on 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness, certain under-researched aspects—such as detailed pathways into homelessness, and involvement in child protection services/child welfare and the criminal justice system—were beyond its scope. The literature on 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness is evolving rapidly, with significant changes in both the discourse surrounding 2SLGBTQ+ youth, and the broader social climate over the past 20 years. This is reflected in the acronyms used throughout this review, the diverse populations they encompass, and the prioritization of certain sub-groups, particularly, lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals. Future researchers should consider refining their search timeline to better understand the literature as it is currently and remain attentive to ongoing changes in discourse and social climate.
Future directions
The research gaps identified in this review offer valuable insights for future studies, policy development, and efforts to improve services for 2SLGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness. There remains a pressing need for inclusive and affirming services that adequately address the needs of 2SLGBTQ+ youth, alongside rigorous program evaluations, and investigations into evidence-based interventions aimed at preventing, reducing, and ending 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness. Advancing this work will require a continued commitment to community-based and intersectional approaches that prioritize the lived experiences of 2SLGBTQ+ youth.
Conclusions
The findings of this review provide a foundational understanding of 2SLGBTQ+ youth homelessness, emphasizing the distinct and nuanced experiences of this population. Homelessness among 2SLGBTQ+ youth is not solely a housing issue but also reflects broader social and structural inequities. Addressing these challenges will require moving beyond descriptive studies, and towards theoretically informed, intersectional, and action-oriented research. Services and policies must recognize the cyclical relationship between identity-based discrimination, homelessness, and barriers to care, and work to break down the structural conditions that perpetuate these inequities. Achieving meaningful change will also depend on developing and sustaining meaningful collaborations among researchers, policymakers, service providers, and 2SLGBTQ+ youth themselves, ensuring that future interventions are both evidence-informed and grounded in lived experience [149].
Acknowledgements
We extend our gratitude to former members of our lab who assisted with various stages of the scoping review. We are especially appreciative of Amanda Moss and Max Marshall for their support and contributions.
Abbreviations
- 2SLGBTQ+
Two-spirit, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, questioning, plus additional sexual and gender diverse
- PRISMA-ScR
Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses Extension for Scoping Review
- GLB
Gay lesbian, and bisexual
- LGB
Lesbian, gay, and bisexual
- TGD
Transgender and gender diverse
- STIs
Sexually-transmitted infections
- QSAPP
Queer Students of Architecture, Planning, and Preservation
Author contributions
Conceptualization, A.A.; Methodology, A.A., N.P.; Formal Analysis, N.E., N.P., R.S.; Investigation, S.B.; Resources, S.B.; Data Curation, A.A., N.E., N.P., R.S; Writing – Original Draft Preparation, A.A., N.E., N.P., R.S.; Writing – Review & Editing A.A., N.E., M.S., N.P., R.S., S.B.; Visualization, M.S., N.P., R.S.; Supervision, A.A; Project Administration, A.A.; Funding Acquisition, N/A.
Funding
This study was not funded through any institution or funding body.
Data availability
The data included in this scoping review are peer-reviewed publications and research reports and are publicly available.
Declarations
Ethical approval
Not applicable.
Competing interests
The authors declare no competing interests.
Footnotes
When describing research on homelessness conducted outside of North America, we omit “2S” from the acronym LGBTQ+, as Two-Spirit identities are specific to the Indigenous peoples of North America.
Publisher’s Note
Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
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Associated Data
This section collects any data citations, data availability statements, or supplementary materials included in this article.
Data Availability Statement
The data included in this scoping review are peer-reviewed publications and research reports and are publicly available.



