Retirement intentions of late-career female nurses: a phenomenological study

Abstract

Background

Population aging, labour shortages and economic conditions are increasing concerns worldwide regarding retirement decisions of nurses. Although previous studies have examined factors influencing nurses’ retirement, limited research has explored how late-career female nurses perceive and experience the transition to retirement, particularly from a qualitative perspective, and how these perceptions reflect the current situation in healthcare settings. Hence, this study aims to fill this gap by exploring the perceptions of late-career female nurses about retirement and the interplay of personal, professional, social, and economic factors influencing their decisions.

Methods

A phenomenological design was employed in the study. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 31 female nurses aged 45 or older who were actively working in clinical or managerial roles. Participants were selected using criterion and snowball sampling techniques. The interviews were analysed using thematic analysis with the support of MAXQDA software, following a structured process of data familiarization, initial coding, theme development, and reviewing and naming themes to systematically capture participants’ experiences. Reporting was conducted in accordance with the COREQ checklist to ensure methodological rigor (Appendix A).

Results

The analysis resulted in four main themes and eleven subthemes, revealing that retirement for late-career female nurses is a complex and multifaceted process. It is experienced both as a positive life transition, offering rest, financial security, and personal time, and as a challenging period marked by potential loss of identity, productivity, and social roles, highlighting the interplay of personal, professional, social, and economic drivers in shaping retirement decisions within healthcare settings.

Conclusion

The study found that retirement decisions among late-career female nurses are influenced by workload, emotional and physical strain, financial and family considerations, and organizational support. Addressing these factors through age-sensitive policies, flexible work arrangements, and retirement preparation programs may facilitate smoother transitions and support workforce retention.

Clinical trial number

Not applicable.

Supplementary Information

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1186/s12912-026-04746-1.

Introduction

The global nursing shortage is a major challenge for healthcare systems. Geopolitical instability, climate change, environmental degradation, inflation, and population aging are straining health systems worldwide, increasing the demand for a competent health workforce [1]. The global health workforce shortage is projected to reach 11 million by 2030, with nurses representing one of the largest components critical to meeting healthcare needs [2, 3]. While global shortages are alarming, the situation in Türkiye reflects similar, and in some respects more acute, challenges. In 2020, Türkiye had 527,785 healthcare personnel, with nurses comprising 43% (227,292). Despite this, nurse density remains low (27.02 per 10,000), ranking 36th among OECD countries, and the patient-to-nurse ratio (431:1) far exceeds the OECD average (102:1), indicating significant workforce shortages and the need for strategic planning and retention measures [4–6].

Health workforce analyses show a parallel aging trend, with many OECD nurses over 55 and an increasing number of older practitioners worldwide [2, 7]. The aging nursing workforce, particularly late-career nurses nearing retirement, challenges healthcare sustainability [2]. Late-career nurses are defined variably as aged 45 and above [8–10] or 50 and above [11, 12]. As the workforce ages, more nurses may wish to retire, exacerbating shortages [13]. Early retirement among nurses can be influenced by heavy workloads, burnout, economic pressures, and challenging work conditions [3], risking the loss of expertise and continuity of care [14]. Individual motivations, including work engagement, professional identity, and the desire to allocate more time to family and social life, also shape retirement decisions [10, 12]. Activity Theory provides a framework for understanding these motivations, suggesting that continued engagement in meaningful activities, such as family involvement, social participation, and leisure, enhances life satisfaction and psychological well-being during retirement [15, 16]. Gender-specific factors, such as caregiving responsibilities and the double burden of professional and domestic work, may shape retirement perceptions and timing among female nurses [12, 17].

In Türkiye, retirement is regulated through a contributory system based on age, insurance duration, and premium days under Law No. 5510 (dated 31 May 2006, Official Gazette No. 26200), with the statutory retirement age gradually increasing to 65 for both men and women [18]. Unlike countries such as the United States, where compulsory retirement has largely been abolished [19], Türkiye continues to maintain statutory retirement age regulations and mandatory retirement provisions in several public-sector occupations. In parallel, several European countries (Finland, Cyprus, Denmark, Estonia, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, and Slovakia) have begun linking statutory retirement ages to increases in life expectancy, a policy trend that has more recently also emerged in the United Kingdom [10, 20]. Similar to many OECD countries, Türkiye has implemented gradual pension-age reforms in response to population ageing and long-term concerns about social security sustainability. However, compared with several higher-income OECD countries where pension replacement rates and supplementary retirement savings are more developed, public pension income in Türkiye may provide more limited post-retirement financial security [7, 21]. Pension income is often insufficient to cover retirees’ living expenses, especially for those with shorter or fragmented contribution histories, leading to perceptions of inadequate post-retirement support [22]. Financial concerns are therefore a determinant of retirement decisions, particularly in contexts where pension systems provide limited income security [9, 11]. Accordingly, financial concerns may play a stronger role in shaping retirement decisions in Türkiye, especially when compared with countries where retirement systems offer broader income protection.

Moreover, beyond financial and policy-related drivers, institutional practices (e.g., mandatory retirement) and labour market conditions have fostered bridge employment, where retirees re-enter or remain in the workforce to supplement income or maintain stability [23]. Despite its growing relevance for workforce sustainability, research on retirement remains limited. Existing studies largely focus on retirement intentions using quantitative methods, while the lived experiences of late-career nurses (particularly women) are underexplored [10, 24–26]. Gender and context-specific factors, such as economic conditions and institutional retirement policies in countries like Türkiye, have also received insufficient attention. This gap is critical, as retirement decisions among experienced nurses accelerate workforce exit, affecting retention, continuity of care, and long-term system sustainability. Addressing this, the present study examines the retirement experiences of late-career female nurses in Türkiye, considering both structural factors (e.g., pension systems, institutional policies) and individual motivations (e.g., family, social life, work engagement), to provide a nuanced understanding and inform policy and workforce planning.

Material and method

Study design

This study employed a phenomenological qualitative design to explore how late-career female nurses interpret and experience retirement. Phenomenology provides an appropriate framework for examining the meanings individuals assign to their lived experiences and the personal and professional dynamics embedded in retirement decisions [27]. As Creswell [28] note, qualitative approaches are valuable for capturing the depth and contextual complexity of human experiences. In this study, such depth was essential because retirement for late-career female nurses is shaped not only by workplace conditions but also by personal histories, caregiving responsibilities, and sociocultural expectations. Addressing these why and how questions required a method that allows participants to articulate their experiences in detail. For this reason, semi-structured interviews were used. This approach provided the flexibility needed for participants to express sensitive or nuanced aspects of their retirement perceptions, such as emotional strain, identity shifts, or family-related considerations, which might not surface in more structured methods [29]. Through this methodological approach, the study aimed to provide a comprehensive understanding of the factors shaping late-career female nurses’ perceptions of retirement. To ensure rigor, the study adhered to established qualitative quality criteria, including credibility, dependability, and confirmability [30]. Reflexive practices were maintained throughout the research to enhance transparency. Reporting followed the Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research (COREQ) checklist [31].

Research population and participants

Participants were selected using the criterion sampling method, one of the purposive sampling strategies commonly applied in qualitative research [32]. Criterion sampling is a purposive sampling method in which participants are selected based on predefined criteria relevant to the study [33]. In this study, the criteria were being a female nurse aged 45 or older and currently working in either clinical or managerial roles.

Snowball sampling was subsequently employed, whereby initial participants referred other eligible individuals from their professional networks. This approach is useful for accessing experience-rich or hard-to-reach populations [34]. In this study, once a participant meeting the inclusion criteria was identified, they referred another eligible participant, and the process continued in a chain-like manner, allowing the sample to grow in a snowball fashion.

Sampling continued until data saturation was reached, defined as the point at which no new themes or insights emerged from additional interviews [35, 36]. Recognizing this point is essential, as it indicates that further recruitment is unlikely to provide additional meaningful data [37, 38]. In the present study, recruitment and interviews continued until data saturation was achieved, resulting in a total of 31 participants. At that point, further recruitment was ceased. Accordingly, the study was completed with a total of 31 participants, and their characteristics, are presented in Table 1. The interviews were conducted semi-structured with open-ended questions, lasting an average of 35 min (range: 21–52 min).

Table 1.

Sociodemographic and interview information

Part. No	Age	Marital Status	Children	Working Year	Department
P1	55	Married	1	35	Nurse in charge of operating room
P2	47	Married	2	26	Manager
P3	48	Single	-	48	Manager
P4	55	Single	1	55	Nurse in charge of the sterilization unit
P5	46	Single	1	20	Manager
P6	48	Single	-	25	Manager
P7	45	Single	-	23	Clinic
P8	45	Married	-	26	Manager
P9	54	Single	1	34	Clinic
P10	48	Married	2	28	Neonatal intensive care
P11	45	Married	1	25	Manager
P12	46	Single	1	20	Manager
P13	50	Married	1	32	Clinic
P14	48	Single	-	27	Manager
P15	46	Married	1	26	Manager
P16	45	Single	-	23	Clinic
P17	68	Married	1	45	Manager
P18	52	Single	-	30	Clinic
P19	45	Married	1	24	Clinic
P20	45	Married	1	20	Emergency department
P21	46	Married	-	15	Education nurse
P22	47	Married	2	27	Manager
P23	52	Married	2	35	Clinic
P24	45	Single	-	22	Clinic
P25	48	Single	-	22	Clinic
P26	51	Married	1	28	Operating room
P27	56	Married	1	36	Clinic
P28	45	Single	1	22	Manager
P29	50	Married	-	33	Clinic
P30	48	Married	-	30	Clinic
P31	45	Single	-	23	Clinic

Data collection

Data were collected using a semi-structured interview guide, a method frequently employed in qualitative research to explore participants lived experiences in depth. Semi-structured interviews allow researchers to use predetermined open-ended questions while retaining flexibility to probe emerging views [29]. The interview guide was developed in alignment with the study objectives and relevant literature [10, 13, 39, 40]. To strengthen content validity and clarity, the draft guide was reviewed by three academicians experienced in nursing, gerontology, and qualitative research [41]. Following expert review, two pilot interviews were conducted to assess the clarity, sequencing, and comprehensibility of the questions, and minor revisions were made based on participants’ feedback [27, 28, 42, 43]. The final interview guide consisted of five open-ended questions exploring participants’ perceptions, expectations, and experiences related to retirement and is provided as Supplementary File 1.

Participants were interviewed in person to collect the data. Before each session, participants were asked whether they consented to audio recording. Audio recordings were then transcribed word-for-word to preserve participants’ original expressions and meanings. Field notes were not taken during or after the interviews; data collection relied solely on audio recordings. Semi-structured interviews were conducted between June and August 2023.

Data analysis

Data analysis was performed using MAXQDA software, which supports rigorous qualitative data management, coding, and retrieval. Thematic analysis was selected as the analytic method, following the framework described by Braun and Clarke [44]. Thematic analysis in qualitative research offers a structured approach to examining data and deriving significant insights [45]. This method enables researchers to navigate the complexity of the data and interpret the findings with precision. This process is outlined in Table 2, which presents each phase along with example codes and resulting themes.

Table 2.

The data analysis process

Phase [44, 46]	Description	Example codes and themes
Data Familiarization	Reading and re-reading the interview transcripts multiple times to understand participants’ retirement experiences.	Example: Participants described their experiences and views about retirement, including feelings of fatigue, family responsibilities, and workplace challenges.
Initial Coding	Extracting meaningful codes from the data.	Example Code: “High workload and physical strain at the hospital.”
Theme Development	Grouping codes into sub-themes and main themes.	Example Sub-Theme: “Work-Related Factors”
Reviewing and Naming Themes	Refining and finalizing themes to reflect participants’ perspectives.	Example Theme: “Factors Leading to Retirement”

To enhance the trustworthiness of the analysis, coding was performed independently by each researcher. Each researcher coded all transcripts separately. After coding, the code sets were compared and discussed until full consensus was reached. This inter‑coder agreement method was used in research for improving reliability and consistency [47]. In addition, reflexive practices were maintained throughout both data collection and analysis phases. The researchers documented analytic decisions and reflected on their own perspectives to minimize bias and ensure [48]. Importantly, there was no prior relationship between the interviewer and any participant, which further reduces potential influence on the data.

Trustworthiness

To enhance trustworthiness, several strategies were applied. Credibility was supported through reflective notes kept after each interview and ongoing peer discussions about emerging codes. Dependability was strengthened by documenting analytic decisions throughout the coding process. Confirmability was ensured by maintaining an audit trail of all coding and theme development steps and continuously reflecting on how the researcher’s professional background might influence interpretations. Transferability was facilitated by providing rich descriptions of participant characteristics and study context. Additionally, the study followed the COREQ checklist to ensure clarity and rigor and a detailed version is provided in Supplementary File 2 [31].

Ethical considerations

Ethics committee permission was obtained from the Süleyman Demirel University Ethics Committee with the decision number 137/11 dated 24 May 2023. Participants were provided with an informed consent form that detailed the researchers’ information, the study’s objectives, and the voluntary nature of participation. Participants had the right to decline audio recording or to withdraw from the study at any point, with contact information provided for any questions.

Researchers characteristics

The research team consisted of four female researchers (the first, second, fourth, and fifth authors) and one male researcher (the third author). The first author has been working as an academic in the Department of Healthcare Management for seven years. Prior to this role, she worked as a nurse for approximately twelve years and simultaneously held responsibilities in healthcare quality management for ten years. This combination of clinical and academic experience contributed substantially to understanding field dynamics during the data collection process. The second author has been working as an academic in the field of Healthcare Management for approximately seven years. The third author has been employed as an academic in the program of Medical Documentation and Secretariat for seven years. The fourth author has been engaged in academic activities within the Department of Healthcare Management for approximately four years. The last author has ten years of professional experience in healthcare quality management and has been working as an academic in the Medical Documentation and Secretariat program for the past two years. The first and fifth authors had prior field experience relevant to the data collection stage of the study. The second, third, and fourth authors had received formal training in qualitative research methods and the use of the MAXQDA software program, had published academic studies in this area, and had particular expertise in qualitative data analysis. The research team brought together specialist from different areas, including nursing, occupational health and safety, retirement reforms, leadership, quality management, human resource management, governance, and insurance systems. This multidisciplinary composition supported a more comprehensive interpretation of the findings and enabled the data to be examined from multiple perspectives. To minimize potential researcher bias, coding and theme development were conducted collaboratively within the research team, and differences in interpretation were discussed until consensus was reached.

Results

In this section, the descriptive demographic characteristics of the participants and the results obtained from the analysis are presented. To protect participants’ identities and prevent the direct association of results with specific individuals, anonymized names such as P1, P2, and P3 were used instead of real names.

Based on the analysis, 4 main themes and 11 subthemes were created in the study. Information on these main themes and subthemes is provided in Fig. 1.

Fig. 1.

Coding tree

Definition of retirement

The participants’ conceptualizations of retirement transcend a simple binary of positive or negative perceptions, reflecting a complex transition between the cessation of professional obligations and the restructuring of personal identity. Accordingly, within the main theme of the definition of retirement, two subthemes were identified: retirement as a process of restoration and personal autonomy, and retirement as a loss of productivity and professional identity.

Retirement as a process of restoration and personal autonomy

Several participants conceptualized retirement not merely as a withdrawal from the workforce, but as a strategic mechanism for financial stabilization. Participant P11 expressed this by saying:

Retirement is an income received without working in return for previous years of labour, but for me its meaning now is mostly the feeling of having an extra source of income.

Participants also associated retirement with long-term financial security, suggesting that the formal definition of retirement is deeply intertwined with the socio-economic realities of the individual’s environment. One participant emphasized this economic aspect by stating:

Under the conditions in Türkiye, it can only serve as additional income (P19).

Beyond the financial dimension, retirement is interpreted as a period of essential recovery following years of intensive service, particularly in response to the cumulative physical and mental strain of the nursing profession. One participant framed this as a culmination of a demanding career:

Nursing is a very demanding profession, and after about 35 years of working in very busy units and hospitals, retirement means rest for me (P1).

In addition to rest and peace, the findings suggest that retirement signifies a reclamation of time and personal agency, allowing individuals to restructure their lives outside of institutional constraints. One participant highlighted this shift toward a better work-life balance:

For me, retirement means having time for social activities, being able to manage my time, and achieving a better work-life balance (P4).

Similarly, another participant described retirement as the preservation of social connectivity, noting:

Retirement, for me, simply means rest and the continuity of social life (P8).

Furthermore, retirement is viewed as an opportunity for self-actualization, providing a dedicated space for personal and social development that was previously restricted by professional obligations. One participant explained:

It means being able to devote time to education for my personal and social growth, and spending time on social activities that I could not engage in due to work hours (P21).

In participants’ views, this newfound autonomy over their schedule allows for the re-establishment of familial and personal bonds. Participant P18, retirement is described as:

… being able to devote quality time to myself.

Retirement as a loss of productivity and professional identity

While some participants focus on the restorative aspects of retirement, others conceptualize this transition as a disruption of their productive self. One of the nurses who participated in the study described retirement as a period in which work life comes to an end and is replaced by a more passive way of living, stating:

It means that my working life has ended and represents a passive lifestyle for me (P26).

This perceived passivity often conflicts with a long-standing attachment to the professional role, where work is equated with vitality and social worth. For nurses who derive their sense of self from being active and productive, retirement can be interpreted as a forced state of idleness that contradicts their internal sense of age and energy. Another participant emphasized this by noting:

I am someone who enjoys working. Retirement feels like idleness to me. I still feel young (P3).

The findings of this study show that for several participants, retirement is associated not only with a change in daily routine but also with profound emotional challenges, such as a sense of void and a fragmented identity. One nurse articulated this existential resistance to retirement particularly strongly, explaining that although she is formally retired, she continues to work because employment provides the primary structure for her life:

On paper, I retired but continued working. I never took a break… I don’t know what life will bring later, but for now, I am working. I might feel lost when I retire… I think I would stay at home and do housework, but for how long? How long would that satisfy me…? (P4).

These reflections indicate that retirement creates a crisis of visibility and identity for late-career female nurses, fostering a sense of purposelessness and psychological risk.

Determinants of the transition toward retirement

Participants’ statements reveal that the reasons for moving toward retirement are multidimensional and that retirement decisions are shaped not only by individual preferences but also by structural, social, and emotional processes. In this study, within the main theme of factors leading to retirement, four subthemes were identified: institutional pressures and workload intensity, family responsibilities and social reconnection, financial readiness and pension adequacy, and psychological drivers: seeking emotional relief.

Institutional pressures and workload intensity

According to participants’ statements, the decision to retire is primarily driven by work-related factors that compromise professional endurance. One participant highlighted that the persistent strain of the hospital environment, especially in restricted spaces like the operating room, led to a point of exhaustion:

I am tired and fed up with the very demanding working conditions. We could call it burnout syndrome. Also, working in the operating room as a closed space was extremely exhausting for me (P1).

Participants in the study reported that deteriorating working conditions, reductions in employment benefits, and the physical inadequacies of the work environment influenced their retirement decisions. One participant highlighted the loss of social and economic benefits that once existed, as well as infrastructure problems that increased professional strain, stating:

…our employment benefits have declined… Transportation, meal, and housing rights have been removed. There are climate control issues in the workplace… Occupational health and safety rules are not followed… Salaries are now at the same level as public-sector workers (P6).

In addition to these tangible factors, the perception of professional wear-out due to systemic unfairness functions as a significant work-related factor. One participant captured these factors as follows:

I can say that I feel worn out because of the injustice in working life and the unfair system, and that this makes me want to retire (P21).

Finally, some participants indicated that they were inclined to retire due to the generally wearing and demanding nature of the hospital environment. For example, one participant emphasized that the stressful processes inherent in healthcare made professional sustainability increasingly difficult, stating:

I am considering retirement particularly because of the exhausting processes I experience in the hospital setting (P12).

Consequently, these findings suggest that the retirement decision is not merely a reaction to fatigue, but a strategic exit from a workplace environment that has surpassed the participant’s threshold of professional and physical sustainability.

Family responsibilities and social reconnection

In this study, the desire to retire is frequently framed as a responsiveness to family needs, where professional identity is subordinated to domestic and caregiving roles. One participant articulated this readiness to shift roles:

If a particular family-related situation arises that requires me to retire, of course I would retire (P10).

For some, the decision to retire is conceptualized as a dual response to both external family demands and internal physical limitations. Participant P13 expressed this intersection of factors:

I would consider retirement when I am no longer physically able to continue working. If a situation arises in which my family needs me, I will consider retirement.

One participant explained that she had previously been involved in music but had to abandon this hobby due to her heavy workload. She noted that the desire to return to her musical activities was a factor pushing her toward retirement:

I used to be part of a Turkish classical music and folk music choir. Because I worked so much, being away from music affected me… Being detached from music and social life influenced my thoughts about retirement (P6).

Furthermore, participants regard retirement as a transition toward a state of tranquillity, free from the psychological stressors inherent in nursing. One participant highlighted this need for stress-free living:

I believe that after a certain age, when people are still healthy and physically capable, they should experience a pleasant middle age without work-related stress or anxiety disorders (P18).

Overall, these social determinants illustrate that retirement is regarded as a move toward relational and personal restoration.

Financial readiness and pension adequacy

Participants indicated that the need for financial security was a strong factor shaping their retirement decisions. For example, one participant emphasized the need for financial security by stating:

During the period leading up to retirement, we primarily need money to express ourselves more comfortably in socio-economic terms… Even if I am not currently working, it is important for me to have enough financial resources to support myself when I take time to rest. This represents a sense of security for me (P2)

Another participant noted that the level of pension benefits could influence the timing of her retirement:

If the pension were higher, I might retire earlier. If additional payments were reflected in the pension, I would choose to retire (P3)

Economic strain, combined with the cumulative financial, psychological, and social burden of long working years, also emerged as an important factor increasing the desire to retire. One participant reflected this dual pressure of professional exhaustion and financial need, stating,

After I retired, I did not work for a while. Later, the pension I received was no longer enough to meet my needs, and I felt the need to work again… If my needs had been met, I could have lived my retirement life (P17)

Overall, participants’ statements indicate that economic factors play a critical role in shaping retirement decisions.

Psychological drivers: seeking emotional relief

One participant emphasized that financial resources are essential for maintaining a sense of agency during retirement:

During the COVID-19 pandemic, I was in the intensive care unit for eight days. Experiencing such an intense period made me question my life. I no longer want to live under such pressure. I wanted to prioritize my own feelings, travel more, sleep more, and live in a more humane way (P1).

Similarly, another participant expressed an increased need for rest due to emotional and physical fatigue:

I feel worn out and tired. I want to retire and rest (P5).

These accounts suggest that heavy workloads and job-related stress contribute to psychological exhaustion, thereby increasing the appeal of retirement.

Determinants of delaying retirement

In the study, participants indicated that they delayed retirement due to factors such as enjoying time spent with colleagues, having a strong affinity for their work, and the belief that retirement would lead to financial insecurity. Accordingly, the overarching theme of factors delaying retirement was categorized into three subthemes: professional and institutional commitment, professional self-efficacy and fear of inactivity, and financial precariousness and economic necessity.

Professional and institutional commitment

The work environment provides social and professional structures that often encourage nurses to postpone retirement. One participant described this team-based motivation:

The motivation of my colleagues and the feeling of being useful led me to postpone my desire to retire (P1)

It was also identified that workload and the specific characteristics of work units are important factors influencing retirement decisions. One participant stated that the intensive pace of work in operating rooms was exhausting; however, she noted that her decision to retire could be postponed if an administrative position (such as a coordinator role) were available within the institution:

Operating rooms are very intense… But if there were a coordinator position somewhere in the hospital, I wouldn’t consider leaving (P1)

Participants’ statements also revealed that organizational factors, such as management style, involvement in decision-making processes, and professional autonomy, play a significant role in postponing retirement. One participant emphasized that perceptions of autonomy and institutional hierarchy can enhance motivation to remain in the workforce, stating:

Whether you have a say in the workplace, whether you can exercise autonomy… these may be among the reasons that keep me working (P2)

In addition, for some participants, legal regulations created an obligation to continue working and thus delayed their retirement. Indeed, one participant stated:

I am working out of necessity because my official retirement age is 60 (P7),

Overall, these results demonstrate that various work-related factors play a decisive role in delaying retirement among late-career female nurses.

Professional self-efficacy and fear of inactivity

Participants stated that feeling valued and fulfilled in their professional lives contributed to postponing their retirement decisions. One participant articulated this view as follows:

…a condition in which I can feel professionally valued may delay my desire to retire… if I am satisfied both materially and emotionally, I can continue working (P2).

The perception that one remains psychologically productive and capable of continuing to work emerges as an influential factor in postponing retirement. One participant expressed this view by stating,

I want to continue working because I still have the physical strength to perform my profession, and I love my job (P10).

Moreover, the perception that retirement brings a “more sedentary lifestyle” also emerges as a psychological factor that encourages individuals to remain in the workforce. Participant P10 expressed concerns that post-retirement life would be less active, stating:

In retirement, you inevitably live a more sedentary life… so it is better to remain in working life.

Financial precariousness and economic necessity

Participants stated that their retirement decisions were directly shaped by economic concerns, which often led them to postpone retirement. Participant P3 explicitly highlighted the influence of financial necessity, stating:

I have to work due to financial reasons and age.

In contrast, some participants indicated that they might reconsider their retirement decisions if economic conditions improved or if more advantageous positions were offered. For example, P10 remarked:

Very good economic conditions and a managerial position may influence me to stay longer in the profession,

suggesting that financial improvement could enhance motivation to remain employed.

Life after retirement and expectations

In the study, participants indicated that in their post-retirement lives they both look forward to spending more time with their families and worry about experiencing a sense of emptiness or lack of structure. Accordingly, in this study, the main theme of post-retirement life and expectations was divided into two subthemes: positive living conditions and expectations, and negative living conditions and expectations.

Positive living conditions and expectations

The participants’ statements indicate that they anticipate post-retirement life as a period of greater peace, tranquillity, and time for themselves. Some participants plan to dedicate more time to personal activities by distancing themselves from work-related stress and demanding workloads. Participants also emphasized expectations related to geographical change and spending time in nature. Participants expressed this as follows:

I want a more peaceful and calm life… I want to get away from the chaos, quarrels, and noise of Istanbul (P5)

I want to go to my village and live a more comfortable and peaceful life… I want to dedicate time to myself (P12)

The data suggests that retirement is also a pursuit of belated self-actualization. Participants expect to use their newfound time to engage in hobbies that were previously suppressed by their careers. P2 articulated this search for happiness:

I have hobbies that will help me improve myself or make me happy; I would have the time and opportunity to pursue them, which would make me happy.

Furthermore, retirement is expected to facilitate relational reconnection. By removing work-related stress, participants believe they can finally offer their full presence to their families and social circles. P10 highlighted this shift:

I think I can pay more attention to my family and children without work-related stress… I want to travel and have fun with my friends.

Overall, the participants’ statements indicate that their expectations for post-retirement life centre on personal time, peace, hobbies and personal development, as well as spending more time with family and maintaining social relationships.

Negative living conditions and expectations

While some participants anticipate a peaceful life, others view retirement as a period of stagnation and loss of structure. For these nurses, the absence of a professional schedule is perceived as a vacuum rather than a luxury, raising concerns that unstructured time may lead to chronic boredom. Participant P4 described this struggle to find meaning in idleness:

I wonder what I would do at home from eight in the morning until six in the evening if I were retired. Okay, I could read a book, but what would I do afterwards? Sometimes weekends or even 4–5-day holidays during festivals feel boring to me,

Economic and financial concerns also emerged as prominent negative expectations. Although P17 initially perceived retirement as a reward for years of work, they continued working due to financial necessity, stating:

I had thought of retirement as a reward for my efforts, but I was mistaken. Due to my needs, I had to return to work.

Discussions

Retirement is socially constructed, with differing expectations: some see aging and decline, others fulfillment and satisfaction [10]. Traditionally, it is framed as withdrawal from professional life, linked to health decline and economic vulnerability [39], leading some late-career female nurses to associate it with reduced productivity and diminished satisfaction. Conversely, it may also bring relief from fatigue, more personal time, social engagement, and pursuit of interests [10].

Theoretical implications

In this study, late-career female nurses described retirement as restoration and autonomy, emphasizing rest, peace of mind, financial security, and social participation. They further framed it as reclaiming personal time constrained by demanding work, reorganizing daily life around recovery, and regaining control. These findings align with research showing that social, physical, and meaningful activities enhance quality of life and reduce loneliness [49–51], while positive perceptions are linked to economic security, social support, and reduced stress [52, 53]. Studies on nurses similarly emphasize retirement as rest, self-care, and personal interests [10, 54, 55], with evidence from Türkiye supporting associations with peace, income, and social engagement [17, 40]. This emphasis on social ties and personal development reflects Activity Theory, which posits that meaningful activity sustains well-being [15]. Overall, retirement in care professions emerges as a transition centred on recovery and autonomy rather than mere withdrawal from work.

In this study, some late-career female nurses viewed retirement as a loss of productivity and identity, describing it as a passive, unstructured life. They expressed concerns that ending work could foster aimlessness and detachment, posing psychosocial risks for those, whose identities are work-centred. This aligns with literature showing retirement may involve loss of identity, diminished roles, emptiness, and withdrawal [56–58]. Social identity research further suggests that when professional roles are central, retirement brings stronger loss and adjustment difficulties [16]. Studies on nurses similarly link retirement to emotional emptiness and perceived role loss [56, 59].

When examining the determinants of the transition toward retirement in this study, the findings show that nurses’ retirement decisions are influenced not only by individual factors, such as workload and physical strain, but also by social, economic, and psychological dynamics. These findings suggest that prolonged exposure to demanding work environments reduces nurses’ tolerance for job-related strain and strengthens their intention to leave the profession. In this sense, retirement can be understood as a response to sustained organizational pressure rather than solely an individual choice. Consistent with prior international research, burnout, dissatisfaction, ergonomic risks, fatigue, and psychosocial stress have been identified as key determinants of early retirement [53, 54, 60, 61], while institutional factors such as staff shortages, high care demands, and limited organizational support also play a significant role [13, 54, 62]. The limited number of studies conducted in Türkiye also indicates that nurses endure a demanding, risky, and exhausting working life, and that those with longer professional and organizational experience have higher retirement intentions [40, 63, 64]. In particular, Altun and Baykal [63] examined the institutional and professional factors that may lead nurses in Türkiye to return to work after retirement and found that nearly half indicated willingness to return if working conditions improved.

In relation to family responsibilities and social reconnection, participants emphasized the desire to spend more time with family members and to engage in personal and social activities as important motivations for retirement. This suggests that retirement is not only a work-related transition but also a relational process in which professional roles are re-evaluated in favour of familial and social priorities. In this sense, retirement appears to function as an opportunity to restore work-life balance and to re-establish social roles beyond the workplace. Consistent with this interpretation, prior research has highlighted the significant role of social motivations and the pursuit of life balance in shaping retirement decisions [65, 66]. Studies conducted in Türkiye also suggest that nurses eligible for retirement often express a desire to retire to spend more time with their children and families, travel, and pursue hobbies and personal interests [40, 63, 67]. Similar findings have also been reported in international studies. In China, Liu et al. [68] found that nurses whose family members were still alive were more likely to consider retirement than those who had lost family members, highlighting the influence of family ties on retirement intentions. Likewise, a mixed-methods study conducted in the United Kingdom by Cleaver et al. [55] reported that nurses’ desire to spend more time with family and friends played an important role in their retirement decisions. Taken together, these findings suggest that family relationships and social connectedness may represent a cross-cultural determinant of retirement decision-making, although the meaning and intensity of these motivations may vary according to cultural norms, family structures, and welfare systems.

Financial readiness and pension adequacy also emerged as important determinants of retirement decisions. Participants’ accounts indicated that sufficient economic security facilitates earlier and more voluntary retirement, whereas financial uncertainty may delay this transition. This finding suggests that financial preparedness plays a critical role not only in determining the timing of retirement but also in shaping the degree of autonomy individuals have in making this decision. Consistent with this interpretation, previous research has emphasized the importance of economic readiness and pension adequacy in influencing retirement timing and decision-making processes [55, 69]. In Denmark, Friis et al. [69] found that income level influenced nurses’ retirement intentions. In Australia, another study found that nurses were more likely to consider retirement once they reached a level at which they felt financially secure [70]. Evidence from Türkiye indicates that nurses tend to engage least in financial planning for retirement, highlighting insufficient financial preparedness [40, 64]. Taken together, these findings suggest that while financial security tends to facilitate voluntary and timely retirement across countries, limited retirement planning and economic uncertainty may constrain retirement autonomy and delay retirement transitions, particularly in settings where personal savings and pension adequacy are perceived as insufficient.

Psychological drivers, particularly the need to seek emotional relief from occupational stress, also emerged as an important factor influencing retirement decisions. Participants’ accounts suggest that prolonged exposure to stressful work environments leads to the accumulation of psychological burden, which in turn increases the desire to withdraw from professional life. In this sense, retirement may be perceived as a strategy to restore psychological balance and regain control over one’s emotional state. Consistent with this interpretation, previous research has shown that late-career nurses often consider retirement as a response to cumulative stress and declining well-being [9, 40, 71, 72]. In Türkiye, studies by Tatoğlu and Altıntaş [40] and Bircan [64] have shown that psychological factors such as stress and burnout are among the reasons that contribute to nurses’ transition toward. In a study conducted in Australia by Graham et al. [73] it was similarly reported that stressful working conditions place psychological and physical strain on nurses, and that this situation influences their decisions to transition into retirement. In a study conducted in New Zealand with nurses aged 55–65, it was also found that nurses retired or left their jobs due to psychological factors such as burnout [74].

The results indicate that late-career female nurses’ decisions to delay retirement have a multidimensional structure. Regarding professional and institutional commitment, participants emphasized that supportive work environments, characterized by collegial relationships, a sense of usefulness, and attachment to the profession, encourage continued employment. Institutional factors, including organizational practices, workload conditions, and opportunities for role transition, were also found to shape these decisions, while legal regulations and mandatory retirement policies act as structural constraints. Furthermore, professional autonomy and participation in decision-making emerged as key factors supporting continued workforce engagement, consistent with Self-Determination Theory, which highlights the importance of autonomy and competence in sustaining motivation [75]. These findings are consistent with previous studies showing that autonomy and supportive organizational environments reduce turnover intentions [53, 76], while institutional and policy-related factors contribute to delayed retirement [77]. In Belgium, a study with 100 nurses aged 45 and over reported that nurses who enjoyed their jobs, derived self-esteem from their work, and experienced a positive working environment were more likely to continue working until the age of 65 or even beyond [25]. Similarly, a study in Florida with late-career nurses by Wargo-Sugleris et al. [12] found that nurses who were satisfied with their jobs and liked their working environment tended to delay their retirement intentions. Studies in Türkiye on nurses also indicate that professional and organizational commitment is an important dimension influencing retirement decisions. Findings from a qualitative study showed that retired nurses’ sense of belonging to the profession, strong social relationships with colleagues, and feelings of usefulness in the workplace supported the continuation of their professional identity even after retirement [64]. Similarly, Öztürk et al. [17], reported that nurses who had worked for many years tended to delay retirement when their job satisfaction and professional commitment were high, and that social relationships in the workplace played a particularly determining role in this decision. Moreover in the study by Altun ve Baykal [63], it was also emphasized that a supportive working environment, management practices, and job satisfaction directly influence nurses’ retirement intentions. These findings suggest that supportive and socially enriched work environments strengthen professional commitment among nurses and encourage the continuation of working life. In this context, the work environment not only provides professional engagement but also sustains social interaction, whereas retirement may involve a perceived loss of professional status and prestige, reduced interaction with colleagues, and a decline in social relationships [67].

In terms of professional self-efficacy and fear of inactivity, participants reported that feeling professionally valued, emotionally satisfied, and capable of continuing their duties contributes to postponing retirement. These findings suggest that perceived competence and ongoing professional relevance play a central role in sustaining workforce participation in late career stages. In this sense, continued work may function not only as a source of income but also as a means of preserving identity, activity, and psychological well-being. Evidence from Türkiye further supports this interpretation, indicating that late-career nurses often perceive continued work as a source of meaning, social contribution, and psychological stability. Qualitative findings from Bircan [64] suggest that professional engagement helps maintain a sense of usefulness and prevents feelings of inactivity, while also reinforcing emotional well-being in later life stages. Similarly, Öztürk et al. [17] and Tatoğlu and Altuntaş [40] highlight that professional competence, job satisfaction, and psychosocial fulfillment are key factors associated with delayed retirement intentions among nurses in Türkiye. Altun and Baykal [63] also emphasize that emotional satisfaction and perceived work capacity contribute to continued workforce participation in late career stages. Consistent with this interpretation, previous international research has shown that professional satisfaction, emotional commitment, and perceived work capacity are associated with extended workforce participation [9, 78, 79]. Evidence from Australia indicates that nurses’ commitment to their profession and the satisfaction of contributing to others tend to postpone their retirement decisions [80].

Financial precariousness and economic necessity also emerged as key determinants of retirement timing. Participants indicated that financial constraints and the need for economic security led them to continue working, suggesting that retirement decisions are often shaped by necessity rather than preference. In this sense, financial factors not only influence the timing of retirement but also determine the degree of agency individuals have in making this decision. Consistent with this interpretation, previous research has shown that financial insecurity delays retirement, whereas financial incentives enhance job retention among late-career employees [10, 13, 67, 81]. In Nigeria, some of the common challenges nurses face during retirement include financial concerns and the lack of adequate retirement planning [82]. In Australia, a study reported that income was the main factor underlying nurses’ plans to continue working [73]. Tatoğlu ve Altuntaş [40], in their study in Türkiye, found that nearly half of the nurses did not want to retire due to economic concerns, despite having reached retirement age. In addition, a study by Altun and Baykal [63] reported that 71% of nurses stated they would be willing to remain in their jobs if wages improved. Furthermore, Bircan [64] indicated that nurses expressed concerns about economic vulnerability and financial insufficiency.

The results of this study reveal that late-career female nurses hold both positive and negative expectations regarding post-retirement life. Participants emphasized the desire to engage in hobbies, spend more time with family, and relocate to calmer environments. Findings from studies conducted in Türkiye indicate that retirement is frequently associated with increased personal time, strengthened family relationships, and improved quality of life. In a qualitative study conducted by Bircan [64], retired nurses reported that post-retirement life enabled them to reconnect with family members, pursue personal interests, and experience psychological relief from occupational stress. Similarly, Öztürk et al. [17] found that nurses with long working histories often view retirement as an opportunity for rest, disengagement from work-related obligations, and engagement in leisure-oriented activities. These findings indicate that retirement is perceived not only as relief from demanding workloads but also as a pursuit of belated self-actualization and relational reconnection. This situation reflects the multidimensional psychosocial nature of retirement described in the literature [62, 83, 84]. Additionally, positive expectations align with research suggesting that retirement can enhance self-efficacy, life satisfaction, and social engagement [65, 66, 85]. They are also consistent with social identity and role theories, which highlight the importance of personal control, social resources, and restructuring of life goals in post-retirement adjustment [66, 75, 83].

Conversely, some participants viewed retirement as a period of stagnation, monotony, and financial insecurity. Concerns about loss of professional identity, reduced productivity, and economic insufficiency were prominent. These findings highlight that retirement may be experienced as a vacuum rather than a luxury, particularly for nurses highly invested in their professional roles or facing financial constraints. Similar patterns have been reported in the Turkish context, where studies indicate that retirement is sometimes associated with social withdrawal, diminished sense of purpose, and economic anxiety. According to a qualitative study by Bircan [64], some retired nurses reported difficulties adapting to post-retirement life, emphasizing reduced social interaction and a loss of professional identity. Such negative expectations correspond with evidence that retirement can diminish meaning and well-being when individuals lack sufficient social or economic resources [83, 84]. Worries about economic uncertainty further support findings that financial security is crucial for post-retirement well-being [55]. Importantly, the present study indicates that some nurses expect minimal changes in their post-retirement lives or even prefer to continue working, underscoring theoretical approaches that conceptualize retirement not as a fixed chronological event but as a flexible process shaped by personal, social, and institutional contexts [62].

Practical implications

The results indicate that nurses hold contrasting perceptions of retirement, suggesting that it is not a uniform experience but a multidimensional and individualized transition. Therefore, nursing leaders and healthcare policymakers should adopt strategies that recognize these differences. Providing opportunities for continued engagement in professional roles, such as mentorship or consultancy, may help preserve the positive aspects of retirement while reducing the perceived loss of productivity and professional identity [16, 62, 86].

The analysis further reveals that the transition to retirement is shaped by interacting factors, including institutional pressures, workload, family responsibilities, financial readiness, and psychological needs such as emotional relief, consistent with previous studies. To address these multidimensional influences, healthcare organizations should implement age-sensitive workload management, ergonomic conditions, and psychosocial support programs such as stress management and counselling [61, 62]. Additionally, policies supporting work-life balance and family responsibilities may ease this transition. As financial preparedness is also critical, retirement planning support and pension adequacy should be strengthened.

Another key finding is that some nurses prefer to delay retirement due to professional commitment, self-efficacy, and economic necessity, reflecting not only financial needs but also a desire to remain active and engaged. In this context, flexible working arrangements, reduced physical workload, and roles such as mentoring or leadership may support extended workforce participation. However, financial insecurity remains critical; performance-based incentives, seniority benefits, and income models compatible with partial retirement may help balance continued employment with well-being [13, 77]. Additionally, enhancing professional autonomy, participation in decision-making, and organizational support may strengthen motivation and retention among late-career nurses.

The findings revealed that nurses’ expectations regarding post-retirement life include both positive aspects, such as increased personal time, engagement in hobbies, and social participation, and negative aspects, including economic concerns, role loss, uncertainty, and social isolation. Similar patterns have been reported in the literature [57, 84]. These results suggest that retirement should be supported as a comprehensive life transition. Structured pre-retirement programs focusing on financial planning, psychosocial preparation, and health management are essential to facilitate this process. Evidence indicates that such programs improve psychological adjustment and overall well-being in retirement [84]. Additionally, promoting social participation through volunteering, mentoring, and community engagement may help maintain social roles and enhance quality of life after retirement. Taken together, these findings highlight that, compared to many countries where flexible retirement options such as phased retirement and age-sensitive work arrangements are common [53, 71, 77, 86–88], such practices remain relatively limited in Türkiye [6, 40, 67]. Consequently, nurses may continue working due to financial necessity, increasing stress and negatively affecting quality of life. Aligning retirement policies with these needs, through flexible pathways, supportive practices, and integrated financial and psychosocial support, may enhance both workforce retention and post-retirement well-being.

Implications for practice and policy

The results of this study highlight the need for integrated organizational and policy-level strategies to support late-career nurses. Organizations should develop strategies that provide flexible work arrangements, age-sensitive scheduling, and opportunities for mentoring or leadership roles to retain experienced staff. Financial planning support and phased retirement programs can help nurses transition more smoothly while maintaining economic security. Policymakers should consider retirement policies in the context of workforce planning, ensuring that flexible and sustainable options are available to retain skilled healthcare professionals. Supporting post-retirement social engagement, such as volunteer or community programs, can help maintain well-being and professional identity. By integrating organizational strategies with policy development, healthcare systems can respond to the needs of late-career female nurses, enhancing workforce sustainability and improving quality of life during the transition to retirement.

Limitations and future directions

This study should be interpreted in light of several limitations. As a qualitative phenomenological inquiry, the findings are inherently context-bound and reflect participants’ subjective experiences within a specific setting, which may constrain their transferability. Additionally, the interpretive nature of the analysis introduces the potential for researcher influence. Future research should build on these limitations by incorporating more diverse samples across cultural and occupational contexts to examine how structural and individual factors shape retirement experiences. Longitudinal qualitative designs are particularly needed to capture the evolving nature of identity, perceived control, and social connectedness across the retirement transition. Comparative studies across professions may further distinguish context-specific from shared patterns. Addressing these areas would contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of retirement and support the development of context-sensitive policies and practices.

Conclusions

This study shows that late-career female nurses’ retirement decisions are shaped by a complex interaction of personal, professional, social, and economic factors. Retirement is perceived both as an opportunity for rest, personal fulfilment, and engagement in meaningful activities, and as a challenging transition associated with concerns about professional identity, productivity, and financial security. Work-related conditions, including workload, physical and emotional strain, organizational support, and regulatory frameworks, also play a decisive role in shaping retirement intentions. These findings underscore the multidimensional nature of retirement and highlight the importance of understanding late-career female nurses’ experiences to support workforce sustainability. By clarifying the factors that influence retirement decisions, this study contributes to the development of strategies aimed at retaining experienced nurses and strengthening the sustainability and resilience of the nursing workforce.

Supplementary Information

Below is the link to the electronic supplementary material.

Author contributions

All authors contributed to the study conception and design. Y.A. performed conceptualization, material preparation, data collection, curation and formal analysis, and draft writing and revising. D.Ö.Z., M.Z. and H.N.A. performed data curation, formal analysis and draft revising. D.Ö.Z. performed material preparation and data curation. M.Z., H.N.A. and T.G. performed conceptualization, data analysis and draft writing and revising. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

Funding

Not applicable.

Data availability

The datasets generated and/or analysed during the current study are not publicly available due to the inclusion of sensitive personal information obtained through in-depth qualitative interviews; however, they are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

Declarations

Ethics approval and consent to participate

Ethical approval for the study was obtained from the Süleyman Demirel University Ethics Committee (Decision No: 137/11, Date: 24 May 2023). The study was conducted in accordance with the principles of the Declaration of Helsinki. All participants were informed about the purpose and procedures of the study, as well as the potential risks and benefits, and written informed consent was obtained prior to data collection. Participants’ personal identifiers were anonymized, and the collected data were used solely for scientific purposes.

Consent for publication

Written informed consent for publication of the study findings was obtained from all participants.

Competing interests

The authors declare no competing interests.