Psychosocial and cultural dynamics shaping substance use and internet fraud among Nigerian youths

Abstract

Background

The rapid expansion of digital technologies has introduced new psychosocial risks for young people, particularly in low- and middle-income countries. In Nigeria, increasing rates of psychoactive substance use among youths have emerged alongside the growing prevalence of internet fraud (“Yahoo-Yahoo”), raising concerns about their interconnected social, psychological, and cultural drivers.

Aims

This study explored the relationship between psychoactive substance use and engagement in internet fraud among Nigerian youths, with particular attention to the social, economic, psychological, and cultural contexts shaping this association.

Method

A qualitative design was employed using four focus group discussions with 22 young adults receiving treatment for substance-related mental and behavioural disorders at a tertiary health facility in southwestern Nigeria. Some participants reported direct or indirect involvement in internet fraud. Data were analyzed thematically using Braun and Clarke’s framework.

Results

Findings revealed a complex, bidirectional relationship between substance use and internet fraud, mediated by peer influence, economic marginalization, moral normalization, and culturally embedded expectations of success. Psychoactive substances were perceived as facilitating emotional coping, confidence, and endurance during fraudulent activities, while proceeds from cyber fraud often sustained continued substance use. Despite varying degrees of social acceptance, participants reported guilt, psychological distress, and significant mental health risks.

Conclusions

Psychoactive substance use and internet fraud among Nigerian youths appear less as isolated deviant behaviours and more as maladaptive coping strategies within contexts of structural inequality. There is an urgent need for integrated, youth-focused interventions that address mental health, family dynamics, and economic opportunities.

Supplementary Information

The online version contains supplementary material available at https://doi.org/10.1007/s44192-026-00476-7.

Introduction

The rapid expansion of digital technologies has fundamentally transformed the social and economic landscapes of young people worldwide, creating unprecedented opportunities for learning, connection, and creativity [3, 14]. However, this digital revolution has also opened new avenues for harmful behaviours, including cybercrime, which increasingly intersects with other public health concerns such as psychoactive substance use [13, 33]. Nowhere is this convergence more pronounced than in low and middle-income countries, where youthful populations grapple with structural disadvantage, limited economic opportunities, and rapidly evolving digital subcultures [10, 28].

The authors’ country, Nigeria, exemplifies this crisis with particular severity. Nigeria, Africa’s largest economy and most populous black nation, where individuals under 35 constitute over 70% of the population [22]. The country faces a dual challenge of escalating psychoactive substance use and the proliferation of internet fraud, locally termed “Yahoo Yahoo”, among youth. Yahoo Yahoo describes a form of cyber-enabled financial fraud where individuals use digital technology and social engineering tactics to deceive victims for monetary gain [5]. In academic discussions, it is seen not only as a type of cybercrime (including advance-fee and romance scams) but also as a socio-culturally rooted practice among some youths, influenced by economic pressures, peer norms, and changing subcultural values.

Recent studies document lifetime psychoactive substance use among Nigerian university students reaching 86%, with regional prevalence rates of 44% for alcohol, 30% for tramadol, 6–16% for cannabis, and 11% for codeine [4, 9]. In addition, new psychoactive substances (NPS), including synthetic cannabinoids (“Wiz,” “Black Mamba,” “Colorado”) and cathinones, have emerged as potent threats, marketed through online platforms and local outlets with deceptive labelling, and associated with severe neuropsychiatric effects including psychosis and hallucinations [8, 12, 29, 31, 32].

Conceptual framework

This study is anchored in three complementary theoretical perspectives that collectively illuminate the substance use–internet fraud nexus. First, the biopsychosocial model provides an overarching framework for understanding how biological, psychological, and social factors interact to shape human behaviour (Engel, 1977). From a biological standpoint, psychoactive substances alter brain chemistry, impairing judgment and increasing impulsivity; these are effects that may facilitate engagement in fraudulent activities [18]. Psychologically, substances may serve as coping mechanisms for underlying distress, while personality factors such as narcissism or psychopathy may predispose individuals to both substance use and fraud [33]. Socially, peer networks and cultural norms can reinforce both behaviours, creating environments where deviance becomes normalized [6, 26].

Merton’s Strain Theory (1938) offers a structural lens for understanding how societal conditions generate deviant adaptations. The theory posits that when culturally prescribed goals, such as financial success and social status, are pursued in a society where legitimate means (education, formal employment) are systematically blocked, individuals may resort to illegitimate pathways to achieve these goals. In contemporary Nigeria, where youth unemployment remains pervasive and conventional routes to success appear increasingly unattainable, internet fraud remains a maladaptive response to the disjuncture between aspiration and opportunity ([11, 15]; Molokwu, [19]; [23]).

Sutherland’s Differential Association Theory (1947), on the other hand, explains how deviant behaviours are learned through interaction with others in intimate social groups. The theory suggests that individuals acquire definitions, either favourable or unfavourable to law violation, based on the frequency, duration, and intensity of their exposure to such definitions. Peer networks in Nigerian youth subcultures transmit not only technical knowledge of fraud techniques but also rationalizations and justifications that render fraudulent activity acceptable or even admirable [1].

These theoretical perspectives collectively suggest that the relationship between substance use and internet fraud may operate through bidirectional reinforcement. Stimulants such as nicotine and amphetamines may enhance focus and endurance during prolonged online fraudulent activities; substances like alcohol and cannabis may reduce inhibitions and alleviate the moral discomfort associated with deceiving others [16]. Also, proceeds from cyber fraud may facilitate access to premium substances, creating a vicious cycle. More importantly, psychiatric vulnerabilities may amplify this dynamic in a way that young adults with mental health conditions are significantly more likely to use NPS, which in turn may impair judgment and increase susceptibility to fraudulent involvement [17, 27, 30].

Study rationale and research questions

Although existing literature has separately documented substance use patterns and cyber fraud prevalence among Nigerian youth, few studies have qualitatively explored the lived experiences at their intersection. Understanding how young people themselves perceive the relationship between these behaviours, the meanings they attach to substances, the social contexts that shape their choices, and the cultural narratives that sustain or constrain them is essential for developing effective, contextually grounded interventions.

Regarding our conceptual framework, this study was guided by three research questions: (i) how do youths perceive the role of psychoactive substances in facilitating or sustaining involvement in internet fraud? (ii) What socioeconomic, cultural, and psychological factors shape the relationship between substance use and fraud involvement? (iii) How do cultural narratives and community responses shape the reciprocal dynamics between these behaviours? We believed that exploring these questions, qualitatively, would aim to examine the narratives of young Nigerians with direct or vicarious experience of both phenomena. Such understanding is a prerequisite to designing interventions that address root causes.

Methodology

Study design

This study employed a qualitative exploratory design using Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) to investigate the relationship between psychoactive substance use and internet fraud among Nigerian youths. The qualitative approach was deemed appropriate, given the need to gain an in-depth and contextualized understanding of participants’ lived experiences, because beliefs, and motivations are particularly important when exploring sensitive behaviours in complex social and cultural contexts (Creswell & Poth, 2018). The design was informed by the study’s conceptual framework (biopsychosocial model, strain theory, and differential association theory), which was guided by the construction of the FGD topic guide and careful and reflexive analysis.

Study setting and population

The study was conducted at a tertiary health facility in southwestern Nigeria, specifically within a unit managing Mental and Behavioural Disorders due to psychoactive substance use. The study population comprised inpatients and outpatients receiving treatment for substance-related disorders who had direct or vicarious knowledge of internet fraud activities.

Sampling strategy and participant identification

Purposive sampling was employed to select participants who met the inclusion criteria. Regarding the sensitivity of the topic and the need to ensure both methodological rigour and ethical integrity, a multistep identification process was implemented.

Potential participants were initially identified through clinical records indicating treatment for substance use disorders. Identification of participants regarding internet fraud involvement was conducted through a multi-layered approach designed to respect participant autonomy, ensure confidentiality, and avoid stigmatization. The clinical team members (psychiatrists, psychologists, and social workers) who had established therapeutic relationships with patients were asked to identify individuals who had, during clinical interactions, spontaneously disclosed involvement with or knowledge of internet fraud activities. Also, during initial approach for study participation, researchers used broad, no stigmatizing language. No individual, among the participants, was included solely on the basis of ‘allegation’ without some form of documented disclosure or clinical note indicating prior discussion of such involvement. All participants provided explicit consent to discuss these topics after being informed of the study’s focus.

Inclusion criteria: Participants were required to be: (1) aged 18–45 years; (2) currently receiving treatment for Mental and Behavioural Disorders due to psychoactive substance use; (3) willing to participate in group discussions; and (4) able to provide informed consent. Additionally, participants needed to have either direct experience with internet fraud or close peer relationships with individuals engaged in such activities, as self-disclosed during clinical interactions or initial screening conversations. However, the inclusion of 47 years old participant, serial number 7, was an exception due to the fact that he was identified as a renowned “veteran” by many of the participants who had related with him outside the hospital admission, regarding the issue concerning substance use and internet fraud. He was also identified to have been admitted severally as a case of MBD and having history of engaging in internet fraud; it was believed he could have wealth of information to help the study.

Sample and data collection

A total of four focus group discussions were conducted, with each group comprising between four and six participants. The final sample included 22 participants (17 males, 5 females), aged 18 to 47 years (mean = 25.36 years, SD = 6.53). The composition of groups was designed to balance homogeneity (to facilitate comfort and disclosure) with sufficient diversity to generate rich discussion. Groups were stratified by age and gender, with one group comprising primarily female participants to allow exploration of gender-specific dynamics.

The FGD was systematically monitored throughout the data collection process. After each focus group discussion, preliminary analysis was conducted by the research team to identify emerging themes and assess the novelty of information obtained. By the third FGD, significant repetition of core themes was observed, with participants articulating similar experiences, motivations, and cultural narratives regarding the connection between substance use and internet fraud. The fourth FGD confirmed saturation, as it introduced no new substantive themes, though it enriched existing ones with additional illustrative examples and nuanced perspectives. The research team therefore concluded that four groups provided sufficient data saturation at the point at which additional data collection no longer yields new insights or themes relevant to the research questions.

The FGDs were conducted in English, the language in which all participants were proficient, given their educational backgrounds (17 had tertiary education, 5 had secondary education). Each session lasted approximately 60–90 min and was guided by a semi-structured topic guide developed from the study’s conceptual framework. The guide explored: (i) social and peer influences on behaviour; (ii) economic pressures and aspirations; (iii) patterns and perceived functions of substance use; (iv) experiences with or knowledge of internet fraud; (v) cultural and community responses to both behaviours; and (vi) perceived relationships between substance use and fraud involvement. Probes were used to explore how strain, peer learning, and biopsychosocial factors manifested in participants’ narratives.

All sessions were audio-recorded with participants’ explicit consent. Hand notes were taken during and immediately after each session to capture nonverbal cues, group dynamics, and reflexive observations.

Data analysis

Data were analyzed thematically using Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six-step framework: familiarization with data; generating initial codes; searching for themes; reviewing themes; defining and naming themes; and producing the report. The analysis was iterative, moving between data and emerging theoretical insights.

Coding was conducted through a collaborative, iterative process designed to enhance analytic rigour. Following transcription and verification of accuracy against audio recordings, two researchers (L.O.O. and A.O.) independently read and reread all transcripts to achieve familiarization. Each researcher then conducted line-by-line open coding on the first two transcripts independently, generating initial code lists. The research team, comprising all authors, met to compare coding approaches, discuss discrepancies, and develop a consolidated coding framework. This framework was subsequently applied to all transcripts, with team meetings to review coding decisions and resolve uncertainties through consensus.

Theme development and validation followed a systematic process with initial themes generated by clustering related codes and were presented and considered by the authors for critical review. Themes were refined through multiple rounds of discussion, that included a couple of researchers not involved in the study, to assess clarity and coherence for each theme.

Ethical considerations

Ethical approval was obtained from the Ethics and Research Committee of the Ekiti State University Teaching Hospital, Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria. Informed consent: Written informed consent was obtained from all participants after comprehensive explanation of the study’s purpose, procedures, risks, and benefits. Participants were explicitly informed that their participation was voluntary, without perceived coercion from clinical staff, and that they could withdraw at any time without consequences for their clinical care. All identifying information was removed from transcripts, and participants are referred to in this report using anonymized identifiers (e.g., Speaker 2, FGD 1). In addition, discussions avoided detailed descriptions of specific fraudulent acts that could incriminate themselves or others, focusing instead on general experiences, perceptions, and social contexts. Participants were informed that disclosures of criminal activity would be treated confidentially. Audio recordings were stored on password-protected devices accessible only to the study team.

None of the participants experienced any emotional distress during or after the group discussions. Participants were also asked to respect each other’s confidentiality by not engaging discussions outside the group setting.

Results

The focus group discussions comprised 22 participants (17 males, 5 females), all single, with ages ranging from 19 to 47 years (mean = 25.36 years, SD = 6.53). The majority (n = 17) had attained tertiary education, while five had secondary education. Eighteen participants were from monogamous families and four from polygamous families. (see The sociodemographic characteristics of the participants are shown in Table 1.

Table 1.

Demographics of Focus Group participants

Focus Group	Participant	Age	Gender	Marital Status	Education	Family type
1	1	22	male	single	tertiary	Monogamous
	2	23	male	single	tertiary	Monogamous
	3	25	male	single	tertiary	Monogamous
	4	23	male	single	tertiary	Monogamous
	5	25	male	single	tertiary	Monogamous
2	6	31	male	single	tertiary	Monogamous
	7	23	male	single	tertiary	Monogamous
	8	19	male	single	tertiary	Monogamous
	9	38	male	single	tertiary	Monogamous
	10	47	male	single	secondary	Monogamous
3	11	21	female	single	tertiary	Monogamous
	12	23	female	single	tertiary	Monogamous
	13	23	female	single	tertiary	Monogamous
	14	20	female	single	tertiary	Monogamous
	15	19	female	single	tertiary	Monogamous
	16	22	female	single	tertiary	Monogamous
	17	23	female	single	secondary	Polygamous
	18	25	male	single	tertiary	Monogamous
4	19	23	male	single	tertiary	Monogamous
	20	32	male	single	secondary	Polygamous
	21	26	male	single	secondary	Monogamous
	22	25	male	single	secondary	Polygamous

Thematic analysis of the four focus group discussions revealed a complex interplay between psychoactive substance use and internet fraud among Nigerian youths. Analysis yielded eight (8) core themes, with constituent subthemes and illustrative quotes, shown in Table 2.

Table 2.

Thematic Structure with Representative Quotes

Theme	Subthemes	Illustrative Participants’ Quotes
1. Social Environment and Peer Influence	-Conformity and belonging - Peer modelling of success -Social exclusion avoidance	“If your guy is doing Yahoo and you see him driving Benz, you want join too.” (Speaker 2, FGD 1)”They follow their friends just to belong… they hate being left out.” (Speaker 4, FGD 2)
2. Economic Pressure and Aspirational Discontent	-Unemployment as structural driver - Pressure on male providers -Impatience with legitimate pathways	“It’s poverty that is pushing them… they want to make it fast.” (Speaker 3, FGD 2)”The hustle is real… they just want to make ends meet because the system has failed.” (Speaker 1, FGD 1)
3. Substance Use Patterns and Perceived Utility	-Recreational use -Emotional coping -Performance enhancement for fraud -Escalation trajectories	“Tramadol, weed, codeine… they use it to be high, to forget their problems.” (Speaker 2, FGD 2)”It starts small—just alcohol, then weed, then more.” (Speaker 3, FGD 1)”Some smoke Colorado to stay awake while doing Yahoo.” (Speaker 1, FGD 3)
4. Normalization, Justification, and Community Response	-Moral relativism -Material success as legitimizer -Community complicity -Institutional contradictions	“Now Yahoo is like a normal job… even parents sometimes support it.” (Speaker 4, FGD 1)”They think using drugs or doing Yahoo is not bad as long as they are not stealing with a gun.” (Speaker 1, FGD 2)”Some people praise Yahoo boys because they bring money to the community.” (Speaker 4, FGD 1)”Some churches refuse them; others welcome them because of their tithes.” (Speaker 2, FGD 2)
5. Duality of Parental Influences	-Unknowing enablement -Active complicity -Spiritual fortification practices -Authoritarian parenting as push factor	“Some mothers even pray for their sons to succeed in Yahoo.” (Speaker 3, FGD 3)”Parents take them to babalawos (herbalists) to ‘fortify’ them… It’s shocking.” (Speaker 1, FGD 2)
6. Gender and Cultural Role Expectations	-Male direct involvement -Female indirect participation -Masculinity and provider identity	“Girls rarely do Yahoo themselves, but they benefit from the guys doing it.” (Speaker 2, FGD 2)”Guys feel they must hustle or else they are not men.” (Speaker 1, FGD 3)
7. Relationship Between Drug Use and Fraud	-Functional linkage -Independence of behaviours -Bidirectional reinforcement	“When they use tramadol or loud, it gives them confidence to talk to clients online.” (Speaker 4, FGD 3)”Not everyone doing fraud uses drugs… some are even scared of it.” (Speaker 1, FGD 1)
8. Psychological Consequences and Moral Conflict	-Guilt and remorse -Depression and anxiety -Aggression and sleep disturbance	“Some get depressed when Yahoo doesn’t work… they beat their girlfriends or get violent.” (Speaker 4, FGD 3)”Sometimes it’s hard to sleep, even after making money. The guilt is real.” (Speaker 1, FGD 2)

Thematic analysis

Social environment and peer influence

Peer influence emerged as the most consistently cited motivation for both substance use and fraud involvement across all focus groups. Participants described social networks as the primary context within which these behaviours are learned, normalized, and reinforced. Youths often adopt these behaviours to gain acceptance, avoid exclusion, or emulate the perceived success of their peers.

“If your guy is doing Yahoo and you see him driving Benz, you go want join too.” – Speaker 2, FGD 1.

“They follow their friends just to belong… they hate being left out.” – Speaker 4, FGD 2.

This theme reflects how financial gains and belongingness operate as motivators, with conformity outweighing risk in peer-dominated settings. Participants noted that the material evidence of fraud’s rewards often outweighed the experienced moral considerations or awareness of legal risks.

Economic pressure and aspirational discontent

Economic hardship was mostly cited as a foundational cause for both behaviours. Participants reported a profound disjuncture between societal expectations of financial success and the absence of legitimate opportunities to achieve it. This discontent was experienced more among male participants, who are faced with cultural expectations to provide for families.

“It’s poverty that is pushing them… they want to make it fast.” – Speaker 3, FGD 2.

“There’s too much pressure from family to provide, especially if you’re the first son.” – Speaker 2, FGD 3.

Frustration with a lack of economic opportunity and the failure of conventional routes (e.g., education, hard work) appeared to justify fraudulent behaviours in the eyes of some participants.

Substance use patterns and perceived utility

Participants reported using a range of psychoactive substances, including cannabis (locally “weed” or “loud”), tramadol, codeine, alcohol, and synthetic cannabinoids (“Colorado”). Analysis revealed three distinct functional categories of use, often overlapping within individuals: recreational enjoyment, emotional coping, and as a performance enhancer (particularly for engaging in fraud).

“Tramadol, weed, codeine are used to get high, to forget problems.” – Speaker 2, FGD 2.

“Some smoke Colorado to stay awake while doing Yahoo.” – Speaker 1, FGD 3.

Normalization, justification, and community response

This integrated theme captures the moral and cultural frameworks that render deviant behaviours acceptable or even admirable. Participants described how these behaviours are no longer viewed as deviant in many communities but are instead celebrated as viable survival strategies.

“Now Yahoo is like normal job… even parents sometimes support it.” – Speaker 4, FGD 1.

“They look up to big boys on Instagram who flaunt fraud money.” – Speaker 4, FGD 3.

This normalization is reinforced by social media, pop culture, and the visible material success of those engaging in fraud.

Moral relativism was evident in participants’ comparisons between internet fraud and other forms of crime: “not stealing with a gun”.

Parental and family influence: enablers and model

Family influences ranged from protective to actively complicit, with many participants describing ambivalent or contradictory parental responses. Three patterns emerged: unknowing enablement, active complicity, and parents seeking spiritual fortification to enhance practice of fraud.

“Their parents might not know at first, but when money starts coming, they keep quiet.” – Speaker 2, FGD 1.

“Some mothers even pray for their sons to succeed in Yahoo.” – Speaker 3, FGD 3.

“Parents take them to babalawos (herbalists) to ‘fortify’ them… it’s shocking.” – Speaker 1, FGD 2.

At the same time, participants criticized authoritarian or punitive parenting, which often led to secrecy and rebellion.

Gender roles and cultural role expectations

Participants offered varying views on the connection between psychoactive substance use and Gendered differences in behavioural motivations and exposure were evident. Males were seen as more directly involved in fraud and drug use, partly due to cultural expectations of financial provision. Female involvement was described as indirect or secondary, often through romantic relationships or peer groups.

“Girls rarely do Yahoo themselves, but they benefit from the guys doing it.” – Speaker 2, FGD 2.

“Guys feel they must hustle or else they are not men.” – Speaker 1, FGD 3.

Divergence and overlap of drug–fraud relationship

Regarding psychoactive substance use and engagement in internet fraud, the participants described two distinct patterns: functional linkage, described situations where substances directly facilitated fraud; independence was equally evident, many participants knew individuals who engaged in fraud without substances, or used substances without fraud involvement.

“When they use tramadol or loud, it gives them confidence to talk to clients online.” – Speaker 4, FGD 3.

“Not everyone doing fraud uses drugs… some are even scared of it.” – Speaker 1, FGD 1.

Psychological consequences and moral conflict

Despite the normalization of both behaviours, participants consistently reported significant psychological distress. Guilt and remorse were reported by participants Sleep disturbance, intrusive thoughts about victims, and difficulty forming trusting relationships were also reported. “Some get depressed when Yahoo doesn’t work… they beat their girlfriends or get violent.” – Speaker 4, FGD 3.

“Sometimes it’s hard to sleep, even after making money. The guilt is real.” – Speaker 1, FGD 2.

This theme reflects an internal conflict between external acceptance and internal moral or emotional disruption.

The participants, however, offered several thoughtful suggestions aimed at addressing the underlying issues. These included the need for economic empowerment initiatives and job creation opportunities to reduce financial vulnerability. They also emphasized the importance of parenting and family training programs to strengthen the home environment and instil positive values from an early age. Besides these, participants proposed the establishment of recreational and vocational programs to engage youths meaningfully and develop their skills. The provision of mental health support and mentorship was highlighted as crucial for guiding young people through personal and emotional challenges. The participants also advocated for faith-based and moral reorientation interventions to help restore ethical values and a sense of purpose within the community.

“If there are jobs or skills training, many won’t do Yahoo or drugs.” – Speaker 3, FGD 1.

“Teach parents how to train children with love, not cane.” – Speaker 1, FGD 3.

Participants’ recommendations reinforce the youth’s desire for meaningful alternatives and highlight their awareness of systemic shortcomings.

Discussion

This qualitative study explored the relationship between psychoactive substance use and internet fraud among Nigerian youths, revealing a complex interplay of social, economic, psychological, and cultural factors. Instead of viewing these behaviours as isolated deviance, our findings suggest they represent interconnected maladaptive responses to structural inequality, peer influence, and culturally embedded expectations of success.

Even though previous research has separately documented substance use patterns [4, 9] and cyber fraud prevalence [2, 24] among Nigerian youth, few studies have qualitatively examined their intersection from the perspective of those with lived experience.

This study illuminates the bidirectional and context-dependent nature of the drug–fraud relationship. Our findings revealed three distinct patterns: functional linkage (substances facilitating fraud), independence (behaviours cooccurring without direct connection), and bidirectional reinforcement (each behaviour sustaining the other). This heterogeneity challenges the commonly oversimplified narratives that portray substance use as merely a cause or consequence of fraud, rather the relationship is mediated by individual, social, and situational factors.

Moreover, this study focused on the moral and psychological complexity of participants’ experiences. Despite widespread normalization of both behaviours, participants reported significant guilt, depression, anxiety, and moral conflict; these are findings that may complicate portrayals of “Yahoo boys” as immoral. This experience of internal distress, coexisting with external rewards, suggests that even within deviant subcultures, individuals retain moral awareness that carries psychological distress.

Also, our findings reveal the profound ambivalence of societal responses, a dimension undertheorized in existing literature. Community complicity occurs where parents and elders benefit from or ignore illicit earnings, thus adding a layer of cultural ambivalence. (Cone, [7]; [34]). The concurrence of condemnation and celebration of fraudsters, the spiritual fortification sought from traditional healers, and the hypocrisy of institutions that publicly decry while privately benefiting from fraud proceeds, all point to a cultural system that concurrently prohibits and enables. This inconsistency may be more consequential for youth behaviour than either clear condemnation or clear approval, as it creates revealing ambiguity that individuals can exploit to justify their choices.

Theoretical integration

Our findings support and extend the three theoretical frameworks guiding this study, thus demonstrating their complementary effectiveness in explaining the substance use–fraud nexus.

Biopsychosocial model: The narratives of the study participants illustrated how biological, psychological, and social factors interact dynamically. Biologically, substances altered cognition and behaviour, enhancing user’s focus, reducing inhibition, thereby facilitating fraudulent activity. Psychologically, substances served as self-medication (Khantzian, 1997), to manage the emotional distress arising from economic pressure, family conflict, and the moral tensions of fraud [20, 25]. Socially, peer networks provided both the context for substance use and the technical knowledge and normative frameworks for fraud. The model’s emphasis on multidirectional causation aligns with our finding that neither substance use nor fraud can be understood in isolation from the broader biopsychosocial field within which they occur.

Strain Theory (Merton, 1938): The structural disjuncture between culturally prescribed goals such as financial success, material display, on one hand and legitimate means such as education, employment, on the other hand, was evident in several participants’ accounts. The “fast money” imperative, the frustration of educated unemployment, and the perception that “the system has failed” all reflect dynamics of the strain experienced. Our findings, more importantly, extend strain theory by revealing how collective adaptations shared subcultural innovation through peer networks. This suggests that strain operates not only on isolated individuals but through social structures that concentrate disadvantage and create conditions for deviant subcultures to flourish (Molokwu, [19]; [23]).

Differential Association Theory (Sutherland, 1947): Peer influence was the most consistently cited, in this study, as driver of both behaviours, confirming that deviance is learned through interaction with others. Participants reported learning not only techniques on how to execute fraud schemes, or which substances to use, but also motives, rationalizations, and attitudes. However, our findings also revealed that peer influence operates not only through direct interaction but through mediated channels, particularly social media, where the display of fraud-derived wealth creates aspirational models that surpass immediate social networks [1].

Essentially, these theories are not competing but complementary. Strain theory explains the structural pressures toward deviance; differential association explains the social transmission of deviant responses to those pressures; and the biopsychosocial model explains the individual-level mechanisms through which structural and social forces manifest in personal experience.

Implications for policy, practice, and youth development

Policy implications: Our findings suggest that interventions targeting individual behaviour change, while necessary, may be insufficient without structural reforms that address the opportunity deficits driving youth toward deviance. Interventions such as economic empowerment initiatives: job creation, entrepreneurship support, skills training, and job creation should be prioritized in national governance. However, these must be designed with awareness that youth are not merely passive recipients of opportunity but active agents in order to navigate complex social fields. Programmes should engage youth in design and implementation, ensuring relevance and legitimacy. Additionally, regulatory frameworks addressing new psychoactive substances require strengthening, including enforcement against the disguised marketing of NPS through online platforms and local outlets [8, 12].

Mental health practice implications: Clinicians working with youth must move beyond symptom-focused assessments to engage with the psychosocial contexts of identified problems. Psychiatric evaluations should routinely screen for trauma, peer dynamics, economic stressors, and cultural influences that may shape substance use and related behaviours. The guilt and moral conflict reported by participants suggest that therapeutic work must address not only substance dependence but also the psychological wounds of involvement in fraud. Group interventions may be particularly valuable by leveraging peer dynamics therapeutically rather than allowing them to operate solely as deviant influences.

Youth development implications: The finding that peer networks are primary contexts for both learning and sustaining deviant behaviours suggests the importance of creating alternative peer spaces where prosocial norms can develop. Mentorship programmes, recreational facilities, and vocational training centres can function as alternative avenues where youth can experience legitimate achievements.

Family level implications: The ambivalent and sometimes complicit role of families revealed in our findings points to the need for parenting programmes that address not only monitoring and discipline but also emotional connection, communication, and value transmission. Parents require support in recognizing early warning signs, responding constructively rather than punitively, and maintaining ethical clarity even when tempted by the material benefits of fraud proceeds.

Strengths and limitations

This study’s strengths include its qualitative design, which enabled deep exploration of lived experience; its recruitment of participants with direct or vicarious knowledge of both phenomena. However, limitations include the influence of clinical setting, which may have influenced participants’ narratives, potentially emphasizing pathological aspects of their experiences while minimizing everyday social contexts. Also, the sample was drawn from a single treatment facility in southwestern Nigeria, potentially limiting transferability. The social desirability bias may could affect disclosures, particularly regarding illegal activities, though the consistency of narratives across groups and the candidness of many participants suggests that such bias, while present, did not preclude meaningful data collection.

Our findings suggest several directions for future inquiry. Quantitative research could examine the prevalence of different drug–fraud relationship. Comparative research could illuminate how local contexts shape these dynamics. Intervention research may help to identify effective strategies for disrupting the drug–fraud nexus.

Conclusion

This study demonstrates that psychoactive substance use and internet fraud among Nigerian youths are interconnected maladaptive responses to structural inequality, peer socialization, and cultural ambivalence. The relationship between these behaviours is context-dependent ranging from functional linkage to independence and it defies simple causal attribution. Notably, participants reported significant psychological distress despite material success, revealing hidden human costs.

Supplementary Information

Below is the link to the electronic supplementary material.

Author contributions

All the authors participated significantly in the study. Lateef Olutoyin Oluwole & Adetunji Obadeji developed the research conceptLateef Olutoyin Oluwole, Adedotun Samuel Ajiboye, and Mary Aanuoluwa Atofarati collected data. All the authors involved in the transcription and processing of dataLateef Olutoyin Oluwole and Adetunji Obadeji developed and wrote the manuscriptLateef Olutoyin Oluwole, Adetunji Obadeji, and Adedotun Samuel Ajiboye edited the manuscript. The final manuscript was reviewed and approved by all the authors.

Funding

This study did not receive any funding.

Data availability

The datasets used and/or analyzed during the current work are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

Declarations

Ethical approval and Consent to participate

Ethical concerns were addressed in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki. The Ethics Review Committee at Ekiti State University Teaching Hospital, Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria, provided its clearance. Participants in this study provided written informed consent before participating. Additionally, formal informed agreement was obtained from the participants’ relatives who were available before the participants engaged in the focus group discussion.

Consent to Publish

Not applicable.

Competing interests

The authors declare no competing interests.