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. Author manuscript; available in PMC: 2024 Jan 1.
Published in final edited form as: Child Abuse Negl. 2022 Nov 29;135:105956. doi: 10.1016/j.chiabu.2022.105956

An Integrated Review of Social Information Processing as a Mechanism in the Association Between Maltreatment and Depression Among Youth of Color

Andrew J Ross 1, Elizabeth D Handley 1, Sheree L Toth 1
PMCID: PMC9839652  NIHMSID: NIHMS1853904  PMID: 36459888

Abstract

Background.

Child maltreatment is a potent risk factor for depression across the life course, with maltreatment and depression demonstrated to disproportionately impact youth of color. Despite evidence for mechanisms (e.g., social information processing; SIP) accounting for the effects of maltreatment on youth broadly, pathways of risk for depression among maltreated youth of color specifically remain largely under-investigated.

Objective.

In an effort to address this gap in the literature, the present review synthesizes available research regarding SIP as a mechanism underlying the impact of maltreatment on the development of depression in general, and among youth of color specifically.

Participants & Setting.

A review of literature was conducted on English language articles published between 1989–2022 involving maltreatment, depression, social information processing, and/or youth of color.

Methods.

An electronic database search using terms “Maltreatment,” “Depression,” “Social Information Processing,” “Social Cognition,” and “Youth of Color” identified relevant literature.

Results.

Synthesis of literature supports SIP as a salient mechanism in the effect of maltreatment on depressive symptomatology for youth broadly, identifying the need for additional empirical work explicitly assessing this pathway among youth of color.

Conclusion.

In addition to support for SIP as a risk pathway for youth broadly, this review highlights associated processes that can lend support to SIP as a meaningful mechanism of risk for youth of color. Additionally, this review addresses the deficit-based approach through which research and intervention tools evaluate youth of color experiencing maltreatment and depression, proposing alternative approaches towards prevention and intervention efforts with this marginalized population.

Keywords: Maltreatment, Depression, Social Information Processing, Youth of Color

Introduction

Achieving competence in social relationships is a central developmental task of childhood and adolescence, as youth must master the interpersonal skills necessary for building and maintaining their own social networks, particularly with peers. However, social competence can be disrupted by a number of interpersonal and developmental processes, with exposure to childhood maltreatment identified as an experience that is particularly consequential (e.g., Keil & Price, 2009). Moreover, disruptions to social competence in the form of information-processing deficits can contribute to the development of psychopathology (Günther et al., 2015). Specifically, social information processing (i.e., the way in which people perceive situations and make judgments about other people’s intents or motives; SIP; Crick & Dodge, 1994, 1996) represents a potentially salient mechanism partially accounting for the impact of maltreatment on the development and maintenance of depressive symptomatology among youth (e.g., Günther et al., 2015). The overarching purpose of the present narrative review is to synthesize available research regarding SIP as a mechanism underlying the impact of child maltreatment on the development of depression in general, and among youth of color specifically.

Children and adolescents of color are a subset of youth who disproportionately experience maltreatment (e.g., Wildeman et al., 2014) and internalizing symptomatology (e.g., depression; Breland-Noble, 2004). However, as highlighted in prior literature (e.g., Breland-Noble et al., 2010), a substantial body of work addressing these domains utilizes predominantly White and middle class samples or fails to consider differential developmental trajectories among racially and ethnically diverse groups of youth. Given that the pathways of risk for youth of color remain unclear and warrant greater attention, the present review 1) considers how extant empirical work using predominantly White samples lends support to SIP as a mechanism in maltreatment-depression association for youth broadly (see Figure 1 for conceptual model) and 2) integrates empirical work that has been conducted evaluating processes that are tangential to SIP among youth of color, which may lend support to an explicit role of SIP in the maltreatment-depression pathway among this subset of youth. Moreover, through integration and interpretation of empirical literature across these domains, the current review provides critical next steps for research in the field.

Figure 1.

Figure 1.

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Conceptual Model

Methods

This narrative review is based on the literature available on or before April 1st, 2022. We searched scientific databases (i.e., pubmed.com, PsycLit) with the following terms: “Maltreatment,” “Depression,” “Social Information Processing,” “Social Cognition,” and “Youth of Color.” We only examined English language articles published between 1989–2022. Our discussion of clinical implications (e.g., interventions) and future research directions was not explicitly related to our database search, but rather resulted from our integration and interpretation of the literature identified in the search.

Child Maltreatment

Child maltreatment represents an early experience that is among the most detrimental to children’s psychological and social development (Cicchetti & Toth, 2016). In 2019, there were 4.4 million referrals to child protective services (CPS) involving approximately 7.9 million children in the U.S., 16% of whom were substantiated as victims of child abuse and neglect (USDHHS, 2021). National data suggest that racial and ethnic minority individuals have high rates of childhood adversity exposure. Despite Black children representing 14%, Latinx children representing 26%, American Indian and Alaska Native children representing 1%, and White children representing 50% of the total child population in the U.S. in 2019 (Kids Count Data Center, 2021), rates of maltreatment across these racial groups were 13.8, 8.1, 15.5, and 7.8 out of every 1,000 children, respectively (The National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System; NCANDS, 2021). The pervasive nature of maltreatment, as well as the disproportionate representation of youth of color, make it a significant public health and clinical concern.

The overrepresentation of children and families of color in child welfare systems is referred to as racial disproportionality and has been the subject of a significant body of research (e.g., Bartholet, 2009; Drake et al., 2011). This differential exposure has been invoked as a potential explanation for ethnic and racial disparities in mental health outcomes (Turner et al., 2006; Wulczyn, 2009), with a smaller body of empirical research directly examining this possibility in children, considering the importance of the developmental timing of childhood adversity (e.g., Russotti et al., 2021). One hypothesis, supported by a growing body of evidence, is that various forms of childhood adversity that disproportionately affect youth of color, including childhood maltreatment, poor housing, low socioeconomic status, and exposure to community violence, contribute to disparities slowly over the course of an individual’s life, through a process of weathering (e.g., Gee & Payne-Sturges, 2004).

A major debate in the area of disproportionality is the extent to which this phenomenon is driven by racial bias versus increased risk for childhood maltreatment. Some scholars propose a risk model such that children of color have a greater exposure to risk factors that have been found to be associated with child abuse and neglect in previous literature (e.g., poverty), which then leads to a higher level of involvement in the child welfare system (e.g., Barth, 2005). Separately, a racial bias model has been posited, such that bias among reporters and CPS workers causes children of color to be reported and substantiated as victims of child abuse and neglect at a higher rate than White children (e.g., Barth, 2005; Lanier et al., 2014). Decision-making by mandated reporters, caseworkers, and other personnel may play a role in perpetuating poorer outcomes for families of diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds. With disparities occurring at every major decision-making point along the child welfare continuum, implicit racial bias (i.e., unconscious attitudes and beliefs) and explicit racial bias (i.e., overt acts of discrimination and prejudice) may impact families of diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds during reporting, investigation, substantiation, and out-of-home placement.

Vague definitions of maltreatment and insufficient cultural responsiveness training for caseworkers allow subjectivity and bias to enter into case decision-making. Furthermore, families are often evaluated by individual caseworkers, rather than by committees that could mitigate bias through discourse (Beniwal, 2017). A small body of research from the medical field supports the racial bias pathway in child welfare reporting. For example, Hymel et al. (2018) found that children from diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds with head injuries were almost twice as likely to be reported for abusive head trauma as White children with similar symptoms.

Conversely, using national maltreatment reporting data from NCANDS, Drake et al. (2011) found that among Black children, disproportionality in CPS cases was primarily attributable to higher risk rather than overt reporting bias. Lanier et al. (2014) argue that higher risk for maltreatment may be the primary driver of racial disproportionality in maltreatment reports involving Black children, potentially separate from or in conjunction to racial bias. These researchers suggest that decreases in poverty rates and teen- or single-motherhood are likely to make a substantial impact on maltreatment disproportionality among youth of color relative to White youth (Drake et al., 2011; Lanier et al., 2014).

Depression among Youth of Color

The literature on child maltreatment exposure for youth in general identifies maltreatment as a potent risk factor for depression across the life course (Cicchetti & Toth, 2016), including greater risk for depression chronicity, severity, and duration (Humphreys et al., 2020). In consideration of the disproportionate risk for maltreatment among youth of color and the subsequent consequences for mental health among these youth, research addressing the prevalence rates of depression stratified by race has been somewhat mixed. According to the 2019 National Survey on Drug Use and Health, prevalence estimates of past-year major depressive episode among adolescents aged 12–17 years were lower among Black adolescents relative to Hispanic and White adolescents (Center for Behavioral Health Statistics and Quality, 2020). Youth Risk Behavior Survey data from 2019 indicated that among adolescents aged 14–18 years, the prevalence of persistent feelings of sadness or hopelessness was highest among American Indian and Hispanic students, compared to Black, White, and Asian adolescents (CDC, 2020). Conversely, the 2019 National Survey of Children’s Health data indicated that rates of current depression among youth aged 3–17 years were lowest among Hispanic youth, relative to Black and White youth (Census Bureau, 2019).

From 2003 to 2017, Black youth experienced a significant upward trend in suicide with the largest increases among 15- to 17-year-olds and girls (Sheftall et al., 2021). Recent research has also highlighted that Black, Latina, and Asian American girls and women in the U.S. experience more depressive symptoms throughout adolescence and into adulthood compared to other racial and ethnic groups (e.g., Hargrove et al., 2020). However, as noted by Delahanty et al. (2001), some studies assessing for depressive symptomatology include limited reports from youth of color, with more attention for research and assessment directed towards White youth. This limitation ultimately raises concerns about the cultural validity of depressive criteria and research.

According to Breland-Noble et al. (2010), descriptions of the adolescent experience of depression most often times stems from data on White youth. Breland-Noble (2004) presented the idea that the burden of mental illness disproportionately impacts Black youth compared to their White counterparts, and that Black young people are underrepresented in both clinical care and research. Breland-Noble et al. (2006), based on their interpretation of prior research, concluded that a lack of culturally-sensitive treatments and provider bias in the delivery of care left Black youth with more unmet mental health needs than their White peers. Joe et al. (2009) also suggest that Black youth who report symptoms of depression and other mood disorders are more likely to remain undiagnosed; this may result in an escalation of symptoms, or the progression of depression into suicidal ideation and behavior (Ofonedu et al., 2013).

Psychometric information on measures of depressive symptomatology are typically obtained from predominantly White samples (Breland-Noble et al., 2010), therefore producing estimates of reliability and validity for measures that ultimately may not be applicable to a wider range of respondents. Moreover, existing measures that are developed with narrow samples may not sufficiently capture the most relevant constructs, such that terminology and experiences with depression could be vastly different for a non-White individual. Relatedly, depression research and treatment have often been approached utilizing a medical model conceptualization with a significant focus on the genetic and biological influences impacting the development and expression of the illness. Such an approach may miss the nuances associated with the expression of depression in people from diverse backgrounds, including those from racially and socioeconomically diverse areas. Moreover, this conceptualization may miss the impact of systemic racism on the development of depressive symptomatology among non-White youth. Black youths’ everyday experiences may differ from their White peers’ experiences, even within the same geographic environment (Lindsey et al., 2006; USDHHS, 2021). Given the greater emphasis of depression research on White middle-class youth, it is possible that current conceptualizations and measures that were developed to capture the clinical presentation of the disorder may be less relevant for under-resourced and marginalized youth of color (Summerville et al., 1992).

Regarding the clinical presentation and perceptions of one’s own symptoms, prior research has highlighted Black adolescents’ fear of being viewed by peers as weak for having depression, with Black youth ultimately exhibiting irritability and anger instead of sadness (e.g., Ofonedu et al., 2013). The tendency to hide inner struggles by adopting an aggressive identity, and using anger to pass unwanted feelings onto others to shield oneself, is consistent with Choi’s (2002) suggestion that Black youth who use passive withdrawal as a coping strategy may exhibit aggression and irritability rather than classic symptoms of sadness and decreased energy often associated with depression. This concern regarding the validity and applicability of measures of depression for marginalized individuals is relevant to the overall aim of the current review, such that failure to capture the true experience of depression among these high-risk individuals may hinder our ability to identify the most relevant and salient pathways of risk for this population. If the depressive experience of a subset of the population is not accurately captured by assessment tools, researchers may fail to understand or entirely miss important predictors of this symptomatology.

Social Information Processing (SIP) as a Mechanism

SIP theory is a multi-step theory for understanding emotion recognition, emotion processing, encoding of social information, and related behaviors or expectations in social situations (Crick & Dodge, 1994, 1996). SIP has been broadly defined as the way in which people perceive situations, make judgments about other people’s intents or motives, and make decisions about how to respond in social situations (Bradshaw & Garbarino, 2004). SIP theory, as it relates to child development, has grown to encompass multiple levels of analysis (Crick & Dodge, 1994; Lemerise & Arsenio, 2000). As addressed throughout the present review, the literature on SIP evaluates a range of processes and utilizes terminology across cognitive and affective domains, including attention biases (e.g., Everaert et al., 2012), cognitive biases (e.g., Pfeifer & Blakemore, 2012), emotion recognition (e.g., Motta-Mena & Scherf, 2017), and emotion attributions (e.g., Pollak, 2008).

Across development, children’s internal representations of emotion experiences become more complex as they gain the ability to explicitly explain and label emotion representations (Stegge & Terwogt, 2007). There is some evidence that change in regions of the brain that serve primarily socio-emotional functions, such as responding to social stimuli, may be directly linked to pubertal maturation (Nelson et al., 2005; Steinberg, 2007; Steinberg et al., 2006). For instance, changes in the structure and connectivity among the inferior occipital cortex, inferior regions of the temporal cortex, the intraparietal sulcus and the fusiform face area, which are implicated in the ability to categorize a stimulus as “social”, have been empirically linked to pubertal development (e.g., Nelson et al., 2005). However, youth who do not develop more sophisticated and age-typical emotion recognition and emotion awareness abilities may be less equipped to respond to interpersonal stressors like rejection and trauma, which are major predictors of the manifestation of depression (e.g., Hankin, 2005).

Maltreating caregiving experiences have progressively emerged as important predictors of one’s expectations and cognitions about social situations (Pine et al., 2005; Shackman & Pollak, 2014). From a SIP perspective, and consistent with prior work on social learning theory (Bandura, 1978), differences in the processing of interpersonal information are thought to provide a powerful mechanism by which maltreatment experiences detrimentally affect social understanding and behavior patterns for youth (e.g., Shackman & Pollak, 2014). There is mounting evidence that children with maltreatment histories are less skilled in identifying and understanding emotions (e.g., Luke & Banerjee, 2013) and demonstrate biases toward anger cues and negative emotions, as well as reduced memory for happy emotions (e.g., Pollak et al., 2009).

Difficulties in SIP, specifically recognition of emotions, are posited to lay the foundation for other interpersonal and cognitive vulnerabilities to give rise to depression during childhood and adolescence (e.g., Motta-Mena & Scherf, 2017). Deficits in emotion recognition and awareness may lead to increased cognitive load during high-arousal interpersonal situations because youth are unable to divert cognitive resources away from the affective demands, resulting in reduced capacity for navigating relationships appropriately (Joormann, 2009). Recent research has incorporated assessment of mood into the study of affective processing among children with maltreatment histories. There is mixed evidence regarding attentional biases among individuals with histories of maltreatment who are experiencing depression; Lau and Waters (2017) found that depressed individuals with maltreatment histories tend to have a bias toward negative affective information (e.g., Lau & Waters, 2017) and that one’s response to affective information may depend on mood state for individuals with mood disorders (Erickson et al., 2005).

Conversely, using retrospective accounts of childhood trauma, Bodenschatz et al. (2019) found that greater severity of childhood trauma, and therefore heightened memory for traumatic experiences, were associated with reduced attention to negative facial expressions among depressed individuals. These researchers posited that depressed individuals with greater severity of maltreatment may avoid processing of threatening or burdensome stimuli as a defensive response to decrease the salience of aversive situations, which may reflect a maladaptive emotion regulation strategy (Bodenschatz et al., 2019). This mixed evidence may be a result of methodological differences across studies, regarding concurrent (e.g., Lau & Waters, 2017) versus retrospective reports (Bodenschatz et al., 2019) of maltreatment experiences. Taken together, synthesis of extant empirical work on youth broadly provides support for alterations in SIP (e.g., heightened attention towards and away from threat) as a pathway of risk toward the development of psychopathology.

SIP as a Mechanism among Youth of Color

Although SIP has been established as a risk pathway for youth in the context of early adversity and psychopathology, and some empirical work (e.g., Pollak et al., 2009; Shackman & Pollak, 2014) include a substantial proportion of youth of color in their samples, the extant research does not appear to explicitly focus on youth of color or highlight potential disrupted or adaptive development of this vulnerable, marginalized, and understudied subset of youth, relative to White peers. Moreover, in spite of the disproportionate rates of maltreatment (e.g., Wulczyn, 2009) and depression (e.g., Breland-Noble, 2004) among youth of color, the extant literature does not indicate if SIP factors are more strongly related to maltreatment exposure or depressive symptomatology for youth of color, relative to White youth. Further, it is unclear if SIP differentially accounts for the association between maltreatment and depressive symptoms among youth of color versus White youth.

Although Crick and Dodge’s (1994) SIP theory does not appear to be specifically addressed in extant empirical work examining development among youth of color, there is some attention towards neighboring processes such as social cognition (i.e., the way in which individuals make sense of and respond to their social world; Bradshaw & Garbarino, 2004) among this population that could inform our understanding of the SIP pathway of risk and provide support for examining SIP more explicitly within these youth. A recurring theme in the literature on social-cognitive processing among individuals of color is the consequential role of racism in interpersonal functioning. Brondolo et al. (2016) suggest that exposure to racial and ethnic discrimination is associated with altered social-cognitive processing, marked by the development of negative schemas and cognitions about the self, others, and the world. These negative schemas may become activated when racial or ethnic minority individuals experience race-related harsh treatment, and across a wide variety of circumstances when their race holds heightened salience (e.g., when they are the only minority group member) or when they are exposed to race-related stereotypes (e.g., through the media; Dovidio, 2010). Activation of these racism-related negative schemas may affect stress reactivity and stress recovery across a wide range of situations, and can ultimately intensify appraisals of threat and harm in interpersonal situations (Brondolo et al., 2009).

Furthermore, exposure to racism has been associated with greater anticipation of future social judgment or rejection (e.g., Contrada et al., 2001; Mendoza-Denton et al., 2002), which can then shape future interpersonal interactions (e.g., Mendoza-Denton et al., 2002). Some race-related interpersonal schemas are associated with increased focus on other people’s approval and attitudes towards oneself and can increase cognitive vulnerability because of their effects on attention, memory, and mood (Brondolo et al., 2016). Individuals of color may feel compelled to be vigilant, both to avoid a direct race-related threat and to avoid confirming negative views of their in-group and themselves (Himmelstein et al., 2015). Consequently, negative expectations about other people’s perceptions of oneself may contribute to additional interpersonal stressors for individuals of color. In consideration of the relevance of race-related social-cognitive processes to the domain of SIP, as well as the importance of understanding developmental and interpersonal risk factors for youth of color, this empirical work can lay the foundation for research that more explicitly examines adaptations or disruptions in SIP among youth of color.

Future Research Directions

In addition to consideration of the SIP pathway of risk among youth of color, there are multiple domains addressed in the present review that warrant greater attention moving forward. As the field of developmental psychopathology progresses, there has been increased attention toward the advancement of theory, research, assessment, and interventions that expand upon the intersection of culture, development, and psychopathology. Causadias and Cicchetti (2018) note that cultural identity, experiences, and processes play an important role in the emergence of adaptation and maladaptation in development. As previously discussed, it is possible that current conceptualizations and measures that were developed to capture the clinical presentation of depression may be less relevant for youth with cultural identities and experiences that diverge from those of White, middle-class youth. Given the greater emphasis of depression research on White youth, there is a need for more empirical work and intervention tools that acknowledge the unique, and potentially shared, experiences and developmental trajectories of affected youth from varying backgrounds and identities.

Relatedly, synthesis of prior literature highlights the frequent use of a deficit-based approach to examining the effects of maltreatment and depression on youth of color, such that scholars focus on maladaptation and dysfunction (e.g. Hatcher et al., 2009; Polaha et al., 2004) rather than protective strategies or strengths among these individuals. Given the presence of magnified stressors experienced by youth of color, relative to their White counterparts, it is imperative to explore cognitions, behaviors, and resources that serve as coping and protective factors in the face of adversity. Processes of coping with stress and the regulation of emotion reflect basic aspects of development and play an important role in models of risk for psychopathology and the development of preventive interventions and psychological treatments. The skills needed to cope with chronic adversity and to regulate emotions that arise in response to stress are fundamental aspects of development that emerge over the course of childhood and adolescence. Further, coping and emotion regulation skills play a central role in transdiagnostic models of preventive interventions and psychological treatments for a range of psychological problems and disorders (Compas et al., 2013; Mennin et al., 2013).

A widespread idea in developmental psychopathology is that, although behaviors or physiological responses that develop in response to early adversity may have short-term survival advantages (e.g., heightened vigilance to threat), such behaviors and responses are poorly suited to more normative (e.g., safe, stable) environments and have long-term mental and physical health costs (e.g., McCrory & Viding, 2015). The hidden talents approach (Ellis et al., 2017; Ellis et al., 2020) converges with this idea, but extends it by going beyond the notion of short-term advantages. This approach posits that youth growing up in harsh environments may develop intact, or even enhanced, skills for solving problems in high-adversity contexts. Childhood adaptations to stress may eventuate in long-term adaptive changes in biobehavioral systems that regulate development over the life course (Ellis & Del Giudice, 2014, 2019), including development of stress-adapted skills, despite the tradeoffs.

Ellis et al. (2020) frame this hidden talents theory as complementary to, rather than in conflict with, more traditional intervention goals of mitigating risk and ameliorating deficits for individuals who experience psychopathology or are exposed to early adversity. Instead, they suggest that the hidden talents approach should be paired with more traditional research and treatment approaches to address both stress-mediated vulnerabilities and build on stress-mediated adaptations for promoting positive development in the context of adversity (Ellis et al., 2020). Further, Yeager et al. (2018) propose that traditional interventions, which are deficit-focused, are not successful when they do not align with adolescents’ growing desire to feel respected and be accorded status.

Although the hidden talents framework focuses on responses to adversity and psychopathology among individuals broadly, this approach has important implications for research and interventions with youth of color who experience maltreatment and depression. For instance, in consideration of prior work indicating that Black adolescents experiencing depression have concerns about being perceived as weak (e.g., Ofonedu et al., 2013), and given that the hidden talents model recognizes stress-adapted people for their positive skills, this approach can be meaningful in the effort to disseminate research and deliver interventions for individuals of color that view them with more respect and strength. Thus, the hidden talents approach may help to fill a void where more deficit-focused research and intervention approaches have been unsuccessful. In consideration of the aims of the present review, efforts to integrate strengths-based language and measures of social-cognitive processing (e.g., evaluating adaptations versus dysfunction in SIP) with more typical deficit-oriented research may allow for more meaningful assessment of these processes among marginalized populations.

SIP as a Target for Clinical Interventions

Evidence for associations between SIP, maltreatment, and depression underscore the importance of evaluating SIP and relevant social-cognitive domains as targets to be harnessed for clinical interventions. With respect to the treatment of depressive symptomatology, there is some evidence that treatments modifying negative biases in facial-emotion processing can have beneficial effects on depression (Harmer et al., 2009; Roiser et al., 2012). Changes in attention and interpretation biases have been observed in response to use of selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), with some scholars (i.e., Harmer et al., 2009; Roiser et al., 2012) positing that the success of SSRIs in treatment may be mediated, at least in part, by associated changes in social perception that facilitate changes in behavior and allow learned states of depression to remit gradually.

Ongoing studies are aiming to establish this behavioral effect and investigate neural correlates of a Cognitive Bias Modification technique (CBM; Penton-Voak et al., 2012) using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) in young adults reporting low mood. One study (Adams et al., 2013) indicated that the neural correlates of emotion recognition training share parallels with those of SSRIs. Similarly, CBM training has been utilized to reduce symptoms of PTSD in victims of trauma, albeit not specific to childhood maltreatment. Results of CBM studies showed that CBM can reduce symptoms of PTSD and trauma symptoms more broadly (Kuckertz et al., 2014; Woud et al., 2017).

Relatedly, while CBM has been harnessed and supported as an adjunct treatment for individuals with trauma histories and PTSD symptoms, there do not appear to be any studies tailoring this treatment for youth of color with maltreatment histories more specifically. Moreover, CBM and extant interventions targeting SIP do not appear to be explicitly developed and tested through a cultural lens, failing to consider how the cognitive experiences of marginalized individuals may differ from the White, middle-class individuals who often comprise the intervention study samples.

Interventions targeting SIP do not appear to have been developed or tested with the explicit target of youth of color. However, there is growing empirical attention towards prevention and intervention programs that promote positive racial and ethnic identity among youth of color, with the potential for a downstream effect on the social-cognitive development of marginalized youth. There is empirical support for the role of racial identity as a buffer to racial stress and trauma for youth. For example, Metzger et al. (2021) suggest that the promotion of a strong positive racial identity through racial and cultural socialization, particularly via culturally-specific practices and pride shared between parents and their children, buffers the association between discrimination and adverse child outcomes.

Relatedly, Engaging, Managing, and Bonding through Race (EMBRace) was designed for Black youth with the goals of increasing youth coping skills when encountering racism and reducing race-related trauma (Anderson et al., 2019). This model combines elements of cognitive-based therapeutic approaches, including reappraisal, decision making, and resolution of the discriminatory experience. Family socialization practices and behaviors are also emphasized in this intervention, which incorporates critical resilience resources and supports for youth as they build these essential resilience-promoting psychological skills (Marks et al., 2020).

Although interventions of this nature were not explicitly developed through the lens of SIP, it could be posited that components including enhanced self-worth, connection to one’s identity, and cognitive reappraisal may correspond to less rumination and misinterpretation of ambiguous social signals, ultimately promoting more adaptive social-cognitive development (e.g., decreased perception of social judgment or threat). Moreover, components of interventions developed through the lens of cultural and racial identity may prove beneficial if integrated with extant intervention tools explicitly targeting SIP. Taken together, prevention and intervention efforts for youth with histories of maltreatment and depressive symptomatology warrant continued exploration, particularly in relation to addressing alterations in SIP among marginalized youth.

Conclusion

As disrupted social-cognitive processes and elevated rates of maltreatment and depression are evidenced among individuals of color, the present narrative review highlights SIP as a salient pathway of risk and a meaningful target for continued research and interventions with youth of color. Despite the frequent deficit-based approach to research and treatment with individuals of color, and the somewhat deficit-based lens through which alterations in SIP are considered, future research evaluating positive social-cognitive adaptations among youth of color is recommended. The flexibility and adaptability inherent to youth are essential to consider in future work that aims to identify and target developmental, cognitive, and interpersonal mechanisms for intervention studies, as well as studies that examine resilience in the face of adversity.

Acknowledgments:

We are grateful to the National Institute on Child Health and Human Development (P50-HD096698 to S.L.T) for their support of this work.

Footnotes

Declarations of interest: none.

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