Abstract
Introduction
Climate and socio-environmental changes have increased the risks to the livelihoods of traditional extractive communities. This study examines how babaçu coconut breaker perceive these risks and develop adaptive strategies based on traditional ecological knowledge in an ecotonal region of Northeast Brazil. The following hypotheses were tested: (i) greater perception of environmental risk is associated with a higher probability of adopting adaptive strategies and greater knowledge thereof; (ii) greater age and longer experience in babaçu extraction are expected to increase environmental risk perception and the probability of adopting adaptive strategies, whereas lower income and lower education levels are expected to constrain adaptive responses; and (iii) community context is expected to influence adaptive responses, as stronger social organization through babaçu coconut breakers’ associations may enhance the capacity to cope with environmental changes.
Methods
A quali-quantitative approach was adopted in two rural communities (Alegria and Sardinha), with 58 participants engaged in babaçu extraction. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and documentary analysis. Risk perception was assessed across five environmental categories (flora, fauna, soil, babaçu, and rainfall regime) using a Likert scale (1–5). Analyses included generalized linear models, Spearman’s correlation, and multiple regressions. Qualitative data were analyzed through thematic content analysis, involving the coding and categorization of participants’ narratives into perceived causes, consequences, and adaptive responses to environmental change.
Results
Risk perception did not directly influence the adoption of adaptive strategies. However, a positive relationship was found between risk perception and strategy diversity. Adaptive strategies are strongly associated with collective factors, such as social organization, community networks, and traditional knowledge. The Sardinha community exhibited greater strategy diversity.
Conclusion
Adaptive strategies in extractive communities do not depend solely on individual risk perception but on social, cultural, and institutional factors. Public policies that recognize traditional knowledge and strengthen community organization are essential for enhancing resilience.
Supplementary Information
The online version contains supplementary material available at https://doi.org/10.1186/s13002-026-00933-1.
Keywords: Community-based adaptation, Environmental vulnerability, Extractive communities, Socio-ecological resilience, Traditional ecological knowledge
Background
In recent decades, profound environmental changes driven by human activities have intensified, directly affecting ecosystem dynamics. Deforestation, soil degradation, biodiversity loss, and climate change have been occurring on global and regional scales, challenging the adaptive capacity of natural systems and human populations [1–3].
In transition environments, such as those situated between the Amazon and Cerrado biomes, these transformations become even more evident, as they are highly sensitive ecotonal zones pressured by intense socioeconomic dynamics [4] These environmental changes have unequal repercussions among social groups, with traditional populations, especially those who directly depend on natural resources, being the most affected [5, 6].
In this context, the extraction of non-timber forest products (NTFPs) represents not only a livelihood strategy but also a historical form of interaction between humans and nature. This practice involves economic, social, and cultural dimensions that sustain local ways of life and identities [7, 8] However, the literature also points out that not all extraction guarantees conservation: poorly managed practices can lead to overexploitation of species or environmental degradation [9, 10]. Therefore, it is crucial to understand under what conditions extraction favors the maintenance of biodiversity.
Among NTFPs, babaçu (Attalea speciosa Mart. ex Spreng.) stands out as one of the most important in Brazil, especially in Maranhão state, where it holds ecological, cultural, economic, and symbolic value. Known as the “mother palm,” babaçu structures local extraction systems and sustains networks of knowledge, practices, and community resistance [11–13]. In this universe, the quebradeiras de coco (babaçu coconut breakers) plays a central role: women organized into associations, cooperatives, and social movements, who transform the coconut into various products, ensuring food security, income generation, and political empowerment.
This deep relationship with the babaçu groves grants extractive communities a unique capacity to observe environmental changes and propose adaptation strategies, making them strategic subjects in the construction of local diagnoses [14]. Studies on risk perception show that traditional communities accumulate historical experiences that shape their way of understanding and reacting to threats [15–17] Classic studies, such as those by [15], show that risks perceived with greater intensity tend to mobilize more concrete responses. Magalhães et al. [18], in agroecosystems of the Brazilian semiarid region, confirmed that farmers who reported greater climate risk also adopted more adaptive practices. Adger et al. [19], in turn, point out that intense threats to subsistence, such as changes in rainfall patterns, result in multiple responses, ranging from agricultural management to community cooperation. This understanding of the degree of vulnerability of socio-ecological systems can facilitate actions at different scales to mitigate risks arising from climate change.
However, this process is not always linear: factors such as social trust, institutional support, and collective memory can limit or enhance the capacity to respond [20]. To understand how community organization may shape adaptive strategies, this study compares two extractivist communities located in the same municipality. The Sardinha community presents stronger collective organization through its babaçu coconut breakers’ association, which may favor knowledge exchange, mutual support, access to institutional networks, and coordinated adaptive responses. In contrast, this form of collective organization is less consolidated in Alegria, potentially limiting the community’s capacity to coordinate adaptive strategies. Thus, stronger social organization is expected to favor greater adaptive capacity in the face of environmental change.
In addition to community organization, socioeconomic variables may shape both risk perception and adaptive responses by affecting access to knowledge, resources, and response capacity. Previous studies argue that adaptive capacity is differentiated by social, economic, and political attributes, since populations with higher education and income tend to have greater access to technical alternatives, institutional programs, and material resources, whereas age and experience favor strategies based on traditional ecological knowledge [21, 22]. Adger et al. [19] also show that age and experience contribute to greater sensitivity to environmental changes. In this sense, older and more experienced babaçu extractivists are expected to perceive environmental changes more clearly, as they have accumulated long-term observations of changes in vegetation, soil, rainfall patterns, and babaçu productivity. This accumulated experience may favor a more refined perception of environmental risks and the recognition of locally appropriate adaptive strategies [23]. In contrast, lower income and lower education levels may limit the ability to implement adaptive responses, even when environmental risks are recognized [24]. For example, Magalhães et al. [18] found that more experienced farmers and those with higher income diversified their adaptive strategies. Therefore, babaçu extractivists with greater age and experience are expected to show higher risk perception, while those with higher income and education are expected to have greater capacity to diversify or implement adaptive strategies.
Thus, this study aimed to: (i) analyze the perceptions of babaçu coconut breakers regarding environmental changes; (ii) identify the environmental risks perceived by these communities; (iii) map the adaptive strategies used in the face of environmental changes; and (iv) understand the influence of socioeconomic variables on risk perception and adaptive responses. Thus, this study seeks to analyze how the perception of environmental risks and adaptive strategies are structured in traditional extractive communities engaged in babaçu extraction. Specifically, we tested the following hypotheses: H1 - Greater perception of environmental risk is associated with a higher probability and greater diversity of adaptive strategies, as more intense threats tend to mobilize broader responses; H2 - Socioeconomic variables influence risk perception and adaptive responses: greater age and longer experience in babaçu extraction are expected to increase environmental risk perception and the probability of adopting adaptive strategies, whereas lower income and lower education levels are expected to constrain adaptive responses.; H3 - Community context is expected to influence adaptive responses, as stronger social organization through babaçu coconut breakers’ associations may enhance the capacity to cope with environmental changes. These hypotheses are grounded in the theories of risk perception, socio-ecological resilience, and political ecology, which emphasize the interplay among individual, social, and institutional factors in adaptive processes.
Methods
Study area
The study was conducted in the rural communities of Alegria and Sardinha, located in the municipality of Timbiras, state of Maranhão, in an ecological transition zone between the Amazon and Cerrado biomes (Fig. 1). This is a territory marked by high biodiversity and the presence of traditional peoples and communities that maintain historical practices of extracting the babaçu palm (Attalea speciosa Mart. ex Spreng), a central element in the food security, income generation, and cultural identity of the coconut breakers [25]. The predominant climate is humid tropical, with rainfall concentrated between January and June and an annual average of 1,800 mm. The vegetation alternates between gallery forests, open fields, and dense babaçu groves. Socioeconomically, the rural population depends mostly on extraction, family farming, and informal activities, with low income levels and limited access to public services. In this context, the Alegria and Sardinha communities were chosen because they represent different trajectories of social organization and responses to environmental pressures.
Fig. 1.
Location of the rural communities Alegria and Sardinha in the municipality of Timbiras, Maranhão, Brazil. Authors, 2025
The Sardinha community, located approximately 2 km from the municipal center, is characterized by strong social organization around its coconut breakers’ association, which is integrated into solidarity economy and agroecology networks. This articulation increases the diversity of babaçu-derived products, such as oil, soap, flour, and crafts, and facilitates access to public services due to urban proximity. Currently, it comprises about 40 families, has a basic education school, and receives regular medical care in the center of Timbiras.
In contrast, the Alegria community, located about 25 km from the municipal center, is in a more isolated territory, historically marked by land conflicts with landowners, especially due to the use of pesticides sprayed by drones. Its economic base is family farming, with emphasis on collective vegetable gardens, combined with babaçu extraction on a smaller scale [26]. The community comprises approximately 32 families, has a rural school offering education up to the 9th grade, and depends on the city for access to healthcare services.
Although both share babaçu as a core element of their territorialities, Sardinha and Alegria present distinct trajectories: while Sardinha shows greater socio-political integration and access to public policies, Alegria experiences more intense struggles for basic infrastructure and territorial rights. These distinctions are relevant for testing this research’s hypotheses, as they allow for an understanding of how different contexts of social organization and access to resources influence risk perception and adaptive strategies within the same ecotonal environment.
Ethical considerations
The research was conducted in accordance with the ethical principles of Resolution No. 510/2016 of the Brazilian National Health Council, with authorization from the Research Ethics Committee of the Federal University of Maranhão (CAAE: 84382124.8.0000.5087). All participants were informed about the study’s objectives and signed the Free and Informed Consent Form (FICF). Anonymity, confidentiality of information, and the right to withdraw at any time were guaranteed.
Population and sampling
A total of 58 people involved in babaçu extraction were interviewed: 26 in the Alegria community and 32 in the Sardinha community. A census-type design was adopted, including all extractivists available and willing to participate in the research. Although most respondents were women, reflecting the female protagonism in babaçu management, men also participated to capture different perceptions of risk and adaptive strategies within the communities.
The age of respondents ranged from 20 to 76 years, characterizing a group that is predominantly adult and elderly, with extensive accumulated experience in the territory. The average years of experience in extraction was 40 years. Regarding education, incomplete elementary schooling predominated, with seven participants being illiterate. In terms of income, 68% reported living on less than one minimum wage, while 32% reported an income of up to one minimum wage, evidencing a condition of socioeconomic vulnerability (Table 1). This information allowed for the characterization of the respondents’ socioeconomic profile and provided subsidies for analyzing the influence of these variables on the perception of environmental risk and adaptive responses.
Table 1.
Description of the environmental risk categories used in the study
| Category | Description | Examples reported by participants |
|---|---|---|
| Flora | Changes in vegetation and plant diversity | Deforestation, species disappearance, plant mortality |
| Fauna | Changes in animal presence and diversity | Disappearance of animals, reduction of fauna |
| Soil | Changes in soil quality and productivity | Infertile soil, contamination, lower yield |
| The babaçu palm | Changes in babaçu availability and productivity | Reduction of palm trees, smaller fruits, lower yield |
| Rainfall regime | Climate change and changes in precipitation patterns | Rainfall irregularity, drought, increased heat |
Research instruments
Data collection was carried out through semi-structured interviews, which consisted of a survey of the respondents’ socioeconomic profile and an investigation of perceptions regarding environmental changes and risks associated with five categories: flora, fauna, soil, the babaçu palm and rainfall patterns (Table 2). For each category, participants classified the observed change as positive or negative and assigned a perceived risk degree on a scale from 1 (no risk) to 5 (very high risk). These categories were defined based on previous studies on extraction and adapted after preliminary conversations with community leaders. The risk scale (1 to 5) was presented verbally and accompanied by practical examples during the interviews, ensuring adequate understanding by all participants. Furthermore, participants were asked to describe the perceived causes and consequences of these changes, as well as the adaptive strategies adopted to deal with them. Causes and consequences were explored in an open-ended manner, allowing respondents to express both individual observations and collective perceptions. This approach sought to balance data systematization with respect for local knowledge, following the guidelines of Minayo [27] and Bauer [28].
Table 2.
Socioeconomic profile of participants from the Alegria and Sardinha communities, Timbiras, Maranhão (n = 58)
| Variable | Alegria Community (n = 26) | Sardinha Community (n = 32) | Total |
|---|---|---|---|
| Sex - female | 24 | 31 | 55 |
| Sex - male | 2 | 1 | 3 |
| Participants aged between 20 and 50 years | 22 | 15 | 37 |
| Participants aged > 60 years | 4 | 6 | 10 |
| Length of residence > 10 years | 18 | 22 | 40 |
| Always resided in the community | 8 | 10 | 18 |
| Elementary school | 21 | 27 | 48 |
| High school (complete/incomplete) | 1 | 2 | 3 |
| Illiterate | 4 | 4 | 8 |
| Income < 1 minimum wage | 20 | 12 | 32 |
| Income = 1 minimum wage | 6 | 20 | 26 |
| Retired | 2 | 2 | 4 |
| Retired and babaçu breaker | 8 | 10 | 18 |
| Homemaker and babaçu breaker | 10 | 12 | 22 |
| Farmer and babaçu breaker | 6 | 8 | 14 |
Qualitative analysis and coding of open-ended responses
Qualitative data were analyzed using thematic content analysis, as proposed by Minayo [27]. Open-ended responses on perceived causes, consequences, and adaptive strategies were first transcribed and organized by participant, community, and environmental category. The analysis followed three main stages: pre-analysis, coding, and interpretation. In the pre-analysis stage, the interview material was read repeatedly to identify recurrent meanings related to environmental change, perceived risks, impacts on livelihoods, and coping practices. In the coding stage, excerpts with similar meanings were grouped into thematic categories, such as deforestation, fires, pesticide use, soil infertility, reduction in babaçu productivity, planting seedlings, crop rotation, protection of palm trees, water storage, and awareness-raising actions. These categories were initially guided by the study objectives but were also refined inductively from participants’ narratives. In the interpretation stage, the categories were analyzed in relation to the theoretical framework of risk perception, traditional ecological knowledge, socio-ecological resilience, and community-based adaptation.
After coding, the qualitative categories were also converted into quantitative variables based on presence or absence in each participant’s response. Thus, when a participant mentioned a given cause, consequence, or adaptive strategy, it was coded as 1; when it was not mentioned, it was coded as 0. The frequency of each category was then calculated by summing the number of participants who mentioned it in each community and environmental category. This procedure allowed the qualitative narratives to be used both interpretively, to understand how participants explained environmental change, and descriptively, through the frequency of coded themes presented in the tables.
Data processing and analysis
Data were organized in spreadsheets and analyzed with the aid of R software (version 4.5.1) and Python (via Jupyter Notebooks) software, using the statsmodels, scipy, pandas, and matplotlib libraries. The analyses were structured according to the research hypotheses.
• Hypothesis 1
To test whether risk perception is associated with adaptive responses, two complementary analyses were performed. First, logistic regression models (GLM, binomial family) were used to verify whether perceived risk in each environmental category predicted the adoption of adaptive strategies, considering strategy adoption as a binary dependent variable (yes/no). Second, Spearman’s correlation was applied to assess whether environmental categories with higher average perceived risk also presented greater diversity of adaptive strategies.
• Hypothesis 2
To test whether socioeconomic variables influence risk perception and adaptive responses, multiple linear regression models (Gaussian family, identity link) were used for risk perception, and binomial logistic regression models were used for strategy adoption. Age, years of experience, education level, and income were included as predictors.
• Hypothesis 3
To test whether community context influences risk perception and adaptive responses, community was included as a predictor in the regression models, allowing comparison between the two communities.
All tests were performed considering a significance level of 5% (p ≤ 0.05). The results were interpreted in light of the literature on risk perception, adaptation, and socio-ecological resilience, articulating the quantitative findings with the qualitative observations obtained in the fieldwork.
Results
Qualitative categories of perceived causes, consequences, and adaptive strategies
Thematic analysis of the interviews allowed for the identification of categories related to the perceived causes of environmental changes, their consequences, and the adaptive strategies adopted by participants. The responses were organized into five environmental categories: flora, fauna, soil, babaçu, and rainfall patterns. Tables 3 and 4 present the results obtained for the Alegria and Sardinha communities, respectively.
Table 3.
Causes, consequences, and adaptive strategies related to environmental changes in the Alegria community, municipality of Timbiras, Maranhão (MA), Brazil
| Alegria community | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Category | Causes | Consequences | Strategies |
| Flora | Deforestation by landowners (n = 10) |
Disappearance of plant species (n = 16) Death of plants (n = 10) |
Avoid cutting large trees (n = 10) Plant seedlings (n = 13) Alert residents not to cut trees (n = 3) |
| Use of pesticides by landowners (n = 11) | |||
| Fires (n = 5) | |||
| Fauna | Deforestation by landowners (n = 10) |
Disappearance of animals (n = 16) Death of animals (n = 10) |
Avoid hunting (n = 5) Alert other residents to avoid hunting (n = 16) Do not consume wild animals (n = 5) |
| Use of pesticides by landowners (n = 6) | |||
| Fires (n = 10) | |||
| Soil | Deforestation by landowners (n = 9) |
Infertile soil (n = 8) Sandy/Airy soil (n = 2) Less food on the table (n = 4) Contaminated food (n = 7) Skin problems (n = 5) |
Avoid deforestation (n = 9) Avoid the use of pesticides (n = 7) Practice crop rotation (n = 5) Pause planting to let soil recover (n = 5) |
| Use of pesticides by landowners (n = 13) | |||
| Fires (n = 4) | |||
| The babaçu palm | Irregular felling by landowners (n = 8) |
Fewer adult palm trees (n = 2) Fewer babaçu groves (n = 1) Less babaçu coconut (n = 9) Decrease in coconut size (n = 4) Decrease in almond size (n = 4) Fewer babaçu products (n = 3) Increase in infertile babaçu (n = 4) |
Alert other residents about the importance of not felling palm trees (n = 4) Do not remove older palm trees (n = 8) Protect palm trees in the territory / sustainable harvesting (n = 14) |
| Use of pesticides (n = 7) | |||
| Deforestation by landowners (n = 5) | |||
| Fires (n = 2) | |||
| Lack of rain (n = 4) | |||
| Rainfall patterns | Deforestation (n = 20) |
More heat (n = 5) Fewer plants (n = 4) Decrease in crops (subsistence plots) (n = 13) Decrease in babaçu palm production (n = 3) Death of plants and animals (n = 1) |
Store water in tanks and cisterns (n = 16) Drill artesian wells (n = 10) |
| Fires (n = 6) | |||
Table 4.
Causes, consequences, and adaptive strategies related to environmental changes in the Sardinha community, municipality of Timbiras, Maranhão (MA), Brazil
| Sardinha community | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Category | Causes | Consequences | Strategies |
| Flora | Deforestation (n = 25) |
Disappearance of plant species (n = 26) Increased sensation of heat (n = 4) Disappearance of animal species (n = 2) |
Manage crop fields (n = 22) Avoid deforestation (n = 5) Talk about the importance of not deforesting (n = 5) |
| Fires (n = 7) | |||
| Fauna | Deforestation (n = 22) | Disappearance of animal species (n = 22) |
Reduce or stop consumption (n = 19) Prohibit hunting in the community (n = 7) Raise awareness among visitors (n = 6) |
| Fires (n = 10) | |||
| Soil | Deforestation (n = 20) |
Infertile soil (n = 12) Low amount of food collected (n = 10) |
Change crop management practices (n = 22) Practice crop rotation (n = 10) |
| Fires (n = 12) | |||
| The babaçu palm | Irregular felling by landowners (n = 11) |
Smaller palms (n = 6) Lower palm productivity (n = 6) Fewer babaçu products (n = 10) |
Practice sustainable extraction (n = 9) Cultivate babaçu palms (n = 5) Raise awareness about the importance of babaçu (n = 10) Extract in more distant areas (n = 10) |
| Deforestation (n = 12) | |||
| Fires (n = 8) | |||
| Rainfall patterns | Deforestation (n = 20) |
Increased sensation of heat (n = 10) Damage to plants, animals, and babaçu groves (n = 10) Decrease in food production (n = 12) |
Use artesian wells (n = 12) Use cisterns (n = 10) |
| Fires (n = 12) | |||
In both communities, deforestation was identified as the main cause of the observed environmental changes, often associated with the actions of rural landowners, the use of fire, and the application of pesticides. Among the main consequences reported were the disappearance of plant and animal species, soil infertility, reduced agricultural production, and decreased availability of babassu.
The adaptive strategies mentioned included planting seedlings, protecting babassu palms, crop rotation, reducing hunting, storing water in cisterns and water tanks, as well as awareness-raising actions aimed at conserving natural resources [29].
The Sardinha community exhibited a greater diversity of adaptive strategies, particularly those related to the protection of babassu groves, agricultural management, and water storage. In the Alegria community, strategies were mainly associated with protecting palms, soil management, and the recovery of local vegetation.
Risk perception and adaptive responses
The results showed that risk perception did not exert a statistically significant influence on the adoption of adaptive strategies in either of the communities or environmental categories assessed (Table 5).
Table 5.
Results of the logistic regression analysis that evaluated the relationship between the perception of risk regarding environmental changes and the adoption of adaptive strategies in the Alegria Community, located in the municipality of Timbiras, Maranhão state, Brazil
| Environmental change | Coefficient (PR) | p-value | CI - | CI + |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Flora | 1.041 | 0.347 | -1.128 | 3.211 |
| Fauna | -0.37 | 0.625 | -1.852 | 1.112 |
| Soil | -0.069 | 0.943 | -1.967 | 1.829 |
| The Babaçu palm | 1.03 | 0.241 | -0.692 | 2.751 |
| Rainfall patterns | 0.539 | 0.527 | -1.131 | 2.209 |
PR – Perceived Risk. CI – Confidence Interval. Significance level: p < 0.05
However, our results showed a positive and significant correlation between the mean perceived risks and the diversity of adaptive strategies reported (ρ = 0.686; p = 0.028) (Fig. 2). Furthermore, the Sardinha community exhibited a greater diversity of strategies when compared to the Alegria community, indicating differences in the way communities respond to the observed environmental changes.
Fig. 2.
Relationship between perceived risk and number of adaptive strategies adopted in the two evaluated communities, Sardinha and Alegria, in Timbiras, Maranhão state, Brazil. Authors, 2025
Effects of socioeconomic variables and community context on risk perception and adaptive strategies
The results indicated that age and years of experience in babassu extraction activities influenced risk perception in some specific situations. For the flora category, both age (coef. = -0.044; p = 0.034) and years of experience (coef. = 0.047; p = 0.021) had a significant effect. For rainfall patterns, only years of experience showed a significant effect (coef. = -0.03; p = 0.039). In some categories, community context also had a significant influence, especially for fauna, soil, and rainfall patterns, where residing in Sardinha was statistically significant (Table 6).
Table 6.
Results of the multiple linear regression analysis on the influence of socioeconomic factors on the perception of risk attributed to changes in flora, fauna, soil, in the babaçu palm, and in rainfall patterns in the communities of Alegria and Sardinha, municipality of Timbiras, Maranhão (MA), Brazil. * indicates p-values < 0.05
| Flora | Fauna | Soil | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Coefficient | p-value | Coefficient | p-value | Coefficient | p-value | |
| Intercept | 4.962 | 0.0* | 4.048 | 0.0* | 4.913 | 0.0* |
| Income[T. a minimum wage] | -0.284 | 0.127 | -0.097 | 0.546 | -0.159 | 0.349 |
| Community[T.Sardinha] | -0.079 | 0.657 | 0.502 | 0.002* | -1.137 | 0.0* |
| Age | -0.044 | 0.034* | 0.006 | 0.727 | -0.006 | 0.767 |
| Years of experience | 0.047 | 0.021* | 0.0 | 0.984 | 0.006 | 0.725 |
| Education level | 0.041 | 0.117 | -0.02 | 0.389 | -0.026 | 0.27 |
| The Babaçu palm | Rainfall | |||||
| Coefficient | p-value | Coefficient | p-value | |||
| Intercept | 4.651 | 0.0* | 4.525 | 0.0* | ||
| Income[T. a minimum wage] | -0.003 | 0.985 | -0.02 | 0.879 | ||
| Community[T.Sardinha] | 0.018 | 0.899 | -0.421 | 0.001* | ||
| Age | 0.001 | 0.952 | 0.025 | 0.091 | ||
| Years of experience | -0.0 | 0.983 | -0.03 | 0.039* | ||
| Education level | -0.003 | 0.871 | -0.005 | 0.774 | ||
None of the socioeconomic variables analyzed had a significant effect on risk perception related to babassu (Table 6). This result indicates that perceptions regarding this species were relatively homogeneous among participants, regardless of the socioeconomic characteristics assessed.
The results also indicated that only the Community variable (Sardinha) had a significant effect on the adoption of adaptive strategies related to babassu (coef. = 1.979; p = 0.04). None of the other socioeconomic variables showed a statistically significant influence on the remaining environmental categories assessed (Table 7).
Table 7.
Results of the binomial logistic regression model on the influence of socioeconomic factors on the adoption of adaptive strategies in response to changes in flora, fauna, soil, in the Babaçu palm, and rainfall in the communities of Alegria and Sardinha, municipality of Timbiras, Maranhão (MA), Brazil
| Flora | Fauna | Soil | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Coefficient | p-value | Coefficient | p-value | Coefficient | p-value | |
| Intercept | -0.065 | 0.973 | 0.65 | 0.728 | 0.912 | 0.643 |
| Income [T.a minimum wage] | -0.656 | 0.391 | -0.306 | 0.675 | -0.779 | 0.296 |
| Community [T.Sardinha] | -1.266 | 0.104 | -0.475 | 0.498 | 0.143 | 0.843 |
| Age | -0.004 | 0.956 | -0.085 | 0.275 | -0.098 | 0.219 |
| Years of experience | 0.053 | 0.485 | 0.124 | 0.103 | 0.111 | 0.158 |
| Education level | 0.085 | 0.437 | 0.065 | 0.541 | 0.228 | 0.065 |
| The babaçu palm | Rainfall | |||||
| Coefficient | p-value | Coefficient | p-value | |||
| Intercept | -0.196 | 0.94 | 0.396 | 0.828 | ||
| Income [T.a minimum wage] | -0.235 | 0.782 | -0.519 | 0.454 | ||
| Community [T.Sardinha] | 1.979 | 0.04* | 0.03 | 0.964 | ||
| Age | -0.087 | 0.351 | -0.071 | 0.343 | ||
| Years of experience | 0.128 | 0.161 | 0.088 | 0.231 | ||
| Education level | 0.15 | 0.327 | 0.176 | 0.107 | ||
Overall, the results suggest that socioeconomic factors exerted limited influence on the adoption of adaptive strategies, although they did affect risk perception in some specific environmental categories.
Discussion
Risk perception and diversification of adaptive strategies
Our results partially support Hypothesis 1, which proposed that greater perception of environmental risk is associated with a higher probability and greater diversity of adaptive strategies. Although no statistically significant association was found between risk perception and the adoption of adaptive strategies, a positive and significant relationship was observed between perceived risk and the diversity of adaptive strategies reported, even though respondents cited a greater number of adaptive strategies for categories that presented higher perceived risk. These results reinforce the complexity of adaptation in traditional contexts. In situations of vulnerability and continuous pressure, awareness of risk does not necessarily translate into adaptive action, as institutional barriers, historical conflicts, and the absence of social trust influence possible responses [17, 30, 31].
According to Slovic [15], risk perception is shaped not only by cognitive assessments but also by emotional and cultural factors and previous experiences. The cultural theory of risk [32] complements this view by demonstrating that the social and symbolic organization of communities influences which risks are perceived as more relevant and which responses are considered legitimate. The absence of statistical significance is partly explained because most participants reported adopting at least one adaptive strategy regardless of their level of perceived risk. In other words, adaptation does not depend exclusively on the conscious assessment of environmental threats, but also on the historical incorporation of adaptive practices into daily life, supported by shared ecological memories [33, 34].
The theory of socio-ecological resilience [35] contributes to understanding this process, demonstrating that ecological and cultural diversity can function as mechanisms that expand the repertoire of responses available to communities facing environmental disturbances. This finding reinforces the hypothesis that adaptation is not a merely reactive process but results from the combination of perception, collective memory, and historical experience. Several studies have demonstrated that the higher the perceived risk, the greater the diversity of responses tends to be, as elaborated by communities. Magalhães et al. [18] in agroecosystems of the Brazilian semiarid region, observed that farmers who identified more severe climate risks were also those who adopted a more varied repertoire of adaptive practices. Similarly, Adger et al. [36] emphasize that environmental threats perceived as more intensely mobilize not only immediate responses but also collective and diversified strategies, associated with social cohesion and community capital. The theory of socio-ecological resilience [35] contributes to understanding this process, demonstrating that social and cultural systems rooted in traditional knowledge can respond with multiple strategies in the face of environmental changes. This view also resonates with the concept of functional agrobiodiversity [37].
Therefore, these results demonstrate that the perception of higher risk does not merely translate into abstract concern but into a practical diversification of adaptive responses, in processes that integrate traditional knowledge, social networks, and collective experiences, in line with what has been observed in other socio-ecological contexts [18, 19].
Socioeconomic variables and context-dependent vulnerability
The results refute most of the predictions of our Hypothesis 2, which stated that “socioeconomic variables influence risk perception and adaptive responses: greater age and longer experience in babassu extraction are expected to increase environmental risk perception and the probability of adopting adaptive strategies, whereas lower income and lower education levels are expected to constrain adaptive responses”. Only age and years of experience influenced risk perception in some environmental categories, whereas income and education level did not show statistically significant effects. These findings suggest that the perception of environmental changes is shaped less by socioeconomic characteristics alone and more by accumulated experiences and the daily interaction of individuals with their environment.
Practical experience in babaçu extraction appears to play an important role in recognizing environmental transformations. This result is consistent with the concept of Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK), understood as a body of knowledge developed through continuous observation, daily practices, and intergenerational transmission [14]. Such knowledge enables individuals to identify subtle changes in ecological processes, often before they become evident through conventional monitoring approaches [14].
In contrast, age showed a negative relationship with risk perception in some situations. This pattern may be associated with the normalization of environmental impacts, in which individuals exposed to environmental degradation over long periods tend to perceive such changes as part of the natural dynamics of the landscape [38, 39]. Similar results have been reported in studies demonstrating that cognitive and emotional factors influence how environmental risks are interpreted [40].
The results also highlight the importance of territorial context in shaping environmental perceptions. In the Alegria community, conflicts related to land use, pesticide exposure, and restrictions on access to natural resources contribute to a greater perception of risks associated with soil degradation and biodiversity loss. As argued by Leichenko et al. [41], territory is not merely a physical space, but also a social and symbolic arena in which identities, experiences, and power relations are constructed.
In Sardinha, where community organization is more consolidated and external pressures are comparatively lower, perceptions of environmental change appear more evenly distributed across categories. This suggests that environmental risks are interpreted within a context of greater territorial stability and collective support, reducing the concentration of concern in specific environmental dimensions.
Taken together, these findings indicate that vulnerability is not determined solely by socioeconomic variables. Rather, it emerges from the interaction between individual characteristics, accumulated experience, territorial context, and cultural values. Therefore, policies aimed at strengthening adaptive capacity should recognize the diversity of local realities and promote dialogue between scientific knowledge and traditional ecological knowledge, as recommended by Santos [42] and Cinner [43].
Community organization and adaptive capacity
In the Sardinha community, a greater diversity of adaptive strategies was observed, directly associated with the organizational strength of the coconut breakers’ association and with participation in social movement networks, such as the Interstate Movement of Babaçu Coconut Breakers (MIQCB) and the Interstate Cooperative of Babaçu Coconut Breakers (CIMQCB). These organizations contribute to the dissemination of sustainable practices and facilitate access to markets, social technologies, and institutional support, strengthening both responses to environmental threats and the political autonomy of women. This corroborates the expectations of Hypothesis 3, which stated that “community context is expected to influence adaptive responses, as stronger social organization through babaçu coconut breakers’ associations may enhance the capacity to cope with environmental changes.
In Alegria, although the context is marked by territorial conflicts, pesticide use, and difficulties in accessing water resources, families also demonstrated important adaptive practices, including fruit collection management, crop rotation, fallowing systems, and the use of native species for soil recovery. These practices indicate that, even under conditions of greater vulnerability, residents mobilize adaptive responses based on accumulated experience and knowledge transmitted across generations. According to Santos [26], collective practices such as mutual aid and community cooperation have functioned as important mechanisms for coping with environmental pressures associated with agribusiness expansion.
The differences observed between the two communities reinforce the importance of social organization in shaping adaptive capacity. Communities organized through networks of trust and cooperation tend to exhibit greater adaptive efficiency, as social cohesion facilitates the circulation of information, the diffusion of innovative practices, and collective decision-making processes [44]. Likewise, engagement in territorial networks expands opportunities for learning, access to resources, and collective responses to environmental challenges [45].
These findings are consistent with studies that highlight the role of TEK and socio-ecological resilience in supporting adaptive processes in traditional communities [14]. In Sardinha, adaptive strategies were more diversified and collectively organized, particularly regarding the protection and management of babaçu groves, corroborating with findings that emphasize the importance of community organization in strengthening socio-environmental resilience [46]. In Alegria, territorial conflicts and the historical marginalization of local knowledge create additional barriers to collective action, although important forms of resistance continue to persist.
Overall, our results suggest that adaptive capacity is more strongly associated with social capital, community cohesion, ecological memory, and collective organization than with individual socioeconomic characteristics such as income and education level [22, 47]. Adaptive resilience therefore emerges as a socio-cultural process rooted in shared experiences, cooperation networks, and community-based environmental management. These findings reinforce the need for public policies that strengthen local organizations, protect territorial rights, and support collective initiatives capable of enhancing the adaptive capacity of traditional socio-ecological systems.
Conclusion
This study evidenced that adaptation in extractivist communities, such as Alegria and Sardinha, does not occur in a linear or automatic manner in response to risk perception. The hypothesis that a greater perception of environmental risk would directly lead to the adoption of adaptive strategies was not confirmed, reinforcing that adaptive decisions involve historical, political, cultural, and community factors that go beyond individual cognitive assessments of environmental threats.
On the other hand, Hypothesis 1 was partially supported, as higher levels of perceived risk were associated with a greater diversity of adaptive strategies, although risk perception did not directly predict the adoption of adaptive strategies. This finding indicates that the collective perception of environmental threats can stimulate broader and more diversified responses, contributing to the construction of adaptive repertoires capable of dealing with environmental change.
It was also observed that age and practical experience influence risk perception regarding changes in flora and rainfall patterns. Hypothesis 3 revealed that belonging to the Sardinha community was the only variable significantly associated with the adoption of adaptive strategies related to babaçu, highlighting the importance of community organization, collective action, and territorial context in shaping adaptive capacity. This result reinforces the role of local institutions and social networks as key elements in strengthening resilience among traditional populations.
Overall, the results demonstrate that adaptation strategies in extractivist territories are conditioned by collective factors, including community governance, social articulation, environmental conflicts, and access to essential resources such as water, land, and public policies. Communities that strengthen these dimensions tend to have a greater capacity to develop and implement adaptive responses in the face of environmental and climatic changes.
In this sense, public policies for climate adaptation and ecological conservation should consider the territorial and cultural context of local populations as central elements of intervention. Recognizing traditional knowledge as legitimate, strengthening community associations, ensuring access to water and land, and supporting local governance mechanisms are fundamental measures to enhance adaptive capacity and socio-environmental resilience.
Finally, this study demonstrates that adaptive capacity in extractive territories is not determined solely by individual perceptions or socioeconomic variables, but emerges from collective processes anchored in traditional ecological knowledge, social organization, ecological memory, and territorial dynamics. Strengthening community institutions, securing territorial rights, and promoting the integration of traditional and scientific knowledge represent essential pathways for fostering resilience, environmental governance, and socio-environmental justice in vulnerable socio-ecological systems.
Supplementary Information
Acknowledgements
The authors thank the Graduate Program in Biodiversity and Conservation at the Federal University of Maranhão (UFMA) for the academic and institutional support in developing this study. They also thank the participating communities for their receptivity, collaboration, and sharing of knowledge, which were essential for the completion of this work. They also acknowledge the FitoAmazônia Research Network (Pró-Amazônia/CNPq, process 445615/2024-9) and the PPBio Eastern Amazon Research Network (CNPq, process 441189/2023-7) for supporting fieldwork activities. This study was financed in part by the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - Brasil (CAPES) – Finance Code 001.
Abbreviations
- CIMQCB
Interstate Cooperative of Babaçu Coconut Breaker Women
- IPCC
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
- MIQCB
Interstate Movement of Babaçu Coconut Breakers
- NTFPs
Non–Timber Forest Products
- TEK
Traditional Ecological Knowledge
- UFMA
Federal University of Maranhão
Biographies
Jayara de Sousa Lima
Jayara de Sousa Lima: Holds a Masters degree in Biodiversity and Conservation from the Federal University of Maranhão (UFMA), working in the field of Ethnobotany. She holds a degree in Sciences with a qualification in Biology from UFMA and is a specialist in Science and Mathematics Teaching from IFMA, in addition to having training in Environmental Education and Sustainability. She develops research related to biodiversity, traditional knowledge, and environmental education.
Juliana Loureiro Almeida Campos
Juliana Loureiro Almeida Campos: Holds a degree in Biological Sciences (Bachelors and Teaching) from the Federal University of Viçosa (UFV), a Masters degree in Ecology from the Federal Rural University of Pernambuco (UFRPE), and a Ph.D. in Botany from the same institution. She works in the areas of ethnoecology, ethnobotany, and plant population ecology, focusing on the ecological and cultural effects of biodiversity use by different human groups in Latin America. Currently, she is a postdoctoral researcher at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) at the Muséum National dHistoire Naturelle in Paris, France.
André Luiz Borba do Nascimento
André Luiz Borba do Nascimento: Holds a degree in Biological Sciences (Teaching) from the Federal University of Pernambuco (UFPE), a Master’s degree in Ecology, and a Ph.D. in Botany from the Federal Rural University of Pernambuco (UFRPE), with a sandwich period at the University of Exeter (United Kingdom). He completed postdoctoral research at the Laboratory of Ecology and Evolution of Socioecological Systems (LEA/UFPE). He is currently a professor at the Federal University of Maranhão (UFMA), Bacabal Campus, in the Natural Sciences/Biology Teaching program, and a faculty member in the Graduate Program in Biodiversity and Conservation (PPGBC/UFMA). He works in the field of Ethnobiology, with an emphasis on medicinal and food plants, zootherapy, socioecological systems, human ecology, resilience, cultural evolution, and sustainability.
Author contributions
Conceived of the presented idea: JSL, JLAC, ALBN. Carried out the experiment: JSL. Carried out the data analysis: JSL, ALBN. Wrote the first draft of the manuscript: JSL, JLAC, ALBN. Review and final write of the manuscript: JLAC, ALBN. Supervision: JLAC, ALBN. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
Funding
The research was conducted using the authors’ own resources and did not receive specific funding from public or private agencies, or non-profit organizations.
Data availability
No datasets were generated or analysed during the current study.
Declarations
Ethics approval and consent to participate
The research was approved by the Research Ethics Committee of the Federal University of Maranhão (CEP/UFMA), under opinion No. 8,156,763 and CAAE No. 84382124.8.0000.5087. The study was conducted in accordance with Resolution No. 466/2012 of the National Health Council. All participants were informed about the research objectives and signed the Informed Consent Form (TCLE), ensuring voluntary participation, anonymity, and confidentiality of the information.
Consent for publication
Participants provided informed consent by signing an Informed Consent Form (Termo de Consentimento Livre e Esclarecido – TCLE), authorizing the collection, use, and publication of the data obtained in this study.
Competing interests
The authors declare no competing interests.
Footnotes
Publisher’s note
Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
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Supplementary Materials
Data Availability Statement
No datasets were generated or analysed during the current study.